History of the Peloponnesian War

Thucydides

Thucydides. The history of the Peloponnesian War, Volume 1-2. Dale, Henry, translator. London: Heinemann and Henry G. Bohn, 1851-1852.

And when Admetus came not long after, he declared who he was, and begged him not to avenge himself on a banished man, for whatever he himself might have urged against any request of his to the Athenians;

for in that case he would receive evil from the king, when he was far his inferior in power; whereas it was the part of a noble nature to avenge itself on its equals [alone], and on fair terms. Besides, he had himself opposed the king with regard to some request merely, and not on a point of bodily safety; whereas he, if he gave him up, (he mentioned by whom and for what he was being pursued, would deprive him of security of life.
The king, after hearing him, raised him up with his son (for so he was sitting with him, and this was the most prevailing mode of supplication).

And when the Athenians and Lacedaemonians came no long time after, he did not give him up; but as he wished to go to the king, sent him by land to the other sea, to Pydna, which was in Alexander's dominions. There he found a merchant vessel putting to sea for Ionia, and having gone on board, was carried by a storm to the armament of the Athenians, that was blockading Naxos.

In his fear he told the master who he was, (for he was unknown to those in the vessel,) and on what account he was flying; and said, that if he did not save him, he would declare that he was taking him for a pecuniary consideration; that their only hope of safety lay in no one's leaving the vessel till the voyage could be continued; and that if he complied with his request, he would remember him with becoming gratitude. The master did so; and after lying out at sea off the naval encampment a day and a night, subsequently arrived at Ephesus.

And Themistocles rewarded him by a present of money (for there came to him afterwards money from Athens, sent by his friends, and from Argos that which had been secretly laid up there): and having gone up the country with one of the Persians on the coast, he sent a letter to king Artaxerxes, the son of Xerxes, who was lately come to the throne. The purport of the letter was this:

I Themistocles am come to thee, who have done most harm of all the Greeks to your house, as long as I was compelled to defend myself against thy father who had attacked me, but still far more good, when he was retreating in circumstances of safety to me, but of peril to him. And return for a benefit is owed me;
(he mentioned his sending to him from Salamis previous information of the retreat of the Greeks, and the non-destruction of the bridges at that time through his instrumentality, to which he falsely laid claim;)
and now I am come with power to do thee great good, being persecuted by the Greeks because of my friendship for thee. But I wish to wait a year, and then explain in person to thee the objects of my coming.

The king, it is said, approved of his plan, and told him to do so. During the time that he waited he learnt as much as he could of the Persian language, and the institutions of the country;

and having gone to him after the expiration of the year, he became an influential person with him, so as none of the Greeks had hitherto been, both on account of his previous reputation, and the hope which he suggested with regard to Greece, namely, that he would make it subject to him; but most of all, from his showing himself talented by actual proofs.

For Themistocles was one who most clearly displayed the strength of natural genius, and was particularly worthy of admiration in this respect, more than any other man: for by his own talent, and without learning any thing towards it before, or in addition to it, he was both the best judge of things present with the least deliberation, and the best conjecturer of the future, to the most remote point of what was likely to happen. Moreover, the things which he took in hand he was also able to carry out; and in those in which he had no experience he was not at a loss [*]( It should be remembered that τὸ κρῖναι, or the common-sense judgment which men may pass upon subjects which are not within their own peculiar study or possession, was constantly distinguished amongst the Greeks from that full knowledge, whether theoretical or practical, which enables men not only to judge of things when done, but to do them themselves. See II. 40. 3. VI. 39. 1. And on this principle the people at large were considered competent judges of the conduct of their magistrates, though they might be very unfit to be magistrates themselves. —Arnold.) to form a competent judgment. He had too the greatest foresight of what was the better course or the worse in what was as yet unseen. In a word, by strength of natural talent, and shortness of study, he was the best of all men to do [*]( Or, as Arnold renders it, in determining on a moment's notice His wisdom was so little the result of study, that sudden emergencies did not perplex him, as they would those who, being accustomed to trust wholly to it, are called on at once to act without it. ) off-hand what was necessary.

He ended his life by disease; though some say that he purposely destroyed himself by poison, on finding that he was unable to perform what he had promised to the king.