Regum et imperatorum apophthegmata

Plutarch

Plutarch. Moralia, Vol. III. Babbitt, Frank Cole, translator. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1931 (printing).

Seeing Gaius Licinius coming before him, he said, I know that this man is guilty of perjury, but, since no one accuses him, I cannot myself be both accuser and judge. [*](Cf. Cicero, Oration for Cluentius, 48 (134); Valerius Maximus, iv. 1. 10.)

He was sent out by the Senate a third time for the purpose, as Cleitomachus [*](Poseidonius (instead of Cleitomachus) is found in Moralia, 777 A, and is also suggested by Athenaeus, 549 D.) says, of

Looking upon men’s arrogant acts and their acts of good order,[*](Homer, Od. xvii. 487. Scipio’s journeyings, beginning in 141 B.C., took him over most of the countries around the eastern end of the Mediterranean Sea.)
that is, as an inspector of cities, peoples, and kings; and when he arrived at Alexandria and, after disembarking, was walking with his toga covering his head, the Alexandrians quickly surrounded him, and insisted that he uncover and show his face to their yearning eyes. And so he uncovered amid shouting and applause. The king could hardly keep up with
them in walking because of his inactive life and his pampering of his body, [*](Ptolemy VII., called Physcon by the Alexandrians because of his fat and unwieldy body. ) and Scipio whispered softly to Panaetius, Already the Alexandrians have received some benefit from our visit. For it is owing to us that they have seen their king walk. [*](Cf. Moralia, 777 A; Diodorus, xxxiii. 28a; Athenaeus, 549 D; Cicero, Academics, ii. 2 (5); Justin, Historiae Philippicae, xxxviii. 8. 8.)

His one companion in his travels was a friend Panaetius, a philosopher, and there were five servants. When one of these died in a foreign land, he did not wish to buy another, and so sent for one from Rome. [*](Cf. Athenaeus, 273 A (-Polybius, Frag. 166, ed. Hultsch); Valerius Maximus, iv. 3. 13.)

Inasmuch as the Numantians seemed invincible in battle and had vanquishedany generals, the people made Scipio consul the second time [*](In 134 B.C.) for this war. When many were eager to enlist for the campaign, the Senate intervened, on the ground that Italy would be unprotected. Moreover, they would not allow him to take money from what was already on hand, but set aside for his use the revenues from taxes not yet due. Scipio said that he did not need monev, for his own and that of his friends would be sufficient; but in regard to the soldiers he did find fault. [*](Cf. Appian, Roman History, the Wars in Spain, xiv. 84.) For he said that the war was a hard war; if it was owing to the bravery of the enemy that they had been vanquished so many times, then it was hard because it was against such men; if it was owing to the want of bravery in their own citizens, then it was hard because it must be conducted with such men.

When he arrived at the camp, and found there much disorder, licentiousness, superstition, and luxury, he straightway drove out the soothsayers, diviners, and panders, and issued orders to send

away all camp-utensils except a pot, a spit, and an earthenware drinking-cup. But he conceded a goblet of silverware of not more than two pounds weight to those who wished to keep such. He forbade bathing, and of those who took a rub-down he required that each man should rub himself, saying that the pack-animals, not being provided with hands, needed somebody to rub them. He also issued orders that the soldiers should eat their luncheon standing, and that it should be something uncooked, but that they might recline at dinner, and this should be bread or porridge simply, and meat roasted or boiled. He himself went about with a black cloak pinned around him, saying that he was in mourning for the disgrace of the army. [*](Appian, Roman History, The Wars in Spain, xiv. 85; Polyaenus, Strategemata, viii. 16. 2; Livy, Epitome of Book lvii.; Valerius, Maximus, ii. 7. 1.)

He detected in the baggage carried by the pack-animals of Memmius, a military tribune, wine coolers set with precious stones, the work of Thericles, [*](A famous Corinthian potter.) and said to him, By such conduct you have made yourself useless to me and your country for thirty days, [*](Presumably the period of his disgrace and punishment.) but useless to yourself for your whole lifetime. [*](Cf. Frontinus, Strategemata, iv. 1. 1.)

When another man showed him a shield beautifully ornamented, he said, A fine shield, young sir; but it is more fitting that a Roman rest his hopes in his right hand rather than in his left. [*](So in Aelian, Varia Historia, xi. 9. Slightly variant versions are to be found in Polyaenus, Strategemata, viii. 16. 4; Frontinus, Strategemata, iv. 1. 5; Livy, Epitome of Book lvii.)

Another carrying a timber for the palisade said that it was awfully heavy. Very likely, said Scipio, for you put more trust in this wood than in your sword. [*](Cf. Polyaenus, Strategemata, viii. 16. 3; Livy, Epitome of Book lvii.)

Observing the recklessness of the enemy, he said that he himself was buying security with time; for a good general, like a physician, needed to operate with steel only as a last resort. [*](Cf. Aulus Gellius, xiii. 3. 6, where Scipio quotes a similar aphorism of his father’s.) Nevertheless he attacked at the proper time and routed the Numantians. [*](Appian relates that Numantia was reduced by systematic siege (Wars in Spain, 89 ff.).)

When the older men asked the defeated soldiers why they were such cowards as to flee from the men they had so often pursued, one of the Numantians is said to have replied that the sheep were still the same sheep, but another man was their shepherd.

After he had captured Numantia and celebrated his second triumph, he had a falling out with Gaius Gracchus in regard to the Senate and the allies; and the people, feeling much aggrieved, set out to shout him down on the rostra. But he said, The battle-cry of armed hosts has never discomfited me, and much less can that of a rabble of whom I know full well that Italy is not their real mother, but their stepmother. [*](Cf. Polyaenus, Strategemata, viii. 16. 5; Velleius Paterculus, ii. 4; Valerius Maximus, vi. 2. 3.)

When the men about Gracchus cried out, Kill the tyrant, he said, Very naturally those who feel hostile towards our country wish to make away with me first; for it is not possible for Rome to fall while Scipio stands, nor for Scipio to live when Rome has fallen.

When Caecilius Metellvs was desirous of leading his men against a strongly fortified place, a centurion

said that with the loss of only ten men Metellvs could take the place. Metellus asked him if he wished to be one of the ten !

A certain centurion among the younger men inquired what he was going to do. If I thought, said he, that the shirt on my back knew what is in my mind, I would strip it off and put it in the fire. [*](Cf. Moralia, 506 D; Valerius Maximus, vii. 4. 5. Frontinus, Strategemata, i. 1. 12, attributes the remark to Metellus Pius (consul 52 B.C. with Pompey.))

He was bitterly opposed to Scipio while Scipio lived, [*](Cicero, De amicitia, 21 (77), and De officiis, i. 25 (87).) but felt very sad when he died, and commanded his sons to take part in carrying the bier. He said that he felt grateful to the gods, for Rome’s sake, that Scipio had not been born among another people. [*](Cf. Pliny, Natural History, vii. 45 (144), and Valerius Maximus, iv. 1. 12.)

Gaius Marius carne from an obscure family and advanced into political life through his military services. He announced himself a candidate for the greater [*](The office of curule aedile.) aedileship, but, perceiving that he was running behind, on the very same day he went after the lesser. [*](That of plebeian aedile.) Failing also to obtain that, he nevertheless did not give up the idea that he should some day be the first among the Romans. [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of C. Marius, chap. v. (408 A); Cicero, Pro Plancio, 21 (51).)

He had large varicose veins on both legs, and, refusing to be fastened down, he submitted these to his physician for excision; and without a groan or even a contraction of his eyebrows he underwent the operation with fortitude. But as the physician

turned his attention to the other leg, Marius would not consent, saying that the cure was not worth the pain. [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of C. Marius, chap. vi. (408 E); Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, ii. 15 (35) and 22 (53); Pliny, Natural History, xi. 104 (252).)

In his second consulship Lusius, his nephew, attempted an indecent assault on one of the youths in the army, by the name of Trebonius, and the youth killed Lusius. When many accused him of the crime, he did not deny that he had killed the officer, and disclosed the circumstances; whereupon Marius ordered the crown which is given for deeds of supreme valour to be brought, and this he placed upon Trebonius. [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of C. Marius, chap. xiv. (413 B); Cicero, Oration for Milo, 4 (9); Valerius Maximus, vi. 1. 12.)

Encamped against the Teutons in a place which had little water, when the soldiers said they were thirsty, he pointed out to them a river flowing close by the enemy’s palisade, saying, There is drink for you which can be bought with blood. And they called upon him to lead them on while the blood within them was fluid and not all dried up by their thirst. [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of C. Marius, chap. xviii. (416 A); Frontinus, Strategemata, ii. 7. 12; Florus, Epitome of Roman History, i. 38. 8 ff.)

In the Cimbrian wars a thousand men of Camerinum who had acquitted themselves bravely he made Roman citizens, in accord with no law. To those who complained he said that he did not hear the laws because of the clash of arms. [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of C. Marius, chap. xxviii. (421 E); Cicero, Oration for Corn. Balbus, 20 (46); Valerius Maximus, v. 2. 8. Cf. also Cicero, Pro Milone, 4 (10), silent enim leges inter arma. )