De Facie Quae in orbe Lunae Apparet

Plutarch

Plutarch. Moralia, Vol. XII. Cherniss, Harold and William Clark Helmbold translators. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1957 (printing).

1. The authenticity of this dialogue has sometimes been questioned but without any plausible reason.[*](cf. S. Günther, quoted by M. Adler, Diss. Phil. Vind. x (1910), p. 87, and R. Pixis, Kepler als Geograph, p. 105. Wilamowitz (Commentariolum Grammaticum, iii, pp. 27-28) suggested that the dialogue was published under the name of Lamprias; and this notion that Lamprias was in some sense either the real or the reputed author was adopted by Christ in the third edition of his Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur (1898), p. 662, and by Hirzel (r Dialog, ii, p. 185).) On the other hand, despite statements to the contrary, it is certainly mutilated at the beginning,[*](Mutilation was assumed by Xylander, Kepler, and Dübner and has been reasserted by Pohlenz (B.P.W. xxxii [1912], pp. 649-650), von Arnim (Plutarch über Dämonen und Mantik, p. 38), Raingeard (Le ΠΕΡΙ ΤΟΥ ΠΡΟΣΟΠΟΥ de Plutarque, pp. 49-50 on 920 B 1), and K. Ziegler (Plutarchos von Chaironeia, 214). It was denied by Wilamowitz (loc. cit.), Hirzel (r Dialog, ii, p. 186, n. 6), and M. Adler (Diss. Phil. Vind. x, pp. 88-89). Wyttenbach contended that either nothing or no great part had perished.) although one cannot tell whether much or little has been lost; this follows not merely from the abruptness of the opening as we have it, the lack of any kind of introduction, and the failure to identify the main speaker until two-thirds of the dialogue have been

finished, but even more surely from the nature of the text in the opening sentences .[*](Those who have defended ὁ μὲν οὖν Σύλλας ταῦτ εἶρε τῷ γ’ ἐμῷ μύθῳ προσήκει κτλ. as a possible opening apparently were unaware that the reading of E is Ὀαυνοσυλλας ταῦτα εἰρε. τῷ γὰρ ἐμῷ μύθῳ προσήκει κτλ.. and that B’s ὁ μὲν οῦν Σύλλας is in all probability a conjecture made by the scribe of that MS. This being so, it is unjustifiable to emend the γὰρ of τῷ γὰρ ἐμῷ μύθῳ, the reading of both E and B; and, if this γὰρ stands, it is certain that our MSS. do not preserve the beginning of the dialogue. The next sentence, ἀλλ εἰ δεῖ τι προσανακροῦσαθαι, πρῦτον ἡδέως ἄν μοι δοκῶ πυθέσθαι, which Wyttenbach needlessly emended, implies that some introduction of Sulla and his myth preceded the present beginning; and 937 C (Σύλλαν οἷον ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς ἀκροατὴν γεγενημένον) suggests what the nature of this introduction may have been. Even the tense of τί δ’ οὐκ ἐμέλλομεν implies some preceding reference to an earlier conversation or a conversation itself interrupted by the arrival of Sulla.)

2. In the dialogue as it stands the first speaker is Sulla. His chief function is to recount the myth which he mentions in the first extant words and which occupies the final fifth of the work; but he interrupts the dialogue proper at 929 E 930 A to ask whether a certain difficulty was treated in the discussion which Lucius is reporting. He is a Carthaginian (cf. 942 C), presumably the Sextius Sulla cited by Plutarch in his Romulus, chap. 15 (26 C), and the same as the Carthaginian Sulla who gave a dinner for Plutarch in Rome (Quaest. Conviv. 727 B). He is probably the Sulla who appears as the interlocutor of Fundanus in the Cohibenda Ira (note b, 453 A) but probably not the same as the Sulla of Quaest. Conviv. 636 A (ὁ ἑταῖρος) and 650 A (one of τῶν συνήθων).

The second speaker, at once the narrator of the whole conversation and the leader of the dialogue

proper, is Lamprias,[*](His name is not mentioned until 937 D. There at the beginning of a section which serves as the transition from the main or scientific part of the dialogue to the myth Theon calls Lamprias by name, as Sulla does also at the beginning of his myth (940 F) and at the end of it (945 D). It is probable that in the lost beginning of the work Lamprias was similarly identified.) who is also the narrator of the Defectu Oraculorum (cf. 413 D), a dialogue in which he plays the leading role.[*](cf. Flaceliére, Plutarque: Sur la Disparition des Oracles (Paris, 1947), pp. 19-22.) In the E apud Delphos, where Lamprias appears with Plutarch, Plutarch calls him brother (385 D); and he is frequently identified as Plutarchs brother in the Quaest. Conviv. (cf. 635 A, 726 D - E, 744 C [with 745 A], and possibly 626 A). He is characterized as a wit and a tease (726 D - E, 740 A), one accustomed to speak out in a loud voice (617 E-F), and capable of inventing a story as evidence to support his argument ( E 386 A); he is an expert in culinary matters (643 E, 669 C, 670 E) and in the dance (747 B) and shrinks from appearing as a kill-joy to younger men (704 E). He is made to emphasize his close relations with a Cynic ( Defectu Oraculorum, 413 B); but he is no Cynic himself, and he is mortified to think that he might be supposed to have used his skill in argument to discredit any pious belief (435 E). He is said to honour the school of Aristotle above that of Epicurus (Quaest Conviv. 635 A - B); but he does not hesitate to disagree with Aristotle in the Defectu Oraculorum (424 C ff.) and to espouse against him the doctrine of the Academy (430 E ff.). In the De Facie he is a vehement critic of Stoic doctrine and a supporter of the Academic position (cf 922 F). Lamprias bore the name of his grandfather; but this

does not prove, as has sometimes been asserted, that he was older than his brothers, Plutarch and Timon. Defectu Oraculorum, 431 C - D, has been thought to show that he was a priest of the oracle in Lebadeia,[*](Hirzel, r Dialog, ii, p. 189, n. 3; Flaceliére, Op. cit. p. 251, n. 233; Ziegler, Plutarchos von Chaironeia, 10. ) though this is not a necessary implication of that passage; and a Delphic inscription proves him to have been an archon at Delphi towards the end of Trajan’s reign or in the beginning of Hadrian’s. [*](Dittenberger, S. I. G. ii. 868 C, n. 6; Stein, R. E. xii. 1. 586, s.v. Λαμπρίας 4.)

Apollonides, the third speaker, is at once identified as expert in geometry (920 F), and Lamprias indicates that the scope and limitations of his specialty coincide with those of Hipparchus, the great astronomer (921 d, cf. 925 A). He puts forward objections to Lamprias’s explanation of the face based upon astronomical terminology and calculations (933 f, 935 d-e). An Apollonides appears at Quaest Conviv. 650 F along with Sulla; but he is called o( taktiko\s *)apollwni/dhs, and there is no compelling reason to identify the two.[*](Ziegler (Plutarchos von Chaironeia, 34) says that the sentence at 927 B, οὐ γὰρ ἐν στρατορέδῳ τακτικῶν ὄφελος κτλ., is spoken obviously with reference to the interlocutor Apollonides; but this is pretty obviously not true. Lamprias is not here speaking in answer to Apollonides; and his subsequent words, οὐδὲ κηρουρῶν οὐδ’ οἰκοδόμων, certainly have reference to none of the present company. These are in fact stock examples of the argument from design.) Prickard may well be right in saying that the name Apollonides here was used by Plutarch to mean one of the clan of Apollonius, i.e. a mathematician who, like Apollonius,[*](Apollonius of Perga; cf. Hultsch, R. E. ii. 151-160.) is interested in astronomical theory.

Certainly Aristotle, who puts forward the orthodox Peripatetic theory of the heavenly bodies (928 E ff.), is only a name chosen by Plutarch to signify the school that he represents (cf. 920 F), even as the representative Epicurean in Sera Numinis Vindicta is called Epicurus.[*](There is no reason to change Ἐπίκουρος of the MSS. in 548 A to Ἐπικούρειος, as Fabricius did. Aristotle here supports Epicurus there.)

The Stoic position is represented by Pharnaces. This name was borne by the son of Mithridates, of whom Plutarch tells in the Lives of Pompey and Caesar, as well as by several notable Persians mentioned by Herodotus and Thucydides[*](There was also a city in Pontus named Pharnaceia (Lucullus, 17 [502 F]).); and Plutarch probably chose it for his Stoic because of its Asiatic sound.[*](Hirzel (Der Dialog, ii, p. 186, n. 4) says that Pharnaces is certainly a former slave, one who had shared the fate and sentiments of Epictetus. This, of course, is the merest fancy; not all Asiatics, not even all in Rome at this time, had been slaves. For Athenians named Pharnaces cf. I. G. ii². 1039. 84 and 202. 55.)

After the role of Lamprias the largest in the dialogue proper is that of Lucius, who is probably the same as Lucius, the pupil of Moderatus the Pythagorean, from Etruria, a guest at the dinner which Sulla gave for Plutarch in Rome (Quaest. Conviv viii. 7-8 [727 B ff., 728 D ff.]).[*](Another Lucius, the son of Florus, appears in Quaest. Conviv vii. 4 [702 F]; cf. Ziegler, Plutarchos von Chaironeia, 55.) Early in the dialogue (921 F) Lamprias turns to Lucius for aid; he seems to think it appropriate that Lucius should set forth the strict demonstration of the Academic theory concerning

the moon (cf. 928 D - E); and in fact the statement and defence of this position are shared by the two of them.[*](It is Lucius who demands that the Stoic theory should not be passed over without refutation (921 F). It is he who replies when Pharnaces complains of Lamprias’s violent treatment of the Stoics (922 F). His speeches extend from 922 F to 923 F, where Lamprias takes over to give him time to collect his thoughts, from 928 F to 929 E, from 930 A to 931 C, and from 931 D to 933 E.)

Theon, whom Lamprias asks to identify a quotation (923 F) and whom he later teases for admiring Aristarchus to the neglect of Crates (938 D), is recognized as the literary authority in the group (cf. 931 E, 940 A). He is probably to be identified with Θέων ὁ γραμμοτικός, who was a guest at Sulla’s dinner along with Lucius (Quaest. Conviv 728 F) and who also dined with Plutarch at the house of Mestrius Florus (Quaest. Conviv 626 E).[*](This Theon, whose home was Egypt (cf. 939 C - D), is certainly not the same as Θέων ὁ ἑταῖρος (Quaest. Conviv 620 A, E, 386 D), who is probably the Theon of Pythiae Oraculis, Non Posse Suaviter Vivi, and Quaest. Conviv 667 A and 726 A ff.) In the Facie his chief contribution is a speech (937 D 938 C) which he makes after the main part of the dialogue has been concluded and which Lamprias praises as a kind of relaxation after the seriousness of the scientific discussion.

The last of the persons present is Menelaus the mathematician. Lucius addresses him directly once (930 A), but Menelaus makes no reply and neither speaks nor is spoken to elsewhere in the dialogue as we have it,[*](Unless the plural ὑμῖν used twice by Lamprias at 939 C - D is meant to include Menelaus as well as Theon; cf. note a on p. 170 s.v..) He is not mentioned anywhere else by Plutarch either; but he is probably meant to be the Menelaus of Alexandria whom Ptolemy once calls

ὁ γεωμέτρης and twice cites for astronomical observations which he made at Rome in the first year of Trajan (A.D. 98).[*](Ptolemy, Syntaxis, vii. 3 (ii, p. 30. 18 ff. and p. 33. 3 ff. ([Heiberg]); cf. Orinsky, s.n. Menelaos 16 in Pauly-Wissosa, R. E. xv. 1. 834 f.)

3. From 937 C - D it follows that the interlocutors have hitherto been promenading as they talked and that now they sit down upon the steps, seats, or benches (ἐπὶ τῶν βάθρων) and remain seated to the end. No other indication of the scene or location is given in the work as we have it. It had generally been assumed that the dialogue was meant to take place in Chaeronea[*](cf. Hirzel, r Dialog, ii, p. 184, n. 1, who discusses and rejects the suggestion that the scene is Delphi. Raingeard in his note on 939 C (p. 129 of his commentary) says that ὥσπερ ἄνω περὶ Θήβας there would allow the inference that the speakers are on the coast of Egypt. No such inference is justified by this phrase, of course; in fact, the preceding ὕλην δὲ καὶ καρποὺς αὐτοῦ (or αὐτόθι, as Raingeard conjectures) μὲν ὄμβροι τρέφουσιν and the subsequent παρ’ ὑμῖν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ (939 D 1) show that the scene of the dialogue is not anywhere in Egypt.); but nothing in the text requires this, and F. H. Sandbach has adduced strong arguments for believing that the dramatic location is Rome or the vicinity of Rome.[*](F. H. Sandbach, The Date of the Eclipse in Plutarch’s De Facie Class. Quart. xxiii (1929), pp. 15-16; cf. Ziegler, Plutarchos von Chaironeia, 73-74. I am indebted to Mr. Sandbach for sending me, along with copies of his publications, many of his unpublished opinions concerning points in the De Facie and copies of his correspondence with J. K. Fotheringham occasioned by the publication of the article cited above.) The persons in the dialogue furnish one of these arguments. Apollonides, Aristotle, and Pharnaces occur nowhere else in Plutarch’s writings and are probably all fictitious

characters. Plutarch nowhere else mentions Menelaus the mathematician either, but we know that Menelaus spent some time in Rome (see note a, p. 8). Sulla, Lucius, and Theon all appear together at a dinner given for Plutarch when he had returned to Rome after an interval of absence (Quaest Conviv. viii. 7-8); and none of these three is ever mentioned as being anywhere but in Rome or its vicinity (see § 2, supra). Lamprias alone belongs to Plutarch’s circle at Chaeronea; but it is by no means certain that he did not visit Rome as Plutarch did, though there seems to be no definite evidence either way.[*](Lamprias at least pretends to be conversant with Latin (Quaest. Conviv 726 E ff.). On Plutarch’s visits to Rome cf. Ziegler, Plutarchos von Chaironeia, 19-20.)

The other argument for the dramatic location is connected with the question of the dramatic date of the dialogue. At 931 d-e Lucius refers to a recent total solar eclipse, saying: if you will call to mind this conjunction recently which, beginning just after noonday, made many stars shine out from many parts of the sky ---[*](δότε μοι, ταύτης ἔναγχος τῆς συνόδου μνησθέντες ἥ πολλὰ μὲν ἄστρα πολλαχόθεν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ διέφηνεν εὐθὺς ἐκ μεσημβρίας ἀρκαμένη ) Ginzel[*](F. K. Ginzel, Spezieller Kanon der Sonnen- und Mondfinsternisse für das Ländergebiet der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft (Berlin, 1899), pp. 202-204; cf. also Plates X and XI for the paths of solar eclipses during the first and second centuries a.d. The data for the eclipses of 75 and 83, s.v., come from Ginzel’s tables, Op. cit. p. 78 and pp. 110-111.) identified this eclipse with the one which occurred on 20 March a.d. 71, for he found that all other solar eclipses visible in Chaeronea during Plutarch’s lifetime fell too far short of totality to permit the appearance of

stars. His conclusion was generally accepted[*](Struyck (cited by Ginzel, Op. cit. p. 203) appears to have come to this conclusion before Ginzel; and Ginzel’s identification was accepted by M. Adler (Zwei Beiträge zum plutarchischen Dialog, De Facie [Nikolsburg, 1910], p. 4) and by Fotheringham as cited by A. O. Prickard (Plutarch on the Face of the Moon [1911], p. 75, and Plutarch, Select Essays, ii, p. 253). Hirzel (r Dialog, ii, p. 182, n. 1), following Volkmann, does not even mention the eclipses of 59, 71, and 75, which Ginzel held to be the only ones worthy of consideration.) until Sandbach[*](Op. cit. in note c, p. 8 supra.) pointed out that, since this eclipse reached its maximum phase at about 11 A.M. local solar time in Chaeronea,[*](10hr, 58m, 4 according to Ginzel (Op. cit. p. 204); 11hr, 4m, 1 according to Fotheringham as quoted by Prickard (Plutarch, Select Essays, ii, p. 253).) Plutarch could not have referred to it as having begun after noonday. Ginzel had assumed that the place of observation was Chaeronea; Sandbach, having recognized that this assumption is unwarranted, was able to consider two other eclipses, that of 5 January A.D. 75 and that of 27 December A.D. 83. The latter was total at Alexandria shortly before 15 hours. The former was total in Carthage a little after 15 hours and in the latitude of Rome on the eastern side of the Adriatic at about 15 hours, 20 minutes; at Rome itself the maximum obscuration was 11 · 5 digits, so that, since according to Fotheringham[*](Historical Eclipses (1921), cited by Fotheringham in a letter to Sandbach (22 January 1929); in this letter Fotheringham states that a certain number of stars were visible at Rome in 75. cf. Ginzel, Op. cit. p. 14: Bei den zentralen Sonnenfinsternissen einzelne Sterne treten mitunter hervor, bevor die Phase 11 zöllig geworden ist. ) stars other than Venus have been visible where the solar obscuration was 10 · 7 digits, it is perfectly possible that some stars

would have been seen at Rome about 3.20 p.m. local solar time on 5 January A.D. 75. This eclipse of A.D. 75 as seen in Rome certainly fits the conditions of Lucius’ statement better than does the one of A.D. 71 as seen in Chaeronea, even though it was rather late to be described as beginning just after noonday.[*](Its beginning, which would have been at approximately 13.50 hours, could not have been observed with the naked eye; but Plutarch was capable of calculating it roughly. In any case, whether the συνόδον ἣ ἀρξαμένη is to be taken strictly or in the sense of the time when darkness began, μεσημβρία, as Sandbach has said, is an extended period of time and not an astronomical moment; and Lucius means that the conjunction began just after noonday was over.) It must be emphasized that there is no reason to assume that Plutarch himself saw the eclipse to which Lucius refers. He had undoubtedly heard that it had been seen in or near Rome; he almost certainly had seen the eclipse of A.D. 71 in Chaeronea and may have seen that of A.D. 83 in Alexandria[*](We do not know when Plutarch visited Alexandria. In Quaest. Conviv v. 5 (678 C ff.) his grandfather is present at a banquet given for him after his return from Alexandria. Sandbach (loc. cit.) thinks that this could have been after 83; but, whether this is so or not, we do not know whether there may not have been more visits to Alexandria than this one.); and what he had seen during one or both of these eclipses he may very well have applied to the eclipse of A.D. 75, which he had not seen.[*](If 932 B (περιφαίνεταί τις αὐγὴ περὶ, τὴν ἴτυν . . .) means, as has sometimes been supposed, that Plutarch had seen the corona, he must have had this experience in 71 or 83. No one in or near Rome would have seen it in 75. I doubt that these words apply to the corona at all, however, for the subsequent oὐκ εὦσα βαθεῖαν γενέσθαι τὴν σκιὰν καὶ ἄκρατον would be a remarkably tame way of describing that spectacle. If the passage refers to any observed phenomenon, it is more likely to have reference to an annular eclipse.) We

may then conclude that the dramatic date of the dialogue is later than A.D. 75, but how much later it is remains uncertain despite Lucius’ reference to the eclipse as recent. The word which he uses, ἔναγχος, like the English recent, has a meaning relative to its context, and in the case of anything so unusual as a total solar eclipse might refer to an event that had taken place at any time within a decade or more; it seems in this passage not to be used of the immediate past, for Lucius expressly reckons with the possibility that his audience may not recall the recent conjunction and may have to fall back upon literary evidence for the impression made by a total solar eclipse.[*](931 E: εἰ δὲ μή, Θέων ἡμῖν τὸν Μίμνερμον ἐπάσει, κτλ. Of course, this is primarily a literary device to excuse the introduction of the literary references; but it shows that Plutarch does not expect his readers to remember what a total solar eclipse is like.) The attempts to find a historical reference in 945 B which would help to fix the date of the dialogue are quite perverse[*](Hirzel (r Dialog, ii, p. 182, n. 1) excised Τυφών in 945 B (Τιτυοὶ δὲ καὶ Τυφῶνες ὅ τε Δελφοὺς κατασχὼν καὶ συνταράξας τὸ χρηστήριον ὕβρει καὶ βίαλ Τυφὼν ἐξ ἐκείνων κτλ.), took ὁ συνταράξας βίαλ as a reference to Nero, and concluded that Plutarch must have written this after the devastation of Delphi and before the restoration of the oracle. Adler (Zwei Beiträge, etc. [see note a, p. 10], pp. 5-7) defended the text of the mss., which he interpreted to mean demons of the nature of Tityus and Typho and among these especially the Typhon who, etc., and followed Pomtow (Rhein. Mus. li [1896], pp. 377 ff.), who showed that the extinction of the Delphic oracle during the time from Nero to Hadrian was pure invention and who took Τυφών in Facie, 945 B, as a reference to the conflagration in 83 B.C. Adler then, assuming that after the ceremonious restoration of the temple in A.D. 84 Plutarch would not remind his readers of its devastation, concluded that the dialogue must have been written before A.D. 84. This argument was criticized by K. Mras (Zeitschrift für die österreichischen Gymnasien, lxv [1914], p. 187), who in turn deleted Τυφὦνες from the text and read Τιτυοὶ δὲ καὶ ὁ Τυφὼν ὁ νφών Δελφούς βίαλ κτλ. This violent alteration is even less justifiable than Hirzel’s excision of Τυφών, with which it shares the fault of producing the hiatus βιάλ ἐξ; but the text of the MSS. is impossible despite Adler, for (a) one does not say in any language such creatures as Tityus and Typho and in particular Typho . . ., (b) nowhere else is Typho himself said to have done the deed here ascribed to him, and (c) a reference to the conflagration is at least as improbable as the supposed reference to Nero. Kaltwasser’s change of Τυφών to Πύθων, on the other hand, is practically certain. Confusion of π and τ and of θ and φ is easy and common, and πύθων coming after τυφώνες would very easily be assimilated to it. Moreover, in Defectu Oraculorum, 421 C, τὰ περὶ Πύθωνα are included among δαιμόνων πάθη along with τὰ Τυφωνικά and τὰ Τιτανικά. In 414 A - B the oracle at Delphi is said to have been long deserted in what is represented as ancient times; and, if it is denied that the beast (which is not here named but is certainly Pythons3) was the cause, that is done in order to ascribe the cause to Δαίμονες. Finally, Πύθων and Τιτυός are named together by Plutarch in Pelopidas, 16 (286 C) as they are by Strabo (ix. 3. 12 [cc. 422-423]) and Apollodorus (Bibliotheca, i. 4. 1. 3-5 [22-23]).); and we are restricted by the evidence at present available to the conclusion that the conversation was meant to have taken place in or about Rome some time and perhaps quite a long time after A.D. 75.

So much for the dramatic date. There is no reason

at all for Hirzel’s assertion[*](r Dialog, ii, p. 184, n. 1.) that this and the date of composition coincide. Certain striking similarities between the Facie and the Defectu Oraculorum have often been observed, but from these can be drawn equally cogent — and equally hypothetical — arguments for the priority of either to the other[*](M. Adler (Diss. Phil. Vind. x, pp. 115-116) contends that in the Defectu Plutarch excerpts the Facie; but see Raingeard, p. xxviii of his edition of Facie.);

and, since in any case the date of the Defectu is uncertain,[*](Ziegler, Plutarchos von Chaironeia, 76, gives about 100 as the date; but cf. Flaceliére, Plutarque: Sur la Disparition des Oracles, note 4 and pp. 13-17.) the relative chronology of the two if established would not determine the date of the Facie.

4. The structure of the De Facie is complicated. The whole of the work is narrated by Lamprias who speaks in the first person and quotes those who took part in the conversation, including himself, some few times in indirect discourse (e.g. 933 F) but for the most part directly. The last part of his narration (chaps. 26-30 [940 F 945 D] consists entirely of Sulla’s myth given in Sulla’s own words; this myth, Sulla himself says, is a story told to him by an unnamed stranger, whom he quotes first indirectly and then (942 D ff.) directly to the end. The second or eschatological part of the myth the stranger had told Sulla that he had himself heard from the chamberlains and servitors of Cronus (cf. 945 D). Hearing it from Lamprias now, the reader has this part at fourth hand and the geographical introduction of the stranger at third hand.[*](Cf, Plato’s Parmenides and Shorey, What Plato Said, p. 287.)

From 937 C it appears that Sulla had promised to tell his myth in return for an account of what had been said in an earlier discussion about the nature of the face which appears in the moon. Such a compact may have been expressly made in the beginning of the dialogue which is lost, where Sulla may have come upon the company already engaged in reviewing that earlier discussion (see note a, p. 3). So much is no more than conjecture. It is certain, however,

that most of what Lamprias narrates from chapter 2 through chapter 23 is a conversation which is itself represented as containing a resume or report of what was said at an earlier conversation. This the beginning of chapter 24 (937 C) states explicitly: ἡμεῖς μὲν οὖν, ἔφην, ὅσα μὴ διαπέφευγε τὴν μνήμην τῶν ἐκεῖ λεχθέντων ἀπηγγέλκαμεν, and the ἐδόκει λέγεσθαι at the end of chapter 2 (920 F) implies that what Lamprias has hitherto said in that chapter had been used as an argument in the earlier discussion. The leader of that discussion, which is referred to as a διατριβή,[*](By Lucius at 929 B: ὁ μὲν οὖν ἑταῖρος ἐν τῷ διατριβῇ τοῦτο ἀποδεικνὺς ἠυδοκίμησεν.) was not Lamprias or Lucius, who here recapitulate it,[*](cf. besides 937 C, 920 F, and 929 B, which have already been cited, especially 921 F, 930 A, 932 D, 933 C.) but someone to whom Lamprias, Lucius, and Sulla refer as our comrade and who probably is meant to be Plutarch himself.[*](cf. 921 F, 929 B, 929 F, and see note a on p. 48 s.v..) Lamprias and Lucius are, of course, presumed to have been present at that discussion with their comrade and Sulla to have been absent from it.[*](The logic of the situation demands this; but it is also implied by Sulla’s question at 929 F.) Of the others, Apollonides certainly was not present,[*](This is implied by his question in 920 F and confirmed by that in 921 B: ἀλλὰ πῇ τὸν ἔλεγχον αὐτῷ προσῆγες; (in this latter passage Pohlenz [B. P. W. xxxii, 1912, p. 649] argued for retention of the MSS, reading, προσῆγε, understanding as subject ὁ ἑταῖρος, who he assumes was mentioned in the lost beginning of the dialogue; but surely this sentence is too far from even such a hypothetical antecedent, and Adler’s προσῆγες is an obvious and highly probable correction).) nor was Theon[*](This is certainly implied by his interchange with Lucius in 932 D - E.); Pharnaces

probably was not[*](This is the most reasonable inference to be drawn from 921 F, where Lucius requests that Pharnaces be given some consideration, and from Pharnaces’ comment in 922 F upon the attack of Lamprias. Nevertheless, Pharnaces’ words in the latter passage, ἐμὲ δ’ οὖν οὐκ ἐξλαξεσθε τήμερον κτλ., are open to the interpretation that he had been present at the earlier discussion and had there been drawn out by the Academic gambit.); and concerning Aristotle and Menelaus the text as we have it allows no clear inference to be drawn.[*](Lucius’s one remark to Menelaus (930 A), αἰσχύνομαι σοῦ παρόντος κτλ., seems to imply that the latter had not been present at the earlier discussion; but this is not decisive, especially in view of the fact that Menelaus makes no reply. Aristotle’s silence when Lamprias addresses him in 920 F might be taken to mean that he had heard this before; and πρὸς Κλέαρχον, ὦ Ἀριστότελες, ἐδόκει λέθεσθαι τὸν ὑμέρτον could be interpreted as a reminder, although what follows, ὑμέτερος γὰρ ἁνὴρ κτλ., sounds as if this were something new. In 929 B Lucius in a speech addressed especially to Aristotle refers to what our comrade said ἐν τῇ διατριβῇ and adds that he will not repeat what he learned παρ ὑμῶν μεθ ὑμῶν, which might be taken to imply that Aristotle too had attended the διατριβή in question, although it might have a more general meaning.) What these men other than Lamprias and Lucius say in chapters 2-23 is not, then, part of the report of that earlier discussion; but neither is all that Lucius says, for in several places his remarks or arguments are expressly declared to be his own contribution.[*](cf. Lamprias’s comment, οὐχ οὕτως δ’ ὁ ἑταῖρος ἡμῶν, in 921 F and his καλῷ λόγῳ καλὴν ἀναλογίαν προσλεθηκας: οὐ γὰρ ἀποστερητόν σε τῶν ἰδίων (931 D). The latter marks the last sentence of Lucius’s preceding speech (δότε δή μοι γεωμετρικῶς εἰρεῖν κτλ.) as his own, while Lucius’s own subsequent statement (οὐκοῦν καὶ δεύτερον ἀναλογίᾳ προσχρητέον) makes the same claim for what follows. In 933 C (παρίημι δ’ ὅσα ἐλέχθη) and possibly in 929 B (ἐγὼ δὲ ταῦτα μὲν οὐκ ἐρῶ κτλ. [see note b supra]) Lucius indicates that he is not giving a full account of the earlier discussion.) That earlier discussion cannot, however, be identified with any that Plutarch

may have had with his friends or with any lecture that he may have given; it is primarily a literary fiction, part of the structure of the dialogue for which it provides a specious motivation.

The recapitulation of this fictitious discussion along with the incidental arguments provoked by it contains all that Plutarch would consider to be scientific in the dialogue. At its conclusion Lamprias is ready for Sulla’s myth (chap. 24 init. [937 C - D]); but before Sulla can begin to speak Theon raises the question of the habitability of the moon, contending that, if it is not habitable, there can be no reason for it to exist with the nature or composition that according to Lamprias and Lucius it does have.[*](cf. 937 D: εἰ δυνατὸν ἐκεῖ κατοικεῖν. εἰ γὰρ δυνατόν, ἄλογον καὶ τὸ γῆν εἰναι τὴν σελήνην: δόκει γάρ πρὸς οὐδὲν ἀλλὰ μάτην γεγονέναι κτλ. ) Lamprias calls Theon’s speech a kind of relaxation after the seriousness of the preceding discussion. In fact, however, Theon has raised the metaphysical problem of the final cause; and to this Lamprias replies at length (chap. 25). He argues first that the moon, constituted as he contends it is, need not, even if uninhabitable, be without a purpose in the universe (938 C - F), and secondly that, even if uninhabitable by corporeal human beings, it may still be inhabited by living beings of an entirely different kind to whom the moon may justly appear to be the only real earth and our earth the slime and dregs of the universe, uninhabitable by creatures that have warmth and breath and motion. Here Sulla checks Lamprias (chap. 26 init. [940 F]) lest the latter encroach upon his myth; and Lamprias was upon the very threshold

of it, for the myth, as it turns out, teaches that the moon is inhabited by souls that have left their bodies after death on earth or have not yet been incorporated by birth into terrestrial bodies. So the episode consisting of Theon’s speech and Lamprias’s reply (chaps. 24-25) is not merely a formal literary device. It is, to be sure, a transition from the scientific part of the dialogue, in which it is argued that the lunar phenomena imply the earth-like constitution of the moon, to the concluding myth in which the purpose of such a moon in the universe is imaginatively portrayed; but this transitional episode raises the philosophical question, without the answer to which the strictly astronomical conclusion could to a Platonist or Aristotelian be no complete or satisfactory explanation, and itself contains the metaphysical answer, of which the myth is, despite all its intrinsic interest, essentially a poetical embellishment. When this transition is properly attended to, there can be no question about the integral unity of the whole dialogue or any doubt that the purpose of the whole is to establish and defend the position that the moon is entirely earthy in its constitution and that on this hypothesis alone can the astronomical phenomena and the existence of the moon itself be accounted for.[*](cf. M. Pohlenz, Gött. Gel. Anz. clxxx [1918], p. 323.)

5. The main part of the dialogue is of extraordinary interest for the history of astronomy, cosmology, geography, and catoptrics; and this aspect of the work deserves more attention than it has usually received.[*](J. O. Thomson, History of Ancient Geography (Cambridge, 1948), pp. 330 f., gives a brief outline of this part of the work and cites Duhem’s and Humboldt’s praise of it. A. O. Prickard has some general remarks on the subject in the introductions to his two translations of the dialogue (Plutarch on the Face which appears on the Orb of the Moon [Winchester and London, 1911], pp. 9-15, and Plutarch: Select Essays, ii [Oxford, 1918], pp. 246-253). So has S. Günther in his outline of the dialogue, Vergleichende Mondund Erdkunde (Braunschweig, 1911), pp. 24-35, nearly half of which, however, is concerned with the myth. Hirzel in his treatment of the dialogue (r Dialog [Leipzig, 1895], ii, pp. 182-189) has little or nothing specific to say of its scientific aspect. The most extensive monograph on the dialogue, Maximilian Adler’s Quibus Ex Fontibus Plutarchus Libellum De Facie in Orbe Lunae Hauserit (Diss. Phil. Vind. x [1910], pp. 85-180), is concerned with the scientific passages only in so far as the author thinks that from them he can draw support for his thesis that Posidonius was Plutarch’s source for the dialogue. A similar purpose limits the treatment of the work by K. Praechter in his Hierokles der Stoiker (Leipzig, 1901), p. 26 and pp. 109-120. cf. also the notes of W. Norlind, Eranos, xxv (1927), pp. 265-277.) It is not a technical scientific treatise and

is not to be judged as if it were meant to be such; but it is all the more significant that in a literary work intended for an educated but non-technical audience towards the end of the first century a.d. Hipparchus and Aristarchus of Samos are familiarly cited and a technical work of the latter is quoted verbatim, the laws of reflection are debated, the doctrine of natural motion to the universal centre is rejected, and stress is laid upon the cosmological importance of the velocity of heavenly bodies. [*](It is interesting to compare the treatise of Ibn Al-Haitham (965-1039) which was translated from the Arabic by Carl Schoy under the title Abhandlung des Schaichs Ibn Alî Al-Hasan Ibn Al-Hasan Ibn Al-Haitham: über die Natur der Spuren [Flecken], die man auf der Oberfläche des Mondes sieht (Hannover, 1925). Ibn Al-Haitham’s explanation of the face is that the nature of the moon’s substance must differ from place to place, since the variation in illumination can be the result only of a difference in the power to absorb and reflect light, and the spots are places of greater density and less power of absorption (pp. 20 ff. and 29-31). Though Schoy appears to have been unaware of it and Plutarch does not mention it, this explanation is ascribed to οἱ ἀρὸ τῶν μαθηματικῶν in Aëtius, ii. 30. 7 (Dox. Graeci, p. 362. 5-13). Ibn Al-Haitham rejects the theory that the spots are shadows cast by prominences on the moon, arguing that such shadows would not always have the same shape and position, as the spots do (pp. 14-17). Like Plutarch, however, he knows and refutes the notion that they are a reflection of the terrestrial ocean or any other terrestrial feature (pp. 1-2, 5-7; Facie, chaps. 3-4); and he also adduces the colour of the moon in eclipse (pp. 31 f.; Facie, 934 B - D). He proves impossible as well (pp. 4-5, cf. p. 2) an explanation unmentioned by Plutarch but recorded by Simplicius ( Caelo, p. 457. 25-30) that the spots are the result of vapours rising from below and obscuring the moon’s brilliance (cf., however, for something similar, Milton, Paradise Lost, v. 415-420, and Facie, 922 B - C). Like Cleomedes (ii. 4. 103 [p. 186. 14-27 Ziegler]), Ibn Al-Haitham seems to hold that the moon as a reflecting convex mirror would have to appear as a single point of light (pp. 7 f. with Schoy’s note, p. 8, n. 1).)

Most of the attention given to the dialogue, however, has been attracted by the concluding myth.[*](It was probably the myth as much as the more strictly astronomical part of the dialogue that caused Kepler to make his Latin translation and commentary of the Facie, which he did shortly before his death. This is printed in volume viii of Joannis Kepleri Opera Omnia, ed. Dr. Ch. Frisch (Francofurti a. M., 1870). cf. R. Schmertosch, Keppler zu Plutarchs Schrift Vom Gesicht im Monde, Phil.-Hist. Beiträge Curt Wachsmuth zum 60. Geburtstag überreicht (Leipzig, 1897), pp. 52-55, and R. Pixis, Kepler als Geograph (Munich, 1899).) This consists of two parts. The second and main part is the eschatological myth, which establishes the purpose of the moon in the cosmos by explaining her role in the life-cycle of souls and which the stranger told Sulla he had from the chamberlains of Cronus (942 D 945 D); the first is the introduction

to this myth or frame-story, in which the stranger explained to Sulla how from the continent on the other side of the Atlantic he came to the Isle of Cronus, one of several that lie westwards of Britain, and thence, after having served thirty years, travelled to Carthage where he met Sulla (941 A 942 C).

This geographical introduction has aroused the wildest speculations. Kepler was convinced that the trans-Atlantic continent was America, and he tried to identify the islands mentioned in the myth[*](cf. notes 97, 98, 103, and 105 to Kepler’s translation (see note a, p. 20 supra) and note 2 to his Somnium sive Astronomia Lunaris. In Theatrum Orbis Terrarum Abrahami Ortelii (Antwerp, 1593), p. 5, this passage of Plutarch was used, apparently for the first time, to prove that the ancients knewthe American continent.); W. Christ in 1898 still could assert that Plutarch’s continent is obviously America and proves that about A.D. 100 sailors reached the North American coast via Iceland, Greenland, and Baffinland[*](Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur, Dritte Auflage (1898), p. 662, n. 1. W. Schmid and O. Stählin in the sixth edition of this work (Zweiter Teil, Erste Hälfte [1920], p. 498) suppress this note of Christ’s but write aus dem Festland jenseits des atlantischen Ozeans (Amerika ?). ); and in 1909 G. Mair argued that the source of this knowledge of America was reports of Carthaginian seafarers who had penetrated into the Gulf of Mexico, that the Isle of Cronus is Scandinavia, and that the northern geography of the myth derives from accounts of the voyages of Pytheas of Massilia.[*](G. Mair, Pytheas’ Tanais und die Insel des Kronos in Plutarchs Schrift Das Gesicht im Monde (Jahresbericht des K.K. Staats-Gymnasiums in Marburg ÁD, 1909). A fair example of Mair’s argument is his identification (p. 18) of the κόλρος mentioned in 941 B with the Christiana-Fjord, although according to Plutarch it is in the trans-Atlantic continent. Moreover, all of Plutarch’s islands lie to the West and North-West of Britains3) Even

before Mair had published his fantastic theory Ebner had conclusively demonstrated that Plutarch could not have referred to any real crossing of the Atlantic or any rumours of such a crossing, that by using the name Ogygia at the beginning (941 A - B) he had clearly indicated the purely mythical intention of his geography, and that this geographical setting is simply an imitation of Plato’s Atlantis in the spirit of Hecataeus story of the Hyperboreans, Theopompus Meropis, and the Sacred Records of Euhemerus.[*](E. Ebner, Geographische Hinweise und Anklänge in Plutarchs Schrift, de facie in orbe lunae (Munich, 1906). A. von Humboldt had concluded long before that the geographical frame is entirely mythical (Kritische Untersuchungen über die historische Entwicklung der geographischen Kenntnisse von der Neuen Welt [Berlin, 1836], pp. 174-185). H. von Arnim (Plutarch über Dämonen und Mystik, pp. 37-47 [Verhand. K. Akad. van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam, Afd. Letterk., 1921]) contended that Plutarch’s source for chapter 26 was a fantastic travel-romance that had nothing to do with philosophy or moon-demonology, but in which the demons of Cronus served the purpose of prophesying to the hero about his future. W. Hamilton (Class. Quart. xxviii [1934], pp. 24 ff., cf. p. 24, n. 1), while citing as parallels to the geographical myth Hecataeus, Euhemerus, Theopompus, and the Abaris of Heraclides Ponticus (cf. also Hirzel, r Dialog, ii, p. 187, n. 4), maintains that Plutarch wrote the whole of his myth in direct imitation of Plato’s story of Atlantis. Rohde (r griechische Roman, 204-276 = 3rd edition [Leipzig, 1914], pp. 219-296) places Plutarch’s geographical myth in its proper environment with the romances of Theopompus, Hecataeus, Euhemerus, Iambulus, Antonius Diogenes, and Marcellus. cf. also H. Martin, Ètudes sur le TimÈe de Platon (Paris, 1841), i, pp. 290-304, and J. O. Thomson, Op. cit. (note b, p. 18), pp. 237-238.) The additional geographical particulars are the usual corroborative detail intended to give

artistic verisimilitude to an otherwise bald and unconvincing narrative. The theme of the sleeping Cronus may have been suggested to Plutarch by Demetrius of Tarsus, who in the Defectu Oraculorum (419 E 420 A) is made to say that on an island near Britain Cronus is kept prisoner by the bonds of sleep and is guarded by Briareus and attended by Spirits who are his servitors. This Demetrius appears to have been an historical person who did travel to Britain, whence in the dialogue he is said to have recently returned; and he may have told Plutarch some Celtic legend or superstition which the latter hellenized and wove into the fabric of his myth.[*](For Demetrius cf. R. Flaceliére, Plutarque: Sur la Disparition des Oracles (Paris, 1947), pp. 26-28, and K. Ziegler, Plutarchos von Chaironeia (Stuttgart, 1949), 36. If Demetrius did hear a Celtic tale of a god or hero asleep on some western island, it would have been easy for him or Plutarch to identify the subject with Cronus (cf. Hesiod, Works and Days, 169, and Pindar, Olympian, ii. 77 [70] ff.; see also note a on p. 182 and note a on 942 A s.v.). Pohlenz’s notion (R.E. xi. 2013) that Posidonius, who was familiar with the northern world, was the intermediary of this Kyffhäusermotiv has nothing to support it. Posidonius was the source of the Cronus-motif as well as of the whole geographical part of the myth according to M. Adler, Op. cit. (note b, p. 18), pp. 169-170, who has no trouble in showing that Schmertosch adduced no real reason for designating Xenocrates as Plutarch’s source for this section; but Hamilton (loc. cit. [note a, p. 22]) has proved that Posidonius could not have been the source either.)

The discussion of the second part of the myth, the demonology and eschatology, has also been concerned mainly with the problem of Plutarch’s sources. Heinze attempted to prove that this myth had been put together out of material drawn from Xenocrates and from Posidonius and that in the resulting combination the parts that belong to those two authors

are distinguishable.[*](Richard Heinze, Xenokrates (Leipzig, 1892), pp. 123 ff. M. Pohlenz, Vom Zorne Gottes (Göttingen, 1909), p. 133, n. 1, approved Heinze’s conclusion in general but differed with him in some particulars.) Adler vigorously attacked this thesis and argued that Posidonius was Plutarch’s source for the whole myth and for whatever there is in it that may have come ultimately from Xenocrates[*](Maximilian Adler, Op. cit. (note b, p. 18), pp. 166 ff. Adler’s dissertation was reviewed by Pohlenz in B.P.W. xxxii (1912), 648-654, and his thesis concerning the source of the myth criticized, ibid. 653. P. Capelle ( luna stellis lacteo orbe animarum sedibus [Halle, 1917], pp. 14-15) held that chapter 28 came from Posidonius’s account of the state of souls after death and chapters 29 and 30 from his supposed commentary on the Timaeus.); but R. M. Jones[*](The Platonism of Plutarch (Chicago Dissertation, Menasha, Wisconsin, 1916), pp. 48-56 and 58-60.) proved conclusively that neither Heinze’s conclusions nor Adler’s will bear scrutiny, that Posidonius could not have been the source, and that, while Plutarch combined various eschatological notions which were current and some of which were probably held in common by different philosophers, his myth is in the main an interpretation of Plato’s Timaeus. Later, against Karl Reinhardt’s attempt to trace the myth back to a hypothetical solar esehatology of Posidonius, Jones re-established the Platonic character of Plutarch’s eschatology, psychology, and demonology here and the impossibility of taking Posidonius for the source.[*](K. Reinhardt, Kosmos und Sympathie (Munich, 1926), pp. 313 ff. (cf. also F. Cumont, La ThÈologie solaire du paganisme romain, Mèm. de lAcad. des Inscriptions, xii [1909]); R. M. Jones, Posidonius and Solar Eschatology, Class. Phil. xxvii (1932), pp. 113-135, especially pp. 116-131. P. BoyancÈ, Ètudes sur le Songe de Scipion (Bordeaux and Paris, 1936), pp. 78-104, follows Jones in refuting Cumont and Reinhardt.)

Hamilton later contended even more positively that Plutarch took the Timaeus as the model for the whole of his myth in the Facie and that, since the Animae Procreatione in Timaeo shows that he regarded the Timaeus seriously, he must have intended the corresponding portion of his myth in the Facie to contain an equally serious exposition of his own beliefs concerning the nature and fate of the soul.[*](W. Hamilton, Class. Quart. xxviii (1934), pp. 24-30. Hamilton expressly opposes the theory of von Arnim, who, in his Plutarch über Dämonen und Mystik (see note a, p. 22), pp. 24-65, argues that Plutarch took the geographical myth and the eschatological myth from two different sources and the latter from an eclectic Platonist later than Antiochus. As to Hamilton’s notion of the seriousness with which Plutarch intended the myth, Ziegler is surely right in saying (Plutarchos von Chaironeia, 217) that Sulla’s final sentence, taken together with Lamprias’s remark in 920 B - C, shows that Plutarch had no intention of insisting upon the literal truth of the myth; in this attitude also he follows Plato: see note a on p. 223 s.v..) Soury in his extensive study of the myth, while emphasizing the possible influence of the mysteries, agrees in general with Hamilton that it is preponderantly Platonic.[*](G. Soury, Rev. Èt. Gr. liii (1940), pp. 51-58, and La Dèmonologie de Plutarque (Paris, 1942), pp. 73-82 and 177-210.)

Anyone who without a preconceived thesis to defend reads the De Facie will recognize, I believe, that Plato was Plutarch’s inspiration throughout the dialogue but that Plutarch is himself the true author of the whole work and that, while there is in it a distillation of his wide and varied scientific and philosophical reading, he cannot possibly have composed it by copying out any source or combination of sources. I have tried in the exegetical notes to indicate the parallels which will help the reader to understand the dialogue itself by seeing its relation

to the rest of ancient scientific and philosophical thought. Among these parallels some of the most striking are drawn from later writers, especially Neo-Platonists; these I have mentioned not in order to insinuate that they show Plutarch’s direct influence upon those later writers, although many of them certainly were acquainted with him, but because they illuminate the meaning of the Facie and at the same time indicate what may have been contained in some of the philosophical writings known to Plutarch and long since lost to us, and may help to cast some flicker of light upon that obscure and controversial problem, the prehistory of Neo-Platonism.

6. The Facie, which is No. 73 in the so-called Catalogue of Lamprias and No. 71 in the Planudean order, is apparently preserved in only two MSS. of the Bibliothéque Nationale, Grec 1672 (saec. XIV) and 1675 (saec. XV), conventionally called Parisinus E and Parisinus B respectively.[*](On the MSS. of Plutarch generally cf. the references cited by M. Pohlenz, Plutarchi Moralia, i (Teubner, 1925), Praefatio, p. vi, n. 1, and pp. xxvi and xxviii f. on B and E respectively.) These have hitherto been supposed to be independent copies of a single archetype[*](Wyttenbach (Plutarchi Moralia [Oxford, 1795], p. xliv) says of B ut videtur, ex E, aut ejusdem exempli codice, ita descriptus ut antiquiores melioresque simul adhiberentur; unde quaedam lacunae uberius etiam expletae, et plura menda sanata. M. Treu, Zur Geschichte der Uberlieferung von Plutarchs Moralia, ii (Ohlau, 1881), pp. 5-7, argued that B derives from the same source as E, which B must have used later; and his conclusion was generally accepted by later editors. Raingeard’s more complicated stemma (p. xiv of his edition of the Facie) is, in any case, entirely unjustified.); but recently G. R. Manton has put

forward strong arguments for thinking that B is a descendant of E through an intermediate manuscript, a copy of E, which was worked over by a scholar who filled in lacunae and inserted conjectures of his own. [*](The Manuscript Tradition of Plutarch Moralia 70-7,Class. Quart. xliii (1949), pp. 97-104. Among the passages discussed by Manton where B has readings other than those of E are none from the Facie, for the text of which Manton (Op. cit. p. 99, n. 1) depended upon Treu’s collation supplemented by Bernardakis’ list in vol. i of his edition, pp. 1 ff.; but I have found no variant reading of B in this essay that would surely gainsay Manton’s hypothesis. Those which might suggest that B is not descended from E are the following: 927 F: τὸν -B for E’s correct τὰ before ἐμβριθῆ; 929 B: ἔχων δὲ -B, ἔχων δὲ τοῦτο -B for the correct ἑκὼν δὲ; 932 D: πεποιημένων -B for E’s correct πεπεισμένων: 937 F: ἐπιφερομένη -B, φερομένη -E for the probable original ἀντιφερομένη; 938 D: ἀναγινώσκων -B for E’s correct ἀναγινώσκοντος; 943 D: καταγινομένας -B for E’s correct καταδυομένας, Manton’s conclusion has been rejected by K. Hubert (Rhein. Mus. xciii [1950], pp. 330-336), but Hubert’s defence of the independence of B and E has been counterattacked by Einarson and De Lacy (Class. Phil. xlvi [1951], pp. 103 and 106, with notes 36 and 56).)

I have collated both manuscripts from Photostats which were generously put at my disposal by Dr. William C. Helmbold; and I have recorded under the usual symbols the variant readings of each of them, for I soon discovered that not only is Bernardakis’ report of the mss. untrustworthy, but that the same must be said of Raingeard’s in his recent edition of the dialogue, and that even Treu’s collation (see note b, p. 26) is not free of errors. I have not recorded mere omissions or variations of accent or breathing, however, unless the sense is affected by them; and I have regularized crasis and elision without regard to the manuscripts or report of them,

for they show no consistency in this matter.[*](For example, in 931 D they have τὰ αὐτὰ πάσχειν ὑπὸ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ταὐτὰ (B, ταυτὰ -E) ποιεῖν ταὐτὸν . . . and occasionally οἶδ ὅρως and ἀλλ ὅρως, although they do not ordinarily elide the α of oἶda and ἀλλά. Almost invariably both E and B have μὴ δὲ instead of μηδὲ or μηδ. On these matters cf. T. Doehner, Quaestionum Plutarch. Particula Altera and Tertia (Meissen, 1858 and 1862), especially iii, p. 51, and ii, p. 35, n.%2%2; and on the question of hiatus cf. Helmbold, Class. Phil. xxxiii (1938), pp. 244-245, and xlv (1949), pp. 64 f. with his references, and for a much stricter view Ziegler, Plutarchos von Chaironeia, 295-298. To emend for the sole purpose of eliminating hiatus is to take unwarranted liberty with the text; but, on the other hand, to introduce hiatus by emendation is certainly inadmissible. It should be observed, however, that in the Facie, besides the exceptions to avoidance of hiatus listed by Ziegler (Op. cit. 296-297), final αι, οι, ει, and ου before an initial vowel may always be possible (cf. for ου e.g. τοῦ ἰδίου ἀέρος in 944 A), ἄνω and κάτω are permissible before any word beginning with a vowel (cf. ἄνω ἔχειν and κάτω ἄνυθεν in 924 C which guarantee ἄνω ἐστιν in 926 A), and other cases of hiatus which cannot reasonably be eliminated occasionally occur (e.g. χείλη εἰκόνας [921 C], τουτὶ εἴρω [935 D]).) In conformity with the usage of Professor Babbitt and regardless of the manuscripts, I have printed the forms γίγνεσθαι, γιγνώσκειν, and οὐδείς, though the manuscripts usually have γίνεσθαι, γινώσκειν, and οὐθείς; but I have adopted the form duei=n throughout. I have tried to the best of my ability to assign emendations to those who first proposed them; but for some which appear without ascription in all modern editions, and the author of which I have been unable to discover, I have had to be content with the unsatisfactory note, editors. For the suggestions said to be written in three different hands on the margins of the copy of the Aldine edition now in the Bibliothéque Nationale (RÈs. J. 94), I have had to rely upon the report

of Raingeard in the apparatus criticus of his edition (cf pp. xvi f. of his Introduction)[*](P. Raingeard, Le ΠΕΡΟ ΤΟΥ ΠΡΟΣΠΟΥ de Plutarque, texte critique avec traduction et commentaire (Paris, 1935). Raingeard’s text is fantastically conservative, reproducing E for the most part even where E gives impossible Greek; and yet his report of the manuscripts is frequently erroneous either explicitly or by implication. The translation is worse even than the text; and the commentary, especially where it touches upon philosophical and scientific questions, is more often wrong than right, almost everywhere inadequate, and frequently absurd.); all of these I indicate without differentiation by the formula, Anon., Aldine, R.J. 94. Upon Raingeard’s report and those of Reiske, Wyttenbach, Hutten, and Bernardakis I have had to rely for the variant readings of the Aldine edition and of the edition of Xylander; but the edition of Froben (Basiliensis, 1542), as well as those of Stephanus (1624), Reiske, Wyttenbach, Hutten, Dübner, Bernardakis, and Raingeard, and the translations of Xylander, Amyot, Kepler, Kaltwasser, the two translations of Prickard,[*](See note b, p. 18. Prickard’s translation of 1911 was reviewed by W. R. Paton, Class. Rev. xxvi (1912), p. 269, and by L. C. Purser, Hermathena, xvi (1911), pp. 309-324, whose review is rather a series of notes and suggestions for almost two score passages in the essay.) and that of portions of the essay by Heath,[*](Sir Thomas L. Heath, Greek Astronomy (London, 1932), pp. 166-180.) I have consulted and compared throughout.

Those emendations which, so far as I know, are original with me are indicated by the initials H. C. Besides the editions, translations, and articles already mentioned in this Introduction, the chief aids to my study of the text have been the following:

Adler, Maximilian: Diss. Phil. Vind. x (1910), pp. 87 ff. (cf. note b, p. 18). Wiener Studien, xxxi (1909), pp. 305-309. Zwei Beiträge zum plutarchischen Dialog De Facie in Orbe Lunae, Jahresbericht des K. K. Staatsgymnasiums in Nikolsburg, 1909-1910 (Nikolsburg, 1910). Wiener Studien, xlii (1920-1921), pp. 163-164. Festschrift Moris Winternitz (Leipzig, 1933), pp. 298-302.

Apelt, Otto: Zu Plutarch und Plato, Jahresbericht Gymnasium Carolo-Alexandrinum zu Jena, 1904-1905 (Jena, 1905). Kritische Bemerkungen, Jahresbericht ---Jena, 1905-1906 (Jena, 1906).

Chatzidakis, G. N.: Athena, xiii (1901), pp. 462-714.

Cobet, C. G.: Novae Lectiones (Leiden, 1858). Variae Lectiones (Leiden, 1878). Collectanea Critica (Leiden, 1878).

Emperius, A.: Emperii Opuscula Philologica et Historica . . . ed. F. G. Schneidewin (Göttingen, 1847), pp. 287-295.

Hartman, J. J.: Plutarcho Scriptore et Philosopho (Leiden, 1916), pp. 557-563.

Herwerden, H. van: Lectiones Rheno-Traiectinae (Traj. ad Rhen., 1882). Mnemosyne, xxii (1894), pp. 330-337, and xxxvii (1909), pp. 202-223.

Kronenberg, A. J.: Mnemosyne, lii (1924), pp. 60-112, and Ser. III, x (1941), pp. 33-47.

Kunze, R.: Rhein. Mus. lxiv (1909), pp. 635-636.

Madvig, J. N.: Adversaria Critica, I (Hauniae, 1871), pp. 664-666.

Mras, K.: Zeitsckrift für die österreich. Gymnasien, lxv (1914), pp. 187-188.

Naber, S. A.: Mnemosyne, xxviii (1900), pp. 329-364.

Papabasileios, G. A.: Athena, x (1898), pp. 167-242.

Pohlenz, Max: Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift, xxxii (1912), pp. 648-654. Götting. Gelehrte Anzeig. clxxx (1918), pp. 321-343.

Sandbach, F. H.: Proc. of the Cambridge Philological Soc., 1943.

Harold Cherniss

Addendum Since this Bibliography was compiled in February 1953 some publications dealing with the De Facie have come to my attention which require a brief notice.

Konrat Ziegler in Plutarch über Gott und Vorsehung, Dämonen und Weissagung (Zürich, Artemis-Verlag, 1952) has written a brief summary of the essay (pp. 42-45) and has translated the myth (940 F 945 D into German (pp. 268-278) with the addition of a few explanatory notes. He makes one noteworthy alteration in the text at 941 A - B: adopting τὸν δὲ βριάρεων ἔχοντα φρονρόν, after which he puts a full stop, he removes the following words, τῶν τε νήσων ---παρακάτω κεῖσθαι (?), from their position in the MSS. and places them after κυκλῳ θάλαττα in 941 B three lines below.

The question of the MSS., which is touched upon in the Introduction § 6 supra, has been discussed, though without specific reference to the Facie, by R.

Flaceliére in his edition and translation of the Amatorius (Plutarque: Dialogue sur lamour [Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 1952], pp. 35-37) and in an article, La Tradition manuscrite des traitÈs 70-77 de Plutarque, Rev. Ètudes Grecques, lxv (1952), pp. 351-362. By a different route he reaches the same conclusion as did G. R. Manton, namely that B is derived from E, probably through an intermediate manuscript now lost.[*](cf. Irigoin, Rev. de Philologie, xxviii (1954), pp. 117-119.) In Gnomon, xxv (1953), pp. 556-557 K. Hubert replied to Flaceliére’s arguments and again sought to establish the independence of B with respect to E.

Flaceliére in his article entitled Plutarque et les Èclipses de la lune (Rev. tudes Anciennes, liii [1951], pp. 203-221) is primarily concerned with the interpretation of De Genio Socratis, 591 C, but in connection with this he discusses Facie, 933 D - E and 942 D - E and argues that in the former of these two passages Plutarch depends upon the calculations of Hipparchus (cf. my note in Class. Phil. xlvi [1951], p. 145 referred to in note e on 933 E s.v.).

G. Zuntz in Rhein. Mus. xcvi (1953), pp. 233-234 has proposed several emendations in the text of the essay:

940 E: He is right in assuming that Bernardakis’ ὑμεῖς is a misprint for ἡμεῖς of the MSS., but ὅσαπερ which he condemns and emends is, of course, correct; he apparently misunderstood the construction, ὅσαπερ ἡμεῖς (scil. χρώμεθα) ἄερι.

942 F: After τίς δ’ οὗτός ἐστιν; he would add [ἔφην· ὁ δ’·], thus producing the same effect as did Reiske’s punctuation. cf. on this sentence my note in Class. Phil. xlvi (1951), pp. 150-151.

943 D: He would write τὸ ἄλογον καὶ [τὸ] ραθητικόν on the strength of Def. Orac. 417 B (p. 75. 23 [Sieveking]). This would be possible but is unnecessary, since καὶ can here be taken as explicative.

944 C: He suggests Φερσεφόνης οὖδος ἀντιχθόνιος or Φερσεφόνης οὖδος ἀντίχθονος, apparently unaware of von Arnim’s far more probable emendation (see notes d and e on p. 221 s.v.). His further supplement, τὰ δὲ [πρὸς τὰ] ἐνταῦθα, is quite unnecessary.

944 E: To ἔρωτι τῆς περὶ τὸν ἥλιον εἰκόνος he would add [τoῦ ἑνὸς] or [τoῦ νοητoῦ] or [τἀγαθoῦ] on the ground that the phrase as it stands is unintelligible. The following words, δι’ ἧς ἐπιλάμπει κτλ., themselves explain what Plutarch means (see note g on 944 E s.v.), and there is no excuse for any supplement at all.

945 B: He rightly defends Kaltwasser’s alteration of Τυφὼν to Πύθων (see Introduction, p. 12, note b supra).

H. C. November 1954

To my great regret I have been unable to take account of Professor M. Pohlenz’s edition of this essay in Plutarchi Moralia, vol. v, Fasc. 3 (Leipzig, Teubner, 1955), since it became available only after this volume had already been paged and corrected for printing.

H. C. February 1956

---These were Sullas words.[*](Concerning the mutilated beginning of the dialogue see Introduction § 1.)For it concerns my story and that is its source; but I think that I should first like to learn whether there is any need to put back for a fresh start[*](For the metaphor cf. An Seni Respublica Gerenda Sit, 787 E, and Plato, Philebus, 13 D; the meaning is guaranteed by ἀρωσθέντες (driven from our course) infra. Of. the nautical metaphor with which Sulla interrupts Lamprias at 940 F s.v. (τὸν μῦθον ἐξοκείλας).) to those opinions concerning the face of the moon which are current and on the lips of everyone.What else would you expect us to have done, I said,[*](The speaker and narrator of the dialogue is Lamprias, the brother of Plutarch; cf. 937 D, 940 F, 945 D, s.v..) since it was the difficulty in these opinions that drove us from our course upon those others? As people with chronic diseases when they have despaired of ordinary remedies and customary regimens turn to expiations and amulets and dreams, just so in obscure and perplexing speculations, when the ordinary and reputable and customary accounts are not persuasive, it is necessary to try those that are more out of the way and not scorn them but literally to chant over ourselves[*](cf. Plato, Phaedo, 77 E and 114 D, Republic, 608 A.) the charms of the ancients and use every means to bring the truth to test.

Well, to begin with, you see that it is absurd to call the figure seen in the moon an affection of vision in its feebleness giving way to brilliance, a condition which we call [bedazzlement]. Anyone who asserts this[*](If Plutarch has a definite person in mind, I have not been able to identify him. Adler (Diss. Phil. Vind. x, p. 127) thinks that ὁ λέγων refers to a physicist whose name Plutarch himself probably did not know, and Raingeard that it refers to esprits cultivÈs in general.) does not observe that this phenomenon should rather have occurred in relation to the sun, since the sun lights upon us keen and violent (as Empedocles[*](Frag. 40 (i, p. 329. 11 [Diels-Kranz]).) too somewhere not infelicitously renders the difference of the two:

The sun keen-shafted and the gentle moon,

referring in this way to her allurement and cheerfulness and harmlessness), and moreover does [not] explain why dull and weak eyes discern no distinction of shape in the moon but her orb for them has an even and full light, whereas those of keen and robust vision make out more precisely and distinctly the pattern of facial features and more clearly perceive the variations. In fact the contrary, I think, should have been the case if the image resulted from an affection of the eye when it is overpowered: the weaker the subject affected, [the clearer] should be the appearance of the image. The unevenness also entirely refutes the hypothesis, for the shadow that one sees is not continuous and confused but is not

badly depicted by the words of Agesianax[*](Schmid (Christ-Schmid-Stählin, Gesch. der griech. Litteratur⁶ , ii. 1, p. 164, n. 5) assumes that the verses here quoted are from the astronomical poem of Hegesianax; so also Susemihl (Gesch. der griech. Litteratur in der Alexandrinerzeit, ii, p. 33, n. 19), Schaefer (R.E. i. 795), and Stähelin (R.E. vii. 2603. 59 ff.). Powell (Collectanea Alexandria, p. 8) prints the verses as fragment 1 of the Phaenomena of Hegesianax but observes that Cod. A Catalogi Interpretum Arati gives Ἀγησιάναξ.): She gleams with fire encircled, but within Bluer than lapis show a maiden’s eye And dainty brow, a visage manifest. In truth, the dark patches submerge beneath the bright ones which they encompass and confine them, being confined and curtailed by them in turn; and they are thoroughly intertwined with each other [so as to] make the [delineation] of the figure resemble a painting. [This], Aristotle, seemed[*](i.e. in the earlier discussion which Lamprias is now relating for Sulla’s benefit.) to be a point not without cogency against your Clearchus[*](Clearchus of Soli, pupil of Aristotle; Wehrli, Die Schule des Aristoteles, Heft III: Klearchos, frag. 97 (cf. A.J.P. lxx [1949], pp. 417-418).) also. For the man is yours, since he was an associate of the ancient Aristotle, although he did pervert many doctrines of the School.[*](For ὁ Περίπατος, the Promenade, used to designate the school of Aristotle, cf. Musica, 1131 F, and the Peripatetics in Adv. Coloten, 1115 A - B, and Sulla, xxvi (468 B).)

Apollonides broke in and inquired what the opinion of Clearchus was. You are the last person, I said, who has any right not to know a theory of which geometry is, as it were, the very hearth and

home. The man, you see, asserts that what is called the face consists of mirrored likenesses, that is images of the great ocean reflected in the moon,[*](Similar theories are referred to by Aëtius, ii. 30. 1 (Dox. Graeci, p. 361 B 10-13) = Stobaeus, Eclogae, i. 26. 4; Lucian, Icaromenippus, § 20; Simplicius, Caelo, p. 457. 15-16. Such a theory is recorded and refuted by Ibn Al-Haitham, the Arabic astronomer of the tenth and eleventh centuries (cf, Schoy’s translation, pp. 1-2 and 5-6). Emperor Rudolph II believed the spots on the moon to be the reflection of Italy and the large Italian islands (cf. Kepler, Opera Omnia, ii, p. 491 cited by Pixis, Kepler als Geography p. 102); and A. von Humboldt (Kosmos, iii, p. 544 [Stuttgart, 1850]) tells of a Persian from Ispahan who assured him that what we see in the moon is the map of our earth (cf. Ebner, Geographische Hinweise und Anklänge in Plutarchs Schrift, de facie, p. 13, n. 3).) for the visual ray when reflected naturally reaches from many points objects which are not directly visible and the full moon is itself in uniformity and lustre[*](i.e. in the evenness and polish of its surface.) the finest and clearest of all mirrors. Just as you think, then, that the reflection of the visual ray to the sun accounts for the appearance of the (rainbow) in a cloud where the moisture has become somewhat smooth and (condensed),[*](For the rainbow as a reflection of the sun in the cloud cf. Iside, 358 F, Amatorius, 765 E - F (where there is a strong verbal similarity to the present passage), Placitis, 894 C - F (= Aëtius, iii. 5, 3-10 and 11 [Dox. Graeci, pp. 372-373]). According to Aëtius, iii. 5. 11 ( = Placitis, 894 F) the theory was held by Anaxagoras (cf. frag. B 19 = ii, p. 41. 8-11 [Diels-Kranz]). It is developed by Aristotle in Meteorology, iii. 4, 373 A 32 375 B 15 (cf. Areius Didymus’s Epitome, frag. 14 = Dox. Graeci, p. 455.14 ff., and Seneca, Nat. Quaest. i. 3). Diogenes Laertius, vii. 152 cites Posidonius for the definition ἶριν δ’ εἶναι ὡς Ποσειδώνιός φησιν ἔμφασιν ἡλίου τμήματος ἣ ἐν νέφει δεδροσιμένῳ, κοίλῳ καὶ συνεχεῖ πρὸς φαντασίαν, ὡς ἐν κατόpτρῳ φανταζομένην κατὰ κύκλου περιφέρειαν (cf. Seneca, Nat. Quaest. i. 5. 13); and Adler (Diss. Phil. Vind. x, pp. 128-129) contends that Posidonius was Plutarch’s source for the formulation of the theory. Plutarch’s oἴεσθ’ ὑμεῖς, however, addressed to Apollonides must be intended to ascribe the theory generally to you mathematicians; and this is confirmed by the passage of Iside cited above, which reads: καἰ καθάπερ οἱ μαθηματικοὶ τὴν ἶριν λέγουσι On the difference between the theories of Aristotle and Posidonius cf. O. Gilbert, Die meteorologischen Theorien des griechischen Altertums, pp. 614-616.) so Clearchus thought that the outer ocean is seen in the moon, not in the place where it is but in the place whence the visual ray has been deflected to the ocean and the reflection of the ocean to us.

So Agesianax again has somewhere said:

Or swell of ocean surging opposite
Be mirrored in a looking-glass of flame.

[*](Powell (Collectanea Alexandrina, p. 9) prints these lines as fragment 2 of the Phaenomena of Hegesianax; see note a on p. 39 supra.)

Apollonides was delighted. What an original and absolutely novel contrivance the hypothesis is, he said, the work of a man of daring and culture; but how did you proceed to bring your counterargument against it? In the first place, I said, in that, although the outer ocean is a single thing, a confluent and continuous sea,[*](cf. Strabo, i. 1. 8 (i, p. 6. 4-7 [Meineke]).) the dark spots in the moon do not appear as one but as having something like isthmuses between them, the brilliance dividing and delimiting the shadow. Hence, since each part is separated and has its own boundary, the layers of light upon shadow,[*](The language is that of painting; cf. Lucian, Zeuxis, 5: τῶν χρωμάτων ἀκριβῆ τὴν κρᾶσιν καὶ εὔνκαφον τὴν ἐπιβολὴν ποιήσασθαι. ) assuming the semblance of height and depth, have produced a very close likeness of eyes and lips. Therefore, one must assume the existence of several outer oceans separated by isthmuses and mainlands, which is absurd and false; or, if the ocean is single, it is not plausible that its reflected image be thus discontinuous. Tell me whether for in your presence it is safer to put this as a question than as an assertion whether it is possible, though the inhabited world has length and breadth, that every visual ray when reflected from the moon should in like manner reach the ocean, even the visual rays of those who are sailing in the great ocean itself, yes and who dwell in it as the Britons

do, and that too even though the earth, as you say,[*](i.e. you mathematicians; see oἴεσθ’ ὑμεῖς in 921 A supra. The reference is to the eccentrics of Hipparchus’s theory of the motion of the moon. For defence of the text and a detailed interpretation of this sentence cf. Class. Phil. xlvi (1951), pp. 137-138.) does not have the relation of centre to the orbit of the moon. Well, this, I said, it is your business to consider; but the reflection of vision either in respect to the moon or (in general) is beyond your province and that of Hipparchus too.[*](Because Hipparchus was a mathematician and not a physicist (φυσιολόγος); on the difference cf. Geminus in Simplicius, Phys. pp. 291. 23-292. 29, and the phrase, διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐφωδιάσθαι ἀπὸ φυσιολογίας, which Theon of Smyrna (p. 188. 19-20) uses of Hipparchus.) Although Hipparchus was industrious, still many find him unsatisfactory in his explanation of the nature of vision itself, (which) is more likely to involve a sympathetic compound and fusion[*](Plato’s theory; cf. Timaeus, 45 C and Placitis, 901 B- C = Aëtius, iv. 13. 11 (Dox. Graeci, p. 404).) than any impacts and rebounds such as those of the atoms that Epicurus invented.[*](cf.Adv. Coloten, 1112 C and Placitis, 901 A - B = Aëtius, iv. 13. 1 (Dox. Graeci, p. 403. 2-4). The present passage seems to imply that Hipparchus’s explanation of vision resembled that of Epicurus. In Placitis, 901 B = Aëtius, iv. 13. 9 (Dox. Graeci, p. 404) a theory of vision is attributed to Hipparchus, however, which does not at all resemble that of the atomists; but the name Hipparchus there is probably a mistake, cf. Class. Phil. xlvi (1951), p. 154, n. 6.) Moreover, Clearchus, I think, would refuse to assume with us that the moon is a body of weight and solidity instead of an ethereal and luminiferous star as you say[*](Lamprias addresses Apollonides and Aristotle, for that the moon is an ethereal and luminiferous star is the Peripatetic theory (cf. the statement of Aristotle at 928 E s.v. and the references in the note there) and that is why it is ascribed to Clearchus. Obviously then ὑμῖν of the MSS. must be an error and should be changed to ἡμῖν, for that the moon is a body with weight and solidity is the opinion of the Academy, i.e. of Lamprias, Lucius, and their circle (cf. 926 C, 928 C, 931 B - C s.v.).); (and) such a moon ought

to shatter and divert the visual ray so that reflection would be out of the question. But if anyone dismisses our objections, we shall ask how it is that the reflection of the ocean exists as a face only in the moon and is seen in none of all the many other stars, although reason requires that all or none of them should affect the visual ray in this fashion. But [let us have done with this; and do you]], I said with a glance at Lucius, recall to me what part of our position was stated first.

Whereat Lucius said: Nay, lest we give the impression of flatly insulting Pharnaces by thus passing over the Stoic opinion unnoticed, do now by all means address some remark to the gentleman who, supposing the moon to be a mixture of air and gentle fire, then says that what appears to be a figure is the result of the blackening of the air as when in a calm water there runs a ripple under the surface. [*](Von Arnim (S. V. F. ii, p. 198) prints this and some of the subsequent sentences as frag. 673 among the Physical Fragments of Chrysippus. For the Stoic doctrine that the moon is a mixture of air and fire cf. Placitis, 891 B and 892 B ( = Aëtius, ii. 25. 5 [Dox. Graeci, p. 356] and ii. 30. 5 [Dox. Graeci, p. 361]), and S. V. F. ii, p. 136. 32. The gentle fire here mentioned is the πῦρ τεχνικόν as distinguished from destructive fire (cf. S. V. F. i, p. 34. 22-27 and ii, p. 200. 14-16). For the Stoic explanation of the face in the moon cf. S. V. F. ii, p. 199. 3-5 ( = Philo Judaeus, Somniis, i, § 145); and for the simile of the ripple cf. Iliad, vii. 63-64.) You are [very] nice, Lucius, I said, to dress up the absurdity in respectable language. Not so our

comrade[*](See 929 B and 929 F s.v.. This comrade was the leader of the earlier discussion, which is here being recapitulated, and is probably to be identified with Plutarch himself (so Hirzel, r Dialog, ii, p. 184, n. 2, and Hartman, Plutarcho, p. 557); cf. Tuenda Sanitate, 122 F for a similar situation and Quaest. Conviv. 643 C, where Hagias addresses Plutarch as comrade. ); but he said what is true, that they blacken the Moon’s eye defiling her with blemishes and bruises, at one and the same time addressing her as Artemis[*](cf.S. V. F. ii, p. 212. 38-39 (Chrysippus), iii, p. 217. 12-13 (Diogenes of Babylon); in general Quaest. Conviv 658 F 659 A, and Roscher, über Selene und Verwandtes, p. 116.) and Athena[*](cf. 938 B s.v.. In Iside, 354 C Isis, who later is identified with the moon (372 D), is identified with Athena (cf. 376 A). cf. Roscher, Op. cit. pp. 123 f. (on the supposed fragment of Aristotle there cited see V. Rose, Aristoteles Pseudepigraphus, pp. 616 [no. 4] and 617).) and making her a mass compounded of murky air and smouldering fire neither kindling nor shining of herself, an indiscriminate kind of body, forever charred and smoking like the thunderbolts that are darkling and by the poets called lurid.[*](cf.Odyssey, xxiii. 330 and xxiv. 539; Hesiod, Theogony, 515; Pindar, Nemean, x. 71; Aristotle, Meteorology, 371 A 17-24.) Yet a smouldering fire, such as they suppose that of the moon to be, cannot persist or subsist at all unless it get solid fuel that shelters and at the same time nourishes it[*](See 934 B - C s.v..); this some philosophers, I believe, see less clearly than do those who say in jest that Hephaestus is said to be lame because fire without wood, like the lame without a stick, makes no progress.[*](cf. Cornutus, chap. 18 (p. 33. 18-22 Lang); Heracliti Quaestiones Homericae, § 26 (p. 41. 2-6 Oelmann).) If the moon really is fire, whence came so much air in it? For the region that we see revolving above us is the place not of air but of a superior substance, the nature of which is to rarefy all things and set them afire; and, if air did come to be there, why has it not been etherealized by the fire[*](cf.S. V. F. ii, p. 184. 2-5: ἑξαιθερoῦσθαι πάντα εἰς πῦρ αἰθερῶδες ἀναλυομένων πάντων. The ether here is Stoic ether, i.e. a kind of fire (cf. Primo Frigido, 951 c-d and note d on 928 D s.v.), not Aristotle’s fifth essence, which does not enter into the process of the alteration of simple bodies.)

and in this transformation disappeared but instead has been preserved as a housemate of fire this long time, as if nails had fixed it forever to the same spots and riveted it together? Air is tenuous and without configuration, and so it naturally slips and does not stay in place; and it cannot have become solidified if it is commingled with fire and partakes neither of moisture nor of earth by which alone air can be solidified.[*](cf. Primo Frigido, 951 D, 952 B, 953 D 954 A: but the Stoic opinion given in 949 B ( = S. V. F. ii, p. 142. 6-10) was that solidification (φῦξις) is a state produced in water by air, and Galen reports (S. V. F. ii, p. 145. 8-11) that according to the Stoics the hardness and resistance of earth are caused by fire and air.) Moreover, velocity ignites the air in stones and in cold lead, not to speak of the air enclosed in fire that is whirling about with such great speed.[*](cf.Aristotle, Caelo, 289 A 19-32, Meteorology, 341 A 17-19; Ideler, Aristotelis Meteorologica, i, pp. 359-360.) Why, they are vexed by Empedocles because he represents the moon to be a hail-like congelation of air encompassed by the sphere of fire[*](Empedocles, A 60 (i, p. 294. 24-31 [Diels-Kranz]); cf. [Plutarch], Stromat. § 10 = Dox. Graeci, p. 582. 12-15 = i, p. 288. 30-32 (Diels-Kranz); and C. E. Millard, On the Interpretation of Empedocles, pp. 65-68.); but they themselves say that the moon is a sphere of fire containing air dispersed about it here and there, and a sphere moreover that has neither clefts nor depths and hollows, such as are allowed by those who make it an earthy body, but has the air evidently resting upon its convex surface. That it should so remain is both contrary to reason and impossible to square with what is observed when the moon is full. On that assumption there should have been no distinction of dark and shadowy air; but all the air should become dark when occulted, or when the moon is caught by the sun it should all shine out with an even light. For with us too, while

the air in the depths and hollows of the earth, wherever the suns rays do not penetrate, remains shadowy and unlit, that which suffuses the earth outside takes on brilliance and a luminous colour. The reason is that air, because of its subtility, is delicately attuned to every quality and influence; and, especially if it touches light or, to use your phrase, merely is tangent to it, it is altered through and through and entirely illuminated.[*](Chrysippus, frag. 570 (S. V. F. ii, p. 178. 20-22), cf. Primo Frigido, 952 F. With the words ὥς φατε Lamprias addresses Pharnaces as representative of the Stoics, for whose doctrine of the instantaneous alteration of air by light see 930 F s.v. and the references there; cf. especially κατὰ νύξιν ἣ ψαῦσιν there with ἂν ἐριψαύσῃ μόνον, ὥς φατε, here. Aristotle originated the doctrine that the transparent medium is altered instantaneously throughout its whole extent by the mere presence of light at any point (cf. Sensu, 446 B 27 447 A 10 and Anima, 418 B 9 ff.).) So this same point seems right handsomely to re-enforce those who pack the air on the moon into depths of some kind and chasms, even as it utterly refutes you who make her globe an unintelligible mixture or compound of air and fire for it is not possible[*](i.e. on the Stoic theory.) that a shadow remain upon the surface when the sun casts his light upon all of the moon that is within the compass of our vision.

Even while I was still speaking Pharnaces spoke: Here we are faced again with that stock manoeuvre of the Academy[*](The word τὸ περίακτον occurs in Comp. Lys. Sulla, iii, 476 E, where it seems to mean the old saw, though it may refer to a proverbial state of inside out and wrong side to. In Gloria Atheniensium, 348 E Plutarch mentions μηχανὰς ἀπὸ σκηνῆς περιάκτους, but that rather tells against taking τὸ περίακτον as the name of this stage-machine. He uses περιαγωγή in Genio Socratis, 588 D in the sense of distraction and in Praecepta Gerendae Reipublicae, 819 A in the sense of a trick of diversion, a sense which certainly suits τὸ περίακτον in the present context. The complaint of Pharnaces is frequently made by the interlocutors of Socrates; cf. Xenophon, Memorabilia, iv, 4. 9; Plato, Republic, 336 C; Aristotle, Soph. Elench. 183 B 6-8. ): on each occasion that they engage in discourse with others they will not offer any accounting of their own assertions but must keep

their interlocutors on the defensive lest they become the prosecutors. Well, me you will not to-day entice into defending the Stoics against your charges until I have called you people to account for turning the universe upside down. Thereupon Lucius laughed and said: Oh, sir, just don’t bring suit against us for impiety as Cleanthes thought that the Greeks ought to lay an action for impiety against Aristarchus the Samian on the ground that he was disturbing the hearth of the universe because he sought to save (the) phenomena by assuming that the heaven is at rest while the earth is revolving along the ecliptic and at the same time is rotating about its own axis.[*](= S. V. F. i, p. 112, frag. 500; the title, Against Aristarchus, appears in the list of Cleanthes writings given by Diogenes Laertius, vii. 174. For the theory of Aristarchus cf. Plutarch, Plat. Quaest. 1006 c; Placitis 891 A = Aëtius, ii. 24. 8 (Dox. Graeci, p. 355); Archimedes, Arenarius, i. 1.4-7 (Opera Omnia, ii, p. 218 Heiberg); Sextus Empiricus, Adv. Math. x. 174; T. L. Heath, Aristarchus of Samos, pp. 301 ff.) We[*](i.e. we Academics, the party which did in fact maintain that the moon is an earthy body.) express no opinion of our own now; but those who suppose that the moon is earth, why do they, my dear sir, turn things upside down any more than you[*](i.e. you Stoics; cf. Achilles, Isagogê, 4 = S. V. F. ii, frag. 555, p. 175. 36 ff.) do who station the earth here suspended in the air? Yet the earth is a great deal larger than the moon[*](This would not have been admitted by most of the Stoics, who thought that the moon is larger than the earth; but in this Posidonius and possibly others disagreed with the earlier members of the school; cf. Aëtius, ii. 26. 1 (Dox. Graeci, p. 357 and p. 68, n. 1), and M. Adler, Diss. Phil. Vind. x (1910), p. 155.) according to the mathematicians who during the occurrences of eclipses and the transits of the moon through the shadow calculate her magnitude by the length of time that she is obscured.[*](cf. Cleomedes, ii. 1, § 80 (p. 146. 18 ff. Ziegler); Simplicius, Caelo, p. 471. 6-11.) For the

shadow of the earth grows smaller the further it extends, because the body that casts the light is larger than the earth[*](cf. Cleomedes, ii. 2. §§ 93-94 (p. 170. 11 ff. Ziegler); Theon of Smyrna, p. 197. 1 ff. (Hiller); Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 11 (8), 51.); and that the upper part of the shadow itself is taper and narrow was recognized, as they say, even by Homer, who called night nimble because of the sharpness of the shadow.[*](cf. Defectu Oraculorum, 410 D. Homer uses the phrase θοὴ νύξ frequently (e.g. Iliad, x. 394 [cf. Leaf’s note ad loc.], Odyssey, xii. 284). Another θοός, supposedly meaning pointed, sharp and cognate with ἐθόωσα in Odyssey, ix. 327, is used of certain islands in Odyssey, xv. 299 (cf. Strabo, viii. 350-351; Pseudo-Plutarch, Vita et Poesi Homeri, B, 21 [vii, p. 347. 19 ff. Bernardakis]). The latter passage so understood was used to support the hypothesis that θοὴ νυξ referred to the sharpness of the earth’s shadow: cf. Heracliti Quaestiones Homericae, §§ 45-46 (p. 67. 13 ff. Oelmann). Eustathius (Comment. ad Iliadem, 814. 15 ff.) mentions besides this another astronomical interpretation of the phrase by Crates of Mallos.) Yet captured by this part in eclipses[*](For this temporal dative without ἐν cf. Theon of Smyrna, p. 194. 1-3 (Hiller).) the moon barely escapes from it in a space thrice her own magnitude. Consider then how many times as large as the moon the earth is, if the earth casts a shadow which at its narrowest is thrice as broad as the moon.[*](cf. An. Proc. in Timaeo, 1028 D where Plutarch ascribes to geometers the approximate calculation of three to one as the ratio of the earth’s diameter to that of the moon and of twelve to one as the ratio of the sun’s diameter to that of the earth, figures which agree roughly with those of Hipparchus (t: 1: s = 1 . 1/3 . 12 1/3; cf. Heath, Aristarchus of Samos, pp. 342 and 350 after Hultsch). Hipparchus, however, considered the breadth of the shadow at the moon’s mean distance from the earth in eclipses to be lunar diameters (Ptolemy, Syntaxis, iv. 9 [i, p. 327. 1-4 Heiberg]), while Aristarchus, whose calculations of the moon’s diameter Plutarch quotes at 932 B s.v., declared the shadow to be 2 lunar diameters in breadth (cf. Aristarchus, Hypothesis 5 [Heath, Op. cit. p. 352. 13]; Pappus, Collectionis Quae Supersunt, ii, p. 554. 17-18 and p. 556. 14-17 [Hultsch]), the figure given by Cleomedes as well (pp. 146. 18-19 and 178. 8-13 [Ziegler]; cf. Geminus, Elementa, ed. Manitius, p. 272). Plutarch may here simply have assumed that the ratio of the lunar diameter to the breadth of the shadow would be the same as the Hipparchean ratio of the lunar diameter to the diameter of the earth; but he may also have erroneously supposed that the time taken by the moon to enter the shadow, the time of complete obscuration, and the time taken to leave the shadow equal three diameters instead of two (cf. Cleomedes, p. 146. 21-25 [Ziegler] and M. Adler, Diss. Phil. Vind. x [1910], p. 156, n. 2).) All the same, you fear for the moon lest it fall; whereas concerning the earth perhaps Aeschylus has

persuaded you that Atlas

Stands, staying on his back the prop of earth And sky no tender burden to embrace.[*](Aeschylus, Prometheus Vinct. 351-352 (Smyth).)

Or, while under the moon there stretches air unsubstantial and incapable of supporting a solid mass, the earth, as Pindar says, is encompassed by steel-shod pillars[*](Pindar, frag. 88 (Bergk) = 79 (Bowra).); and therefore Pharnaces is himself without any fear that the earth may fall but is sorry for the Ethiopians or Taprobanians,[*](i.e. the Sinhalese; cf. Strabo, ii. 1. 14, chap. 72 and xv. 1. 14, chap. 690; Pliny, Nat. Hist. vi. 22 (24).) who are situated under the circuit of the moon, lest such a great weight fall upon them. Yet the moon is saved from falling by its very motion and the rapidity of its revolution, just as missiles placed in slings are kept from falling by being whirled around in a circle.[*](cf. Aristotle, Caelo, 284 A 24-26 and 295 A 16-21 (on Empedocles [Cherniss, Aristotle’s Criticism of Presocratic Philosophy, p. 204, n. 234]). Plutarch himself in Lysander, xii. 3-4 (439 D) ascribes to Anaxagoras the notion that the heavenly bodies are kept from falling by the speed of their circular motion.) For each thing is governed by its natural motion unless it be diverted by something else. That is why the moon is not governed by its weight: the weight has its influence frustrated by the rotatory motion. Nay, there would be more reason perhaps to wonder if she were absolutely unmoved and stationary like the earth. As it is, while [the] moon has good cause for not moving in this direction, the influence of weight alone might reasonably move the earth, since it has no part in any other motion; and the earth is heavier than the moon not merely in proportion to its greater size but

still more, inasmuch as the moon has, of course, become light through the action of heat and fire.[*](Here Lucius assumes the Stoic theory of the composition of the moon in order to rebut the Stoic objections.) In short, your own statements seem to make the moon, if it is fire, stand in greater need of earth, that is of matter to serve it as a foundation, as something to which to adhere, as something to lend it coherence, and as something that can be ignited by it, for it is impossible to imagine fire being maintained without fuel,[*](cf.Seneca, Nat. Quaest. vii. 1. 7: magni fuere viri, qui sidera crediderunt ex duro concreta et ignem alienum pascentia. nam per se, inquiunt, flamma diffugeret, nisi aliquid haberet, quod teneret et a quo teneretur, conglobatamque nec stabili inditam corpori, profecto iam mundus turbine suo dissipasset. ) but you people say that earth does abide without root or foundation. [*](cf. Aristotle’s remark (Meteorology, 353 A 34 - B 5) about the ancient θεολόγοι who assumed ῥίζαι γῆς καὶ θαλάττης and see Hesiod, Theogony, 728; Aeschylus, Prometheus Vinct. 1046-1047; and the Orphic lines quoted by Proclus, In Timaeum, 211 C (ii, p. 231. 27-28 [Diehl]) = Kern, Orphicorum Fragmenta, 168. 29-30 (p. 202). The phrase ῥίζα καὶ βάσις is applied to the earth itself in a different sense by Timaeus Locrus (97 E). For the ascription to Xenophanes of the notion that the earth ἐπ’ ἄπειρον ἐρρίζωται cf. Xenophanes, frag. A 47 (i, pp. 125-126 [Diels-Kranz]).) Certainly it does, said Pharnaces, in occupying the proper and natural place that belongs to it, the middle, for this is the place about which all weights in their natural inclination press against one another and towards which they move and converge from every direction, whereas all the upper space, even if it receive something earthy which has been forcibly hurled up into it, straightway extrudes it into our region or rather lets it go where its proper inclination causes it naturally to descend. [*](= S. V. F. ii, p. 195, frag. 646. This is the doctrine of proper place and natural motion, originally Aristotelian and ascribed to Aristotle in Defectu Oraculorum, 424 B but adopted also by the Stoics (cf S. V. F. ii, p. 162. 14-19; p. 169. 8-11; p. 175. 16-35; p. 178. 12-15); it should not be confused, however, as Raingeard confuses it, with the Stoic doctrine that the universe itself is in the middle of the void ( Defectu Oraculorum, 425 D - E, Stoicorum Repugnantiis, 1054 C - D).)

At this — for I wished Lucius to have time to collect his thoughts — I called to Theon. Which of

the tragic poets was it, Theon, I asked, who said that physicians

With bitter drugs the bitter bile purge?

Theon replied that it was Sophocles.[*](Sophocles, frag. 770 (Nauck²). The verse is quoted with variations at Cohibenda Ira, 463 F, and Tranquillitate Animi, 468 B.) Yes, I said, and we have of necessity to allow them this procedure; but to philosophers one should not listen if they desire to repulse paradoxes with paradoxes and in struggling against opinions that are amazing fabricate others that are more amazing and outlandish,[*](cf. Aristotle’s remark, Caelo, 294 A 20-21: τὸ δὲ τὰs περὶ τούτου λύσεις μὴ μᾶλλον ἀτόπους εἶναι δοκεῖη τῆς ἀπορίας, θαυμάσειεν ἆνa τις.) as these people do in introducing their motion to the centre. What paradox is not involved in this doctrine? Not the one that the earth is a sphere although it contains such great depths and heights and irregularities?[*](This objection to the Peripatetic and Stoic theory that the sphericity of the earth is a necessary consequence of the natural motion of earth downwards to the centre of the universe (Aristotle, Caelo, 297 A 8 - b 23; Strabo, i. 1. 20, chap. 11; Adrastus in Theon of Smyrna, p. 122. 1-16 [Hiller]) was often answered (cf. Dicaearchus in Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 65. 162; Adrastus in Theon of Smyrna, pp. 124. 7-127, 23, using arguments from Archimedes, Eratosthenes, and Dicaearchus; Cleomedes, i. 56 [p. 102. 9-20 Ziegler]; Alexander in Simplicius, Caelo, p. 546. 15-23; Alexander, Mixtione, p. 237. 5-15 [Bruns]). Plutarch, who defends Plato for constructing the spherical earth of molecules that are cubes on the ground that no material object can be a perfect sphere (Quaest. Plat. 1004 B - C), probably did not intend this or the subsequent paradoxes to be taken too seriously. Lamprias is simply riding Pharnaces as hard as he can, using any argument, good or bad, to make him appear ridiculous.) Not that people live on the opposite hemisphere clinging to the earth like wood-worms or geckos turned bottomside up?[*](cf. Lucretius, i. 1052-1067 in his argument against the Stoic motion to the centre. Plutarch mentions the antipodes in connection with the Stoics in Stoicorum Repugnantiis, 1050 B. In Herodoti Malignitate, 869 C it is said that some say that there are antipodes.) — and that we ourselves in standing remain not at right angles to the earth but at an oblique angle, leaning from the perpendicular

like drunken men?[*](cf. Aristotle, Caelo, 296 B 18 - 21 and 297 B 17 - 21: the courses of bodies falling to the earth form equal angles with the horizontal plane at the point of contact and are not parallel. So, Lamprias argues, men standing upright on the earth would not be parallel to one another but all in converging on the centre would deviate from the absolute perpendicular.) Not that incandescent masses of forty tons[*](Probably not aeroliths, as Raingeard supposes, but incandescent boulders such as are thrown up by volcanoes; for μύδροι in this sense cf. [Aristotle], Mundo, 395 B 22-23; Strabo, vi. 2. 8, chap. 274; vi. 2. 10, chap. 275; xiii. 4. 11, chap. 628. For the falling of great boulders within the earth cf. Lucretius, vi. 536-550, and Seneca, Nat. Quaest. vi. 22. 2; but Plutarch probably had in mind a subterranean geography such as that of Phaedo, 111 D ff., of which the next sentence but one contains an explicit reminiscence.) falling through the depth of the earth stop when they arrive at the centre, though nothing encounter or support them; and, if in their downward motion the impetus should carry them past the centre, they swing back again and return of themselves? Not that pieces of meteors burnt out on either side of the earth do not move downwards continually but falling upon the surface of the earth force their way into it from the outside and conceal themselves about the centre?[*](For the text and interpretation of this sentence cf. Class. Phil. xlvi (1951), pp. 139-140.) Not that a turbulent stream of water, if in flowing downwards it should reach the middle point, which they themselves call incorporeal,[*](cf. 926 B s.v.. According to the Stoics the limits of bodies are incorporeal and therefore in the strict sense nonexistent ( Communibus Notitiis, 1080 e; cf. 1081 B and S. V. F. ii, p. 159, frag. 488), since only the corporeal exists (S. V. F. ii, p. 115, frag. 320 and p. 117, frag. 329). Only corporeal existence, moreover, can produce an effect or be affected ( Communibus Notitiis, 1073 E, cf. S. V. F. ii, p. 118, frag. 336 and p. 123, frag. 363). How then can the incorporeal centre have any effect upon corporeal entities?) stops suspended [or] moves round about it, oscillating in an incessant and perpetual see-saw?[*](cf.Plato, Phaedo, 111 E 112 E, which is certainly the source of Plutarch’s figure, and Aristotle’s criticism of Plato’s account in Meteorology, 355 B 32 356 A 19.) Some of these a man could not even mistakenly force

himself to conceive as possible. For this amounts to upside down and all things topsy-turvy, everything as far as the centre being down and everything under the centre in turn being up.[*](cf.Phaedo, 112 E 1-3. By introducing the conventional phrase ὑπὸ τὸ μέσον, which really begs the question, Lamprias makes the notion appear to be a ridiculous self-contradiction.) The result is that, if a man should so coalesce with the earth[*](That συμπαθείᾳ τῆς γῆς, which has given rise to many conjectures, need mean no more than this is proved by Dox. Graeci, p. 317 B 14-16: τῆς τε τῶν ὄντων συμαθείας καὶ τῆς τῶν σωμάτων ἀλληλουχίας. For the figure used here cf. Aristotle, Caelo, 285 A 27-b 5, and Simplicius, Caelo, p. 389. 8-24 and p. 391. 33 ff. The most famous later parallel is the position of Lucifer in Dante’s Inferno, xxxiv. 76-120.) that its centre is at his navel, the same person at the same time has his head up and his feet up too. Moreover, if he dig through the further side, his [bottom] in emerging is [up], and the man digging himself up is pulling himself down from above [*](i.e. his feet emerge first; and they, his bottom part, are up. In digging himself up relatively to the surface through which he emerges, he is with reference to himself pulling himself not up to a position above his head but down to a position below his feet. The paradox rests upon the assumption that head and feet are respectively absolute up and absolute down for man (cf. Aristotle, Incessu Animal. 705 A 26 706 B 16, and Parva Nat. 468 A 1-12).); and, if someone should then be imagined to have gone in the opposite direction to this man, the feet of both of them at the same time turn out to be up and are so called.

Nevertheless, though of tall tales of such a kind and number they have shouldered and lugged in not a wallet-full, by heaven, but some juggler’s pack and hotchpotch, still they say[*](= S. V. F. ii, p. 195, frag. 646.) that others are playing the buffoon by placing the moon, though it is earth, on high and not where the centre is. Yet if all heavy body converges to the same point and is

compressed in all its parts upon its own centre,[*](Lamprias refers directly to the words of Pharnaces at 923 E - F supra. cf. Stoicorum Repugnantiis, 1055 A: εἰ γὰρ αὐτός γε νεύειν ἐπὶ τὸ αυτοῦ μέσον ἀεὶ πέφυκε καὶ τὰ μέρη πρὸς τοῦτο κατατείνειν πανταχόθεν ) it is no more as centre of the sum of things than as a whole that the earth would appropriate to herself the heavy bodies that are parts of herself; and [the downward tendency] of falling bodies[*](That τῶν ῥερόντων can stand alone in this sense, pace Adler (Diss. Phil. Vind. x, p. 96), is proved by Aristotle, Caelo, 312 B 24.) proves not that the [earth] is in the centre of the cosmos but that those bodies which when thrust away from the earth fall back to her again have some affinity and cohesion with her.[*](Aristotle ( Caelo, 296 B 9-25) asserted that heavy, i.e. earthy, objects move to the centre of the universe and so only accidentally to the centre of the earth. The Stoics distinguished the cosmos as ὅλον from τὸ πᾶν, which is the cosmos plus the infinite void encompassing it (S. V. F. ii, p. 167, frags. 522-524), putting the cosmos in the centre of the πᾶν and explaining this as the result of the motion of all things to the centre of the latter (S. V. F. ii, pp. 174-175, frags. 552-554; cf. note d on 923 F supra) but stating that within the cosmos those things that have weight, i.e. water and earth, move naturally down, i.e. to the centre (S. V. F. ii, p. 175. 16-35, frag. 555). Nevertheless, Chrysippus’s own words could be used to show that the natural motion to the centre must belong to the parts of the universe qua parts of the whole and not because of their own nature (cf. Stoicorum Repugnantiis, 1054 E 1055 C); and with the very word οἰκειώσεται Lamprias turns against the Stoics their own doctrine of οἰκείωσις (cf. Stoicorum Repugnantiis, 1038 B = S. V. F. ii, p. 43, frag. 179).) For as the sun attracts to itself the parts of which it consists[*](According to Reinhardt (Kosmos und Sympathie, pp. 173-177) the source of Plutarch’s argument must be Posidonius; but none of the passages cited contains any parallel to this statement concerning the sun, for references to the attractive power of the sun over the other planets (Reinhardt, Op. cit. p. 58, n. 2; cf. R. M. Jones, Class. Phil. xxvii [1932], pp. 122 ff.) are irrelevant. There may rather have been a connection between this notion and the doctrine of Cleanthes referred to in Communibus Notitiis, 1075 D = S. V. F. i, p. 114, frag. 510.) so the earth too accepts as [her] own the stone[*](This is not a reference to aeroliths as Raingeard and Kronenberg suppose nor to the imaginary stone in intercosmic space ( Defectu Oraculorum, 425 C) as Adler believes, but to any γεῶδές τι ὑπὸ βίας ἀναρριφέν, in the words of Pharnaces (923 F supra); cf. Aristotle’s use of ὁ λίθος in the statement of his principle of natural motion (Eth. Nic. 1103 A 19-22).) that has properly a downward tendency, and consequently every such thing

ultimately unites and coheres with her. If there is a body, however, that was not originally allotted to the earth or detached from it but has somewhere independently a constitution and nature of its own, as those men[*](The men referred to in 924 D, ἑτέρους ἄνω τὴν σελήνην, gῆν οὖσαν, ἐνιδρύοντας, whom the Stoics attack and among whom are Lamprias and Lucius themselves and our comrade (921 F).) would say of the moon, what is to hinder it from being permanently separate in its own place, compressed and bound together by its own parts? For it has not been proved that the earth is the centre of the sum of things,[*](i.e. even if it is the centre of our cosmos; cf. Defectu Oraculorum, 425 A - E, where concerning the possibility of a multiplicity of universes in τὸ πᾶν Plutarch points out that even on the hypothesis of natural motion and proper place up, down, and centre would apply separately within each cosmos, there could be no centre of τὸ πᾶν, and the laws of motion in any one universe could not affect objects in any other or hypothetical objects in intercosmic space.) and the way in which things in our region press together and concentrate upon the earth suggests how in all probability things in that region converge upon the moon and remain there. The man who drives together into a single region all earthy and heavy things and makes them part of a single body — I do not see for what reason he does not apply the same compulsion to light objects in their turn but allows so many separate concentrations of fire and, since he does not collect all the stars together, clearly does not think that there must also be a body common to all things that are fiery and have an upward tendency.