On the Chersonese

Were you not deceived about Phocis, Thermopylae, the Thraceward districts, Doriscus, Serrium, Cersobleptes himself? Is not Philip now holding the city of the Cardians, and admitting that he holds it? Why then does he deal thus with the other Greeks, but not with you in the same way? Because ours is the one city in the world where immunity is granted to plead on behalf of our enemies, and where a man who has been bribed can safely address you in person, even when you have been robbed of your own.

It would not have been safe in Olynthus to plead Philip’s cause, unless the Olynthian democracy had shared in the enjoyment of the revenues of Potidaea. It would not have been safe in Thessaly to plead Philip’s cause, if the commoners of Thessaly had not shared in the advantages that Philip conferred when he expelled their tyrants and restored to them their Amphictyonic privileges. It would not have been safe at Thebes, until he gave them back Boeotia and wiped out the Phocians.

But at Athens, though Philip has not only robbed you of Amphipolis and the Cardian territory, but is also turning Euboea into a fortress to overawe you, and is even now on his way to attack Byzantium, it is safe to speak on Philip’s behalf. Indeed, of these politicians, some who were beggars are suddenly growing rich, some unknown to name and fame are now men of honor and distinction; while you, on the contrary, have passed from honor to dishonor, from affluence to destitution. For a city’s wealth I hold to be allies, credit, goodwill, and of all these you are destitute.

Because you are indifferent to these advantages and allow them to be taken from you, Philip is prosperous and powerful and formidable to Greeks and barbarians alike, while you are deserted and humiliated, famous for your well-stocked markets, but in provision for your proper needs, contemptible. Yet I observe that some of our speakers do not urge the same policy for you as for themselves; for you, they say, ought to remain quiet even when you are wronged; they themselves cannot remain quiet among you, though no man does them wrong.[*](They want you to remain passive, though they themselves lead an active political life, in Philip’s interests. See the expansion of this passage in Dem. 10.70-74.)

Then some irresponsible person comes forward and says, Of course, you decline to make a definite proposal or to run any such risk. You are a coward and a milksop. I am not foolhardy, impudent, and shameless, and I pray that I may never be; nevertheless I think myself more truly brave than many of your neck-or-nothing politicians.

For if anyone, Athenians, disregarding what will benefit the State, traffics in trials, confiscations, bribes, and indictments, he shows in this no true bravery, but, ensuring his own safety by the popularity of his speeches and measures, he is bold without risk. But whoever in your best interests often opposes your wishes, and never speaks to win favor, but always gives you of his best, and makes choice of that policy which is more under the dominion of chance than of calculation, and yet accepts the responsibility of either, he is the brave man.

Yes, and it is he who is the useful citizen, not those who for a moment’s popularity have made havoc of the chief resources of the State. These men I am so far from envying or deeming them worthy citizens of our city, that if a man should say to me, Speak for yourself, and tell us what good you have ever done the State, though I might speak, men of Athens, of the equipment of war-galleys and of choruses, of money contributions and of the ransom of captives, and of other instances of liberality,

I would say not a word of them, but only reply that my policy has never been the policy of these men; that though I could, perhaps as well as the rest, accuse and bribe and confiscate and act in general as they are acting, I have never applied myself to any of these arts nor obeyed the promptings of greed or ambition, but continue to offer advice which does indeed lower me in your esteem, but which, if you will follow it, would contribute to your greatness. So much perhaps I may say of myself without offence.

Nor indeed does it seem to me the part of an honest citizen to devise political measures by which I shall at once take the highest place among you, but you the lowest among the nations. No, the advancement of the State must always go along with the measures proposed by good citizens, and they must always support the best and not the easiest policy; for towards the latter nature herself will lead the way, but to instruct you by speech and guide you to the former is the duty of the good citizen.