Deipnosophistae

Athenaeus of Naucratis

Athenaeus. The Deipnosophists or Banquet Of The Learned Of Athenaeus. Yonge, Charles Duke, translator. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1854.

Then (for the city had made a proclamation, that it would give a great reward to any one who took him prisoner, or who brought in his head,) this Drimacus, as he became older, calling one of his most intimate friends into a certain place, says to him, 'You know that I have loved you above all men, and you are to me as my child and my son, and as everything else. I now have lived long enough, but you are young and just in the prime of life. What, then, are we to do? You must show yourself a wise and brave man; for, since the city of the Chians offers a great reward to any one who shall kill me, and also promises him his freedom, you must cut off my head, and carry it to Chios, and receive the money which they offer, and so be prosperous.' But when the young man refused, he at last persuaded him to do so; and so he cut off his head, and took it to the Chians, and received from them the rewards which they had offered by proclamation: and, having buried the corpse of Drimacus, he departed to his own country. And the Chians, being again injured and plundered by their slaves, remembering the moderation of him who was dead, erected a Heroum in their country, and called it the shrine of the GENTLE HERO. And even now the runaway slaves bring to that shrine the first-fruits of all the plunder they get; and they say that Drimacus still appears to many of the Chians in their sleep, and informs them beforehand of the stratagems of their slaves who are plotting against them: and to whomsoever he appears, they come to that place, and sacrifice to him, where this shrine is.

Nymphodorus, then, has given this account; but in many copies of his history, I have found that Drimachus is not mentioned by name. But I do not imagine that any one of you is ignorant, either of what the prince of all historians, Herodotus, has related of the Chian Panionium, and of what he justly suffered who castrated free boys and sold them. But Nicolaus the Peripatetic, and Posidonius the Stoic, in their Histories, both state that the Chians were enslaved by Mithridates, the tyrant of Cappadocia; and were given up by him, bound, to their own slaves, for the purpose of being

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transported into the land of the Colchians,—so really angry with them was the Deity, as being the first people who used purchased slaves, while most other nations provided for themselves by their own industry. And, perhaps, this s what the proverb originated in,
A Chian bought a master,
which is used by Eupolis, in his Friends.

But the Athenians, having a prudent regard to the condition of their slaves, made a law that there should be a γραφὴ ὕβρεως, even against men who ill treated their slaves. Accordingly, Hyperides, the orator, in his speech against Mnesitheus, on a charge of αἰκία, says,

They made these laws not only for the protection of freemen, but they enacted also, that even if any one personally ill treated a slave, there should be a power of preferring an indictment against him who had done so.
And Lycurgus made a similar statement, in his first speech against Lycophron; and so did Demosthenes, in his oration against Midias. And Malacus, in his Annals of the Siphnians, relates that some slaves of the Samians colonized Ephesus, being a thousand men in number; who in the first instance revolted against their masters, and fled to the mountain which is in the island, and from thence did great injury to the Samians. But, in the sixth year after these occurrences, the Samians, by the advice of an oracle, made a treaty with the slaves, on certain agreements; and the slaves were allowed to depart uninjured from the island; and, sailing away, they occupied Ephesus, and the Ephesians are descended from these ancestors.

But Chrysippus says that there is a difference between a δοῦλος and οἰκέτης; and he draws the distinction in the second book of his treatise on Similarity of Meaning, because he says that those who have been emancipated are still δοῦλοι, but that the term οἰκέτης is confined to those who are not discharged from servitude; for the οἰκέτης, says he is a δοῦλος, being actually at the time the property of a mast the following are called δοῦλοι, as Clitarchus treatise on Dialects: ἄζοι, [*](῎ἄζος contr. from ἄοζος, a servant, especially belonging to a temple.—L. & S.) and θεράποντες, [*](θεράπων, a servant, in early Greek especially denoting free and honourable service.—L. & S.) and ἀκόλουθοι, [*](ʼἀκόλουθος, as subst., a follower, attendant, footman.—L. & S.)

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and διάκονοι, [*](διάκονος, a servant, a waiting man.—L. & S.) and ὑπήρετα [*](ʽὑπηρέτης, any doer of hard work, a labourer, a helper, assistants underling.—L. & S.) and also πάλμονες and λάτρεις. [*](λάτρις, a workman for hire, a hired servant.—L. & S. N.B. Liddell and Scott omit πάλμων altogether.) And Amerias says, that the slaves who are employed about the fields are called ἕρκιται. And Hermon, in his treatise on the Cretan Dialects, says that slaves of noble birth are called μνῶτες. And Seleucus says, that both men and maid servants are called ἄζοι; and that a female slave is often called ἀποφράση and βολίζη; and that a slave who is the son of a slave is called σίνδρων; and that ἀμφιπόλος is a name properly belonging to a female slave who is about her mistress's person, and that a πρόπολος is one who walks before her mistress.

But Proxenus, in the second book of his treatise on the Lacedæmonian Constitution, says that female servants are called among the Lacedæmonians, Chalcides. But Ion of Chios, in his Laertes, uses the word οἰκέτης as synonymous with δοῦλος, and says—

  1. Alas, O servant, go on wings and close
  2. The house lest any man should enter in.
And Achæus, in his Omphale, speaking of the Satyr, says—
  1. How rich in slaves (εὔδουλος) and how well housed he was (εὔοικος);
using, however, in my opinion, the words εὔδουλος and εὔοικος in a peculiar sense, as meaning rather, good to his slaves and servants, taking εὔοικος from οἰκέτης. And it is generally understood that an οἰκέτης is a servant whose business is confined to the house, and that it is possible he may be a freeborn man.

But the poets of the old comedy, speaking of the old-fashioned way of life, and asserting that in olden time there was no great use of slaves, speak in this way. Cratinus, in his Pluti, says—

  1. As for those men, those heroes old,
  2. Who lived in Saturn's time,
  3. When men did play at dice with loaves,
  4. And Aeginetan cakes
  5. Of barley well and brownly baked
  6. Were roll'd down before men
  7. Who did in the palæstra toil,
  8. Full of hard lumps of dough . . . .
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And Crates says, in his Beasts—
  1. A. Then no one shall possess or own
  2. One male or female slave,
  3. But shall himself, though ne'er so old,
  4. Labour for all his needs.
  5. B. Not so, for I will quickly make
  6. These matters all come right.
  7. A. And what will your plans do for us?
  8. B. Why everything you call for
  9. Should of its own accord come forth,
  10. As if now you should say,
  11. O table, lay yourself for dinner,
  12. And spread a cloth upon you.
  13. You kneading-trough, prepare some dough;
  14. You cyathus, pour forth wine;
  15. Where is the cup? come hither, cup,
  16. And empt and wash yourself.
  17. Come up, O cake. You sir, you dish,
  18. Here, bring me up some beetroot.
  19. Come hither, fish. "I can't, for I
  20. Am raw on t' other side."
  21. Well, turn round then and baste yourself
  22. With oil and melted butter.
And immediately after this the man who takes up the opposite side of the argument says—
  1. But argue thus: I on the other hand
  2. Shall first of all bring water for the hot baths
  3. On columns raised as through the Pæonium[*](The Pæonium, if that is the proper reading, appears to have been a place in Athens where there were pillars on which an aqueduct was supported. But there is a doubt about the reading.)
  4. Down to the sea, so that the stream shall flow
  5. Direct to every private person's bath.
  6. Then he shall speak and check the flowing water.
  7. Then too an alabaster box of ointment
  8. Shall of its own accord approach the bather,
  9. And sponges suitable, and also slippers.

And Teleclides puts it better than the man whom I have just quoted, in his Amphictyons, where he says—

  1. I will tell you now the life
  2. Which I have prepared for men.
  3. First of all the lovely Peace
  4. Everywhere was always by,
  5. Like spring water which is poured
  6. O'er the hands of feasted guests.
  7. The earth produced no cause for fear,
  8. No pains and no diseases.
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  10. And everything a man could want
  11. Came forth unask'd for to him.
  12. The streams all ran with rosy wine,
  13. And barley-cakes did fight
  14. With wheaten loaves which first could reach
  15. A hungry man's open mouth.
  16. And each entreated to be eaten;
  17. If men loved dainty whiteness.
  18. Fish too came straight unto men's doors,
  19. And fried themselves all ready,
  20. Dish'd themselves up, and stood before
  21. The guests upon the tables.
  22. A stream of soup did flow along
  23. In front of all the couches,
  24. Rolling down lumps of smoking meat;
  25. And rivulets of white sauce
  26. Brought to all such as chose to eat
  27. The sweetest forced-meat balls.
  28. So that there was no lack, but all
  29. Did eat whate'er they wanted.
  30. Dishes there were of boil'd meat too,
  31. And sausages likewise and pasties;
  32. And roasted thrushes and rissoles
  33. Flew down men's throats spontaneously.
  34. Then there were sounds of cheesecakes too
  35. Crush'd in men's hungry jaws:
  36. While the boys play'd with dainty bits
  37. Of tripe, and paunch, and liver.
  38. No wonder men did on such fare
  39. Get stout and strong as giants.

And in the name of Ceres, my companions, if these things went on in this way, I should like to know what need we should have of servants. But the ancients, accustoming us to provide for ourselves, instructed us by their actions while they feasted us in words. But I, in order to show you in what manner succeeding poets (since the most admirable Cratinus brandished the before-cited verses like a torch) imitated and amplified them, have quoted these plays in the order in which they were exhibited. And if I do not annoy you, (for as for the Cynics I do not care the least bit for them,) I will quote to you some sentences from the other poets, taking them also in regular order; one of which is that strictest Atticist of all, namely, Pherecrates; who in his Miners says—

  1. A. But all those things were heap'd in confusion
  2. By o'ergrown wealth, abounding altogether
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  4. In every kind of luxury. There were rivers
  5. With tender pulse and blackest soup o'erflowing,
  6. Which ran down brawling through the narrow dishes,
  7. Bearing the crusts and spoons away in the flood.
  8. Then there were dainty closely kneaded cakes;
  9. So that the food, both luscious and abundant,
  10. Descended to the gullets of the dead.
  11. There were black-puddings and large boiling slices
  12. Of well-mix'd sausages, which hiss'd within
  13. The smoking streamlet in the stead of oysters.
  14. There too were cutlets of broil'd fish well season'd
  15. With sauce of every kind, and cook, and country.
  16. There were huge legs of pork, most tender meat,
  17. Loading enormous platters; and boil'd pettitoes
  18. Sending a savoury steam; and paunch of ox;
  19. And well-cured chine oporker, red with salt,
  20. A dainty dish, on fried meat balls upraised.
  21. There too were cakes of groats well steep'd in milk,
  22. In large flat dishes, and rich plates of beestings.
  23. B. Alas, you will destroy me. Why do you
  24. Remain here longer, when you thus may dive
  25. Just as you are beneath deep Tartarus?
  26. A. What will you say then when you hear the rest?
  27. For roasted thrushes nicely brown'd and hot
  28. Flew to the mouths o' the guests, entreating them
  29. To deign to swallow them, besprinkled o'er
  30. With myrtle leaves and flowers of anemone,
  31. And plates of loveliest apples hung around
  32. Above our heads, hanging in air as it seem'd.
  33. And maidens in the most transparent robes,
  34. Just come to womanhood, and crowned with roses,
  35. Did through a strainer pour red mantling cups
  36. Of fragrant wine for all who wish'd to drink.
  37. And whatsoe'er each guest did eat or drink
  38. Straight reappear'd in twofold quantity.

And in his Persians he says—

  1. But what need, I pray you now,
  2. Have we of all you ploughmen,
  3. Or carters, mowers, reapers too,
  4. Or coopers, or brass-founders?
  5. What need we seed, or furrow's line?
  6. For of their own accord
  7. Rivers do flow down every road
  8. (Though half choked up with comfits)
  9. Of rich black soup, which rolls along
  10. Within its greasy flood
  11. Achilles's fat barley-cake,
  12. And streams of sauce which flow
  13. Straight down from Plutus's own springs,
  14. For all the guests to relish.
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  16. Meantime Jove rains down fragrant wine,
  17. As if it were a bath,
  18. And from the roof red strings of grapes
  19. Hang down, with well made cakes,
  20. Water'd the while with smoking soup,
  21. And mix'd with savoury omelets.
  22. E'en all the trees upon the hills
  23. Will put forth leaves of paunches,
  24. Kids' paunches, and young cuttle-fish,
  25. And smoking roasted thrushes.

And why need I quote in addition to this the passages from the Tagenistæ of the incomparable Aristophanes? And as to the passage in the Acharnenses, you are all of you full of it. And when I have just repeated the passage out of the Thurio-Persse of Metagenes I will say no more, and discard all notice of the Sirens of Nicophon, in which we find the following lines—

  1. Let it now snow white cakes of pulse;
  2. Let loaves arise like dew; let it rain soup;
  3. Let gravy roll down lumps of meat i' the roads,
  4. And cheese-cakes beg the wayfarer to eat them.
But Metagenes says this—
  1. The river Crathis bears down unto us
  2. Huge barley-cakes, self-kneaded and self-baked.
  3. The other river, called the Sybaris,
  4. Rolls on large waves of meat and sausages,
  5. And boiled rays all wriggling the same way.
  6. And all these lesser streamlets flow along
  7. With roasted cuttle-fish, and crabs, and lobsters;
  8. And, on the other side, with rich black-puddings
  9. And forced-meat stuffings; on the other side
  10. Are herbs and lettuces, and fried bits of pastry.
  11. Above, fish cut in slices and self-boil'd
  12. Rush to the mouth; some fall before one's feet,
  13. And dainty cheese-cakes swim around us everywhere.
And I know too that the Thurio-Persæ and the play of Nicophon were never exhibited at all; on which account I mentioned them last.

Democritus now having gone through this statement distinctly and intelligently, all the guests praised him; but Cynulcus said,—O messmates, I was exceedingly hungry, and Democritus has given me no unpleasant feast; carrying me across rivers of ambrosia and nectar. And I, having my mind watered by them, have now become still more exceedingly hungry, having hitherto swallowed nothing but words; so that now it is time to desist from this interminable discussion,

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and, as the Pæanian orator says, to take some of these things,
which if they do not put strength into a man, at all events prevent his dying
  1. For in an empty stomach there's no room
  2. For love of beauteous objects, since fair Venus
  3. Is always hostile to a hungry man;
as Achæus says in Aethon, a satyric drama. An it was borrowing from him that the wise Euripides wrote—
  1. Venus abides in fulness, and avoids
  2. The hungry stomach.
And Ulpian, who was always fond of contradicting him, said in reply to this,—But still,
  1. The market is of herbs and loaves too full.
But you, you dog, are always hungry, and do not allow us to partake of, or I should rather say devour, good discussion in sufficient plenty: for good and wise conversation is the food of the mind. And then turning to the servant he said, —O Leucus, if you have any remnants of bread, give them to the dogs. And Cynulcus rejoined,—If I had been invited here only to listen to discussions, I should have taken care to come when the forum was full;[*](In the Greek, ἀγορᾶς πληθυούσης, which is a phrase also commonly used in Greek for the forenoon, when the market-place was full, and the ordinary business was going on.) for that is the time which one of the wise men mentioned to me as the hour for declamations, and the common people on that account have called it πληθαγόρα:
  1. But if we are to bathe and sup on words,
  2. Then I my share contribute as a listener;
as Menander says; on which account I give you leave, you glutton, to eat your fill of this kind of food—
  1. But barley dearer is to hungry men
  2. Than gold or Libyan ivory;
as Achæus the Eretrian says in his Cycnus.

And when Cynulcus had said this, he was on the point of rising up to depart; but turning round and seeing a quantity of fish, and a large provision of all sorts of other eatables being brought in, beating the pillow with his hand, he shouted out,—

  1. Gird thyself up, O poverty, and bear
  2. A little longer with these foolish babblers,
  3. For copious food and hunger sharp subdues thee.
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But I now, by reason of my needy condition, do not speak dithyrambic poems, as Socrates says, but even epic poems too. For, reciting poems is very hungry work. For, accord ing to Ameipsias, who said in his Sling, where he utters a prediction about you, O Laurentius,—
  1. There are none of the rich men
  2. In the least like you, by Vulcan,
  3. Who enjoy a dainty table,
  4. And who every day can eat
  5. All delicacies that you wish.
  6. For now, I see a thing beyond belief—
  7. A prodigy; all sorts of kinds of fish
  8. Sporting around this cape-tenches and char,
  9. White and red mullet, rays, and perch, and eels,
  10. Tunnies, and blacktails, and cuttle-fish, and pipe-fish,
  11. And hake, and cod, and lobsters, crabs and scorpions;
as Heniochus says in his Busybody; I must, therefore, as the comic poet Metagenes says—
  1. Without a sign his knife the hungry draws,
  2. And asks no omen but his supper's cause—
endure and listen to what more you have all got to say.

And when he was silent, Masyrius said,—But since some things have still been left unsaid in our discussion on servants, I will myself also contribute some

melody on love
to the wise and much loved Democritus. Philippus of Theangela, in his treatise on the Carians and Leleges, having made mention of the Helots of the Lacedæmonians and of the Thessalian Penestæ, says,
The Carians also, both in former times, and down to the present day, use the Leleges as slaves.
But Phylarchus, in the sixth book of his History, says that the Byzantians used the Bithynians in the same manner, just as the Lacedæmonians do the Helots. But respecting those who among the Lacedæmonians are called Epeunacti, and they also are slaves, Theopompus gives a very clear account in the thirty-second book of his History, speaking as follows:—
When many of the Lacedæmonians had been slain in the war against the Messenians, those who were left being afraid lest their enemies should become aware of their desolate condition, put some of the Helots into the beds of those who were dead; and afterwards they made those men citizens, and called them Epeunacti, because they had been put into the beds[*](From ἐπὶ, and εὐνὴ, a bed.) of those who were dead instead of them.
And the
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same writer also tells us, in the thirty-third book of his History, that among the Sicyonians there are some slaves who are called Catonacophori, being very similar to the Epeunacti. And Menæchmus gives a similar account in his History of the affairs of Sicyon, and says that there are some slaves called Catonacophori, who very much resemble the Epeunacti. And again, Theopompus, in the second book of his Philippics, says that the Arcadians had three hundred thousand slaves, whom they called Prospelatæ, like the Helots.

But the class called Mothaces among the Lacedæmonians are freemen, but still not citizens of Lacedæmon. And Phylarchus speaks of them thus, in the twenty-fifth book of his History—

But the Mothaces are foster-brothers of Lacedæmonian citizens. For each of the sons of the citizens has one or two, or even more foster-brothers, according as their circumstances admit. The Mothaces are freemen then, but still not Lacedæmonian citizens; but they shard all the education which is given to the free citizens; and they say that Lysander, who defeated the Athenians in the naval battle, was one of that class, having been made a citizen on account of his preeminent valour.
And Myron of Priene, in the second book of his history of the Affairs of Messene, says,
The Lacedæmonians often emancipated their slaves, and some of them when emancipated they called Aphetæ,[*](ʼἀφέτης, from ἀφίημι, to liberate.) and some they called Adespoti,[*](ʼἀδέσποτος, from α, not, and δεσπότης, a master.) and some they called Erycteres, and others they called Desposionaute,[*](δεσποσιοναύτης, from δεσπότης, and ναύτης, a sailor) whom they put on board their fleets, and some they called Neodamodes,[*](νεοδαμώδης, from νεὸς, new, and δῆμος, people.) but all these were different people from the Helots.
And Theopompus, in the seventh book of his history of the Affairs of Greece, speaking of the Helots that they were also called Eleatæ, writes as follows:—"But the nation of the Helote is altogether a fierce and cruel race. For they are people who have been enslaved a long time ago by the Spar- tans, some of them being Messenians, and some Eleatæ, who formerly dwelt in that part of Laconia called Helos.

But Timæus of Tauromenium, forgetting himself, (and Polybius the Megalopolitan attacks him for the assertion,

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in the twelfth book of his Histories,) says that it is not usual for the Greeks to possess slaves. But the same man, writing under the name of Epitimæus, (and this is what Ister the pupil of Callimachus calls him in the treatise which he wrote against him,) says that Mnason the Phocian had more than a thousand slaves. And in the third book of his History, Epitimæus said that the city of the Corinthians was so flourishing that it possessed four hundred and sixty thousand slaves. On which account I imagine it was that the Pythian priestess called them The People who measured with a Chœnix. But Ctesicles, in the third book of his Chronicles, says that in the hundred and fifteenth Olympiad, there was an investigation at Athens conducted by Demetrius Phalereus into the number of the inhabitants of Attica, and the Athenians were found to amount, to twenty-one thousand, and the Metics to ten thousand, and the slaves to four hundred thousand. But Nicias the son of Niceratus, as that admirable writer Xenophon has said in his book on Revenues, when he had a thousand servants, let them out to Sosias the Thracian to work in the silver mines, on condition of his paying him an obol a day for every one of them. And Aristotle, in his history of the Constitution of the Aeginetæ, says that the Aeginetans had four hundred and seventy thousand slaves. But Agatharchides the Cnidian, in the thirty-eighth book of his history of the Affairs of Europe, says that the Dardanians had great numbers of slaves, some of them having a thousand, and some even more; and that in time of peace they were all employed in the cultivation of the land; but that in time of war they were all divided into regiments, each set of slaves having their own master for their commander.

After all these statements, Laurentius rose up and said,—But each of the Romans (and this is a fact with which you are well acquainted, my friend Masyrius) had a great many slaves. For many of them had ten thousand or twenty thousand, or even a greater number, not for the purposes of income, as the rich Nicias had among the Greeks; but the greater part of the Romans when they go forth have a large retinue of slaves accompanying them. And out of the myriads of Attic slaves, the greater part worked in the mines, being kept in chains: at all events Posidonius, whom you are often quoting, the philosopher I mean, says that once

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they revolted and put to death the guards of the mines; and that they seized on the Acropolis on Sunium, and that for a very long time they ravaged Attica. And this was the time when the second revolt of the slaves took place in Sicily. And there were many revolts of the slaves, and more than a million of slaves were destroyed in them. And Cæcilius, the orator from Cale Acte, wrote a treatise on the Servile Wars. And Spartacus the gladiator, having escaped from Capua, a city of Italy, about the time of the Mithridatic war, prevailed on a great body of slaves to join him in the revolt, (and he himself was a slave, being a Thracian by birth,) and overran the whole of Italy for a considerable time, great numbers of slaves thronging daily to his standard. And if he had not died in a battle fought against Licinius Crassus, he would have caused no ordinary trouble to our countrymen, as Eunus did in Sicily.

But the ancient Romans were prudent citizens, and eminent for all kinds of good qualities. Accordingly Scipio, surnamed Africanus, being sent out by the Senate to arrange all the kingdoms of the world, in order that they might be put into the hands of those to whom they properly belonged, took with him only five slaves, as we are informed by Polybius and Posidonius. And when one of them died on the journey, he sent to his agents at home to bring him another instead of him, and to send him to him. And Julius Cæsar, the first man who ever crossed over to the British isles with a thousand vessels, had with him only three servants altogether, as Cotta, who at that time acted as his lieutenant-general, relates in his treatise on the History and Constitution of the Romans, which is written in our national language. But Smindyrides the Sybarite was a very different sort of man, my Greek friends, who, when he went forth to marry Agaroste, the daughter of Cleisthenes, carried his luxury and ostentation to such a height, that he took with him a thousand slaves, fishermen, bird-catchers, and cooks. But this man, wishing to display how magnificently he was used to live, according to the account given to us by Chamæleon of Pontus, in his book on Pleasure, (but the same book is also attribute to Theophrastus,) said that for twenty years he had never seen the sun rise or set; and this he considered a great and marvellous proof of his wealth and happiness. For he, as it seems, used

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to go to bed early in the morning, and to get up in the even- ing, being in my opinion a miserable man in both particulars. But Histiæus of Pontus boasted, and it was an honourable boast, that he had never once seen the sun rise or set, because he had been at all times intent upon study, as we are told by Nicias of Nicæa in his Successions.

What then are we to think? Had not Scipio and Caesar any slaves? To be sure they had, but they abided by the laws of their country, and lived with moderation, preserving the habits sanctioned by the constitution. For it is the conduct of prudent men to abide by those ancient institutions under which they and their ancestors have lived, and made war upon and subdued the rest of the world; and yet, at the same time, if there were any useful or honourable institutions among the people whom they have subdued, those they take for their imitation at the same time that they take the prisoners. And this was the conduct of the Romans in olden time; for they, maintaining their national customs, at the same time introduced from the nations whom they had subdued every relic of desirable practices which they found, leaving what was useless to them, so that they should never be able to regain what they had lost. Accordingly they learnt from the Greeks the use of all machines and engines for conducting sieges; and with those engines they subdued the very people of whom they had learnt them. And when the Phœnicians had made many discoveries in nautical science, the Romans availed themselves of these very discoveries to subdue them. And from the Tyrrhenians they derived the practice of the entire army advancing to battle in close phalanx; and from the Samnites they learnt the use of the shield, and from the Iberians the use of the javelin. And learning different things from different people, they improved upon them: and imitating in everything the constitution of the Lacedæmonians, they preserved it better than the Lacedæmonians themselves; but now, having selected whatever was useful from the practices of their enemies, they have at the same time turned aside to imitate them in what is vicious and mischievous.

For, as Posidonius tells us, their national mode of life was originally temperate and simple, and they used everything which they possessed in an unpretending and unosten-

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tatious manner. Moreover they displayed wonderful piety towards the Deity, and great justice, and great care to behave equitably towards all men, and great diligence in cultivating the earth. And we may see this from the national sacrifices which we celebrate. For we proceed by ways regularly settled and defined. So that we bear regularly appointed offerings, and we utter regular petitions in our prayers, an we perform stated acts in all our sacred ceremonies. They are also simple and plain. And we do all this without being either clothed or attired as to our persons in any extraordinary manner, and without indulging in any extraordinary pomp when offering the first-fruits. But we wear simple garments and shoes, and on our heads we have rough hats made of the skins of sheep, and we carry vessels to minister in of earthenware and brass. And in these vessels we carry those meats and liquors which are procured with the least trouble, thinking it absurd to send offerings to the gods in accordance with our national customs, but to provide for ourselves according to foreign customs. And, therefore, all the things which are expended upon ourselves are measured by their use; but what we offer. to the gods are a sort of first- fruits of them.

Now Mucius Scævola was one of the three men in Rome who were particular in their observance of the Fannian law; Quintus Aelius Tubero and Rutilius Rufus being the other two, the latter of whom is the man who wrote the History of his country. Which law enjoined men not to entertain more than three people besides those in the house; but on market-days a man might entertain five. And these market-days happened three times in the month. The law also forbade any one to spend in provisions more than two drachmæ and a half. And they were allowed to spend fifteen talents a-year on cured meat and whatever vegetables the earth produces, and on boiled pulse. But as this allowance was insufficient, men gradually (because those who transgressed the law and spent money lavishly raised the price of whatever was to be bought) advanced to a more liberal style of living without violating the law. For Tubero used to buy birds at a drachma a-piece from the men who lived on his own farms. And Rutilius used to buy fish from his own slaves who worked as fishermen for three obols for a pound of fish;

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especially when he could get what is called the Thurian; and that is a part of the sea-dog which goes by that name. But Mucius agreed with those who were benefited by him to pay for all he bought at a similar valuation. Out of so many myriads of men then these were the only ones who kept the law with a due regard to their oaths; and who never received even the least present; but they gave large presents to others, and especially to those who had been brought up at the same school with them. For they all clung to the doctrines of the Stoic school.

But of the extravagance which prevails at the present time Lucullus was the first oiiginator, he who subdued Mithridates, as Nicolaus the Peripatetic relates. For he, coming to Rome after the defeat of Mithridates, and also after that of Tigranes, the king of Armenia, and having triumphed, and having given in an account of his exploits in war, proceeded to an extravagant way of living from his former simplicity, and was the first teacher of luxury to the Romans, having amassed the wealth of the two before-mentioned kings. But the famous Cato, as Polybius tells us in the thirty-fourth book of his History, was very indignant, and cried out, that some men had introduced foreign luxury into Rome, having bought an earthen jar of pickled fish from Pontus for three hundred drachmæ, and some beautiful boys at a higher price than a man might buy a field.

But in former times the inhabitants of Italy were so easily contented, that even now,
says Posidonius,
those who are in very easy circumstances are used to accustom their sons to drink as much water as possible, and to eat whatever they can get. And very often,
says he,
the father or mother asks their son whether he chooses to have pears or nuts for his supper; and then he, eating some of these things, is contented and goes to bed.
But now, as Theopompus tells us in the first book of his history of the Actions of Philip, there is no one of those who are even tolerably well off who does not provide a most sumptuous table, and who has not cooks and a great many more attendants, and who does not spend more on his daily living than formerly men used to spend on their festivals and sacrifices.

And since now this present discussion has gone far enough, let us end this book at this point.