History of the Peloponnesian War

The Lacedaemonians, after making the Parrhasians independent, and demolishing the fortress, returned home.

Moreover, in the course of the same summer, on the arrival of the troops from Thrace who had marched out with Brasidas, and whom Clearidas had brought back after the treaty was made, the Lacedaemonians decreed that the helots who had fought under Brasidas should be free, and live where they pleased; and not long after they settled them, together with the [*]( That the Neodamodes were a distinct class from the newly enfranchised helots seems clear from this passage and V. 67. 1: and Müller's supposition is highly probable, (Dorier, vol. ii. p. 45,) that the latter after a time rose to the condition of the former; possibly in the next generation; so that the son of an enfranchised helot became a Neodamode; like the distinct, tion between Libertus and Libertinus. —Arnold.) Neodamodes, at Lepreum, which is situated on the borders of Laconia and Elis; for they were now at variance with the Eleans.

But with regard to those of their own body who had been taken in the island, and had surrendered their arms, fearing they might suppose that they would be subjected to some degradation in consequence of their misfortune, and so, if allowed to retain their franchise, might attempt a revolution, they disfranchised them, even while some were holding offices; and with a disfranchisement of such a kind that they could neither take office, nor have power to buy or sell any thing. Subsequently, however, in the course of time, they were again enfranchised.

The same summer also the Dians took Thyssus on the promontory of Athos, a colony of the Athenians.

And during the whole of this summer there was intercourse indeed between the Athenians and Peloponnesians, but both parties suspected each other, from immediately after the conclusion of the treaty, on the ground of their not mutually restoring the places specified. For the Lacedaemonians, to whose lot it fell first to restore Amphipolis and the other towns, had not done so:

nor did they make their Thrace-ward allies accede to the treaty, nor the Boeotians, nor the Corinthians; though they were continually saying that, in conjunction with the Athenians, they would compel those states to do so, if they would not of their own accord. They also pleaded in excuse the fact of the time not being specified, at which those who did not accede to it were to be considered as enemies to both sides.

The Athenians therefore, seeing none of these things really performed, suspected that the Lacedaemonians had no upright intentions; so that on their demanding back Pylus, they refused to restore it, (nay, they even repented of having given them back their prisoners taken in the island,) and kept the other places, waiting till they, on their part, performed for them what had been arranged.

The Lacedaemonians said that they had done what was possible; for that they had restored the Athenian prisoners who were in their hands, and had recalled the troops in Thrace; and whatever else they had in their power. With regard to Amphipolis, they were not, they said, masters of it, so as to give it up; but they would endeavour to bring the Boeotians and Corinthians over to the treaty, and to recover Panactum;

and would restore as many of the Athenians as were prisoners in Boeotia. They required, however, that they should restore Pylus to them; or if not that, should withdraw the Messenians and helots, as they, on their part, had withdrawn their troops from Thrace;

and that the Athenians themselves should garrison it, if they would. So when conferences had been held, many and often, during this summer, they prevailed on the Athenians to withdraw from Pylus the Messenians, and the rest of the helots, and all who had deserted from Laconia; and they settled them at Cranii in Cephallenia.

During this summer, then, there was peace and free intercourse with each other.

But the following winter, (different ephors happening now to be in office, and not those under whom the treaty had been made, and some of them being even opposed to it,) when embassies had come from their confederacy, and the Athenians, Boeotians, and Corinthians were there, and they had held many discussions with one another, and come to no agreement; on their departing homeward, Cleobulus and Xenares—those of the ephors who most wished to break up the treaty—held a private conference with the Boeotians and Corinthians, advising them to pursue as far as possible the same policy; and that the Boeotians, after first entering into alliance with Argos themselves, should then endeavour to bring the Argives together with themselves into alliance with the Lacedaemonians. For in this way the Boeotians were least likely to be forced to accede to the Attic treaty; since the Lacedaemonians would prefer gaining the friendship and alliance of the Argives even [*](πρό.] More literally, in the face of. Poppo adopts Dobree's explanation: Pluris enim facturos Lacedaemonians Argivorum amicitiam et societatem quam Atheniensium inimicitiam ac foederum cum ipsis junctorum violationem: i.e. magis illam cupere quam hanc metuere. For the force of καλῶς, in the next sentence, see Arnold's note.) at the risk of the enmity of the Athenians and the dissolution of the treaty. For they knew that the Lacedaemonians were always desirous that Argos should be their friend on fair terms; thinking that so the war out of the Peloponnese would be more easily conducted by them.