Deipnosophistae

Athenaeus of Naucratis

Athenaeus. The Deipnosophists or Banquet Of The Learned Of Athenaeus. Yonge, Charles Duke, translator. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1854.

"Next in order let us consider the character of the Milesians, which the Ionians display, being very proud of the goodly appearance of their persons; and full of spirit, hard to be reconciled to their enemies, quarrelsome, displaying no philanthropic or cheerful qualities, but rather a want of affection and friendship, and a great moroseness of disposition: on which account the Ionian style of harmony also is not flowery nor mirthful, but austere and harsh, and having a sort of gravity in it, which, however, is not ignoble-looking; on which account that tragedy has a sort of affection for that harmony. But the manners of the Ionians of the present day are more luxurious, and the character of their present music is very far removed from the Ionian harmony we have been speaking of. And men say that Pythermus the Teian wrote songs such as are called Scolia in this kind of harmony; and that it was because he was an Ionian poet that the harmony got the name of Ionian. This is that Pythermus whom Ananius or Hipponax mentions in his Iambics in this way:—

  1. Pythermus speaks of gold as though all else were nought.
And Pythermus's own words are as follows:—
  1. All other things but gold are good for nothing.
Therefore, according to this statement, it is probable that Pythermus, as coming from those parts. adapted the character of his melodies to the disposition of the Ionians; on which account I suppose that his was not actually the Ionian harmony, but that it was a harmony adapted in some a admirable manner to the purpose required. And those are contemptible
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people who are unable to distinguish the characteristic differences of these separate harmonies; but who are led away by the sharpness or flatness of the sounds, so as to describe one harmony as ὑπερμιξολύδιος, and then again to give a definition of some further sort, refining on this: for I do not think that even that which is called the ὑπερφρύγιος has a distinct character of its own, although some people do say that they have invented a new harmony which they call Sub-Phrygian (ὑποφρύγιος). Now every kind of harmony ought to have some distinct species of character or of passion; as the Locrian has, for this was a harmony used by some of those who lived in the time of Simonides and Pindar, but subsequently it fell into contempt.

"There are, then, as we have already said, three kinds of harmony, as there are three nations of the Greek people. But the Phrygian and Lydian harmonies, being barbaric, became known to the Greeks by means of the Phrygians and Lydians who came over to Peloponnesus with Pelops. For many Lydians accompanied and followed him, because Sipylus was a town of Lydia; and many Phrygians did so too, not because they border on the Lydians, but because their king also was Tantalus—(and you may see all over Peloponnesus, and most especially in Lacedæmon, great mounds, which the people there call the tombs of the Phrygians who came over with Pelops)—and from them the Greeks learnt these harmonies: on which account Telestes of Selinus says—

  1. First of all, Greeks, the comrades brave of Pelops,
  2. Sang o'er their wine, in Phrygian melody,
  3. The praises of the mighty Mountain Mother;
  4. But others, striking the shrill strings of the lyre,
  5. Gave forth a Lydian hymn."

But we must not admit,
says Polybius of Megalopolis, "that music, as Ephorus asserts, was introduced among men for the purposes of fraud and trickery. Nor must we think that the ancient Cretans and Lacedæmonians used flutes and songs at random to excite their military ardour, instead of trumpets. Nor are we to imagine that the earliest Arcadians had no reason whatever for doing so, when they introduced music into every department of their management of the republic; so that, though the nation in every other respect was most austere in its manner of life, they nevertheless com-
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pelled music to be the constant companion, not only of their boys, but even of their youths up to thirty years of age. For the Arcadians are the only people among whom the boys are trained from infancy to sing hymns and pæans to regular airs, in which indeed every city celebrates their national heroes and gods with such songs, in obedience to ancient custom.

"But after this, learning the airs of Timotheus and Philoxenus, they every year, at the festival of Bacchus, dance in their theatres to the music of flute-players; the boys dancing in the choruses of boys, and the youths in those of men. And throughout the whole duration of their lives they are addicted to music at their common entertainments; not so much, however, employing musicians as singing in turn: and to admit themselves ignorant of any other accomplishment is not at all reckoned discreditable to them; but to refuse to sing is accounted a most disgraceful thing. And they, practising marches so as to march in order to the sound of the flute, and studying their dances also, exhibit every year in the theatres, under public regulations and at the public expense. These, then, are the customs which they have derived from the ancients, not for the sake of luxury and superfluity, but from a consideration of the austerity which each individual practised in his private life, and of the severity of their characters, which they contract from the cold and gloomy nature of the climate which prevails in the greater part of their country. And it is the nature of all men to be in some degree influenced by the climate, so as to get some resemblance to it themselves; and it is owing to this that we find different races of men, varying in character and figure and complexion, in proportion as they are more or less distant from one another.

In addition to this, they instituted public banquets and public sacrifices, in which the men and women join; and also dances of the maidens and boys together; endevouring to mollify and civilize the harshness of their nature character by the influence of education and habit. And as the people of Cynætha neglected this system (although they occupy by far the most inclement district of Arcadia, both as respects the soil and the climate), they, never meeting one another except for the purpose of giving offence and quarrelling, became at last so utterly savage, that the very greatest
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impieties prevailed among them alone of all the people of Arcadia; and at the time when they made the great massacre, whatever Arcadian cities their emissaries came to in their passage, the citizens of all the other cities at once ordered them to depart by public proclamation; and the Mantineans even made a public purification of their city after their departure, leading victims all round their entire district.

Agias, the musician, said that

the styrax, which at the Dionysiac festivals is burnt in the orchestras, presented a Phrygian odour to those who were within reach of it.
Now, formerly music was an exhortation to courage; and accordingly Alcæus the poet, one of the greatest musicians that ever lived, places valour and manliness before skill in music and poetry, being himself a man warlike even beyond what was necessary. On which account, in such verses as these, he speaks in high-toned language, and says—
  1. My lofty house is bright with brass,
  2. And all my dwelling is adorn'd, in honour
  3. Of mighty Mars, with shining helms,
  4. O'er which white horsehair crests superbly wave,
  5. Choice ornament for manly brows;
  6. And brazen greaves, on mighty pegs suspended,
  7. Hang round the hall; fit to repel
  8. The heavy javelin or the long-headed spear.
  9. There, too, are breastplates of new linen,
  10. And many a hollow shield, thrown basely down
  11. By coward enemies in flight:
  12. There, too, are sharp Chalcidic swords, and belts,
  13. Short military cloaks besides,
  14. And all things suitable for fearless war;
  15. Which I may ne'er forget,
  16. Since first I girt myself for the adventurous work—
although it would have been more suitable for him to have had his house well stored with musical instruments. But the ancients considered manly courage the greatest of all civil virtues, and they attributed the greatest importance to that, to the exclusion of other good qualities. Archilochus accordingly, who was a distinguished poet, boasted in the first place of being able to partake in all political undertakings, and in the second place he mentioned the credit he had gained by his poetical efforts, saying,—
  1. But I'm a willing servant of great Mars,
  2. Skill'd also in the Muses' lovely art.
And, in the same spirit, Aeschylus, though a man who had
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acquired such great renown by his poetry, nevertheless pre- ferred having his valour recorded on his tomb, and composed an inscription for it, of which the following lines are a part:—
  1. The grove of Marathon, and the long-hair'd Medes;
  2. Who felt his courage, well may speak of it.

And it is on this account that the Lacedæmoians, who are a most valiant nation, go to war to the music of the flute, and the Cretans to the strains of the lyre, and the Lydians to the sound of pipes and flutes, as Herodotus relates. And, moreover, many of the barbarians make all their public proclamations to the accompaniment of flutes and harps, softening the souls of their enemies by these means. And Theopompus, in the forty-sixth book of his History, says—

The Getæ make all their proclamations while holding harps in their hands and playing on them.
And it is perhaps on this account that Homer, having due regard to the ancient institutions and customs of the Greeks, says—
  1. I hear, what graces every feast, the lyre;
Odyss. xvii. 262.
as if this art of music were welcome also to men feasting.

Now it was, as it should seem, a regular custom to introduce music, in the first place in order that every one who might be too eager for drunkenness or gluttony might have music as a sort of physician and healer of his insolence and indecorum, and also because music softens moroseness of temper; for it dissipates sadness, and produces affability and a sort of gentlemanlike joy. From which consideration, Homer has also, in the first book of the Iliad, represented the gods as using music after their dissensions on the subject of Achilles; for they continued for some time listening to it—

  1. Thus the blest gods the genial day prolong
  2. In feasts ambrosial and celestial song:
  3. Apollo tuned the lyre,—the Muses round,
  4. With voice alternate, aid the silver sound.
Iliad, i. 603.
For it was desirable that they should leave off their quarrels and dissensions, as we have said. And most people seem to attribute the practice of this art to banquets for the sake of setting things right, and of the general mutual advantage. And, besides these other occasions, the ancients also established by customs and laws that at feasts all men should sing hymns to the gods, in order by these means to preserve
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order and decency among us; for as all songs proceed according to harmony, the consideration of the gods being added to this harmony, elevates the feelings of each individual. And Philochorus says that the ancients, when making their libations, did not always use dithyrambic hymns, but
when they pour libations, they celebrate Bacchus with wine and drunkenness, but Apollo with tranquillity and good order.
Accordingly Archilochus says—
  1. I, all excited in my mind with wine,
  2. Am skilful in the dithyrambic, knowing
  3. The noble melodies of the sovereign Bacchus.
And Epicharmus, in his Philoctetes, says—
  1. A water-drinker knows no dithyrambics.
So, that it was not merely with a view to superficial and vulgar pleasure, as some assert, that music was originally introduced into entertainments, is plain from what has been said above. But the Lacedæmonians do not assert that they used to learn music as a science, but they do profess to be able to judge well of what is done in the art; and they say that they have already three times preserved it when it was in danger of being lost.

Music also contributes to the proper exercising of the body and to sharpening the intellect; on which account, every Grecian people, and every barbarian nation too, that we are acquainted with, practise it. And it was a good saying of Damon the Athenian, that songs and dances must inevitably exist where the mind was excited in any manner; and liberal, and gentlemanly, and honourable feelings of the mind produce corresponding kinds of music, and the opposite feelings likewise produce the opposite kinds of music. On which account, that saying of Clisthenes the tyrant of Sicyon was a witty one, and a sign of a well-educated intellect. For when he saw, as it is related,[*](This story is related by Herodotus, vi. 126.) one of the suitors for his daughter dancing in an unseemly manner (it was Hippoclides the Athenian), he told him that he had danced away his marriage, thinking, as it should seem, that the mind of the man corresponded to the dance which he had exhibited; for in dancing and walking decorum and good order are honourable, and disorder and vulgarity are discreditable. And it is on this principle that the poets originally arranged dances for

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freeborn men, and employed figures only to be emblems of what was being sung, always preserving the principles of nobleness and manliness in them; on which account it was that they gave them the name of ὑπορχήματα(accompaniment to the dance). And if any one, while dancing indulged in unseemly postures or figures, and did nothing at all corresponding to the songs sung, he was considered blameworthy; on which account, Aristophanes or Plato, in his Preparations (as Chamæleon quotes the play), spoke thus:—
  1. So that if any one danced well, the sight
  2. Was pleasing: but they now do nothing rightly,
  3. But stand as if amazed, and roar at random.
For the kind of dancing which was at that time used in the choruses was decorous and magnificent, and to a certain extent imitated the motions of men under arms; on which account Socrates in his Poems says that those men who dance best are the best in warlike exploits; and thus he writes:—
  1. But they who in the dance most suitably
  2. Do honour to the Gods, are likewise best
  3. In all the deeds of war.
For the dance is very nearly an armed exercise, and is a dis- play not only of good discipline in other respects, but also of the care which the dancers bestow on their persons.

And Amphion the Thespiæan, in the second book of his treatise on the Temple of the Muses on Mount Helicon, says that in Helicon there are dances of boys, got up with great care, quoting this ancient epigram:—

  1. I both did dance, and taught the citizens
  2. The art of music, and my flute-player
  3. Was Anacus the Phialensian;
  4. My name was Bacchides of Sicyon;
  5. And this my duty to the gods perform'd
  6. Was honourable to my country Sicyon.

And it was a good answer which was made by Caphesias the flute-player, when one of his pupils began to pay on the flute very loudly, and was endeavouring to play as loudly as he could; on which he struck him, and said,

Goodness does not consist in greatness, but greatness in goodness
There are also relics and traces of the ancient dancing in some statues which we have, which were made by ancient statuaries; on which account men at that time paid more attention to moving their hands with graceful gestures; for in his parti-
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cular also they aimed at graceful and gentlemanlike motions, comprehending what was great in what was well done. And from these motions of the hands they transferred some figures to the dances, and from the dances to the palæstra; for they sought to improve their manliness by music and by paying attention to their persons. And they practised to the accompaniment of song with reference to their movements when under arms; and it was from this practice that the dance called the Pyrrhic dance originated, and every other dance of this kind, and all the others which have the same name or any similar one with a slight change: such as the Cretan dances called ὀρσίτης and ἐπικρήδιος; and that dance, too, which is named ἀπόκινος, (and it is mentioned under this name by Cratinus in his Nemesis, and by Cephisodorus in his Amazons, and by Aristophanes in his Centaur, and by several other poets,) though afterwards it came to be called μακτρισμός; and many women used to dance it, who, I am aware, were afterwards called μαρκτύπιαι.

But the more sedate kinds of dance, both the more varied kinds and those too whose figures are more simple, are the following:—The Dactylus, the Iambic, the Molossian, the Emmelea, the Cordax, the Sicinnis, the Persian, the Phrygian, the Nibatismus, the Thracian, the Calabrismus, the Telesias (and this is a Macedonian dance which Ptolemy was practising when he slew Alexander the brother of Philip, as Marsyas relates in the third book of his History of Macedon). The following dances are of a frantic kind:—The Cernophorus, and the Mongas, and the Thermaustris. There was also a kind of dance in use among private individuals, called the ἄνθεμα, and they used to dance this while repeating the following form of words with a sort of mimicking gesture, saying—

  1. Where are my roses, and where are my violets?
  2. Where is my beautiful parsley
  3. Are these then my roses, are these then my violets
  4. And is this my beautiful parsley?

Among the Syracusans there was a kind of dance called the Chitoneas, sacred to Diana, and it is a peculiar kind of dance, accompanied with the flute. There was also an Ionian kind of dance practised at drinking parties. They also practised the dance called ἀγγελικὴ at their drinking parties. And there is another kind of dance called the Burning of the

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World, which Menippus the Cynic mentions in his Banquet. There are also some dances of a ridiculous character:—the Igdis, the Mactrismus, the Apocinus, and the Sobas; and besides these, the Morphasmus, and the Owl, and the Lion, and the Pouring out of Meal, and the Abolition of Debt, and the Elements, and the Pyrrhic dance. And they also lanced to the accompaniment of the flute a dance which they called the Dance of the Master of the Ship, and the Platter Dance.

The figures used in dances are the Xiphismus, the Calathismus, the Callabides, the Scops, and the Scopeuma. And the Scops was a figure intended to represent people looking out from a distance, making an arch over their brows with their hand so as to shade their eyes. And it is mentioned by Aeschylus in his Spectators:—

  1. And all these old σκωπεύματα of yours.
And Eupolis, in his Flatterers, mentions the Callabides, when he says—
  1. He walks as though he were dancing the Callabides.

Other figures are the Thermastris, the Hecaterides,[*](See Herodotus, i. 55.) the Scopus, the Hand-down, the Hand-up, the Dipodismus, the Taking-hold of Wood, the Epanconismus, the Calathiscus, the Strobilus. There is also a dance called the Telesias; and this is a martial kind of dance, deriving its title from a man of the name of Telesias, who was the first person who ever danced it, holding arms in his hands, as Hippagoras tells us in the first book of his treatise on the Constitution of the Carthaginians.

There is also a kind of satyric dance called the Sicinnis, as Aristocles says in the eighth book of his treatise on Dances; and the Satyrs are called Sicinnistæ. But some say that a barbarian of the name of Sicinnus was the inventor of it, though others say that Sicinnus was a Cretan by birth; and certainly the Cretans are dancers, as is mentioned by Aristoxenus. But Scamon, in the first book of his treatise on Inventions, says that this dance is called Sicinnis, from being shaken (ἀπὸ τοῦ σείεσθαι), and that Thersippus was the first person who danced the Sicinnis. Now in dancing, the motion of the feet was adopted long before any motion of the lands was considered requisite; for the ancients exercised their feet more than their hands in games and in hunting; and the Cretans are

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greatly addicted to hunting, owing to which they are swift of foot. But there are people to be found who assert that Sicinnis is a word formed poetically from κίνησις, [*](κίνησις,, motion.) because in dancing it the Satyrs use most rapid movements; for this kind of dance gives no scope for a display of the passions, on which account also it is never slow.

Now all satyric poetry formerly consisted of choruses, as also did tragedy, such as it existed at the same time; and that was the chief reason why tragedy had no regular actors. Arid there are three kinds of dance appropriate to dramatic poetry, —the tragic, the comic, and the satyric; and in like manner, there are three kinds of lyric dancing,—the pyrrhic the gymnopædic, and the hyporchematic. And the pyrrhic dance resembles the satyric; for they both consist of rapid movements; but the pyrrhic appears to be a warlike kind of dance, for it is danced by armed boys. And men in war have need of swiftness to pursue their enemies, and also, when defeated,

  1. To flee, and not like madmen to stand firm,
  2. Nor be afraid to seem a short time cowards.
But the dance called Gymnopædica is like the dance in tragedy which is called Emmelea; for in each there is seen a degree of gravity and solemnity. But the hyporchematic dance is very nearly identical with the comic one which is called Cordax. And they are both a sportive kind of figure.

But Aristoxenus says that the Pyrrhic dance derives its name from Pyrrhichus, who was a Lacedæmonian by birth; and that even to this day Pyrrhichus is a Lacedæmonian name. And the dance itself, being of a warlike character, shows that it is the invention of some Lacedæmonian; for the Lacedæmonians are a martial race, and their sons learn military marches which they call ἐνόπλια. And the Lacedæmonians themselves in their wars recite the poems of Tyrtæus, and move in time to those airs. But Philochorus asserts that the Lacedæmonians, when owing to the generalship of Tyrtæus they had subdued the Messenians, introduced a regular custom in their expeditions, that whenever they were at supper, and had sung the pæan, they should also sing one of Tyrtæus's hymns as a solo, one after another; and that the polemarch should be the judge, and should give a piece of meat as a prize to him who sang best. But the Pyrrhic dance is not

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preserved now among any other people of Greece; and since that has fallen into disuse, their wars also have been brought to a conclusion; but it continues in use among the Lacedæmonians alone, being a sort of prelude preparatory to war: and all who are more than five years old in Sparta learn to dance the Pyrrhic dance.

But the Pyrrhic dance as it exists in our time, appears to be a sort of Bacchic dance, and a little more pacific than the old one; for the dancers carry thyrsi instead of spears, and they point and dart canes at one another, and carry torches. And they dance in figures having reference to Bacchus, and to the Indians, and to the story of Pentheus: and they require for the Pyrrhic dance the most beautiful airs, and what are called the

stirring
tunes.

But the Gymnopædica resembles the dance which by the ancients used to be called Anapale; for all the boys dance naked, performing some kind of movement in regular time, and with gestures of the hand like those used by wrestlers: so that the dancers exhibit a sort of spectacle akin to the palestra and to the pancratium, moving their feet in regular time. And the different modes of dancing it are called the Oschophoricus,[*](From θ̓́σχη,, a vine-branch with grapes on it, and φέρω, to bear.) and the Bacchic, so that this kind of dance, too, has some reference to Bacchus. But Aristoxenus says that the ancients, after they had exercised themselves in the Gymnopædica, turned to the Pyrrhic dance before they entered the theatre: and the Pyrrhic dance is also called the Cheironomia. But the Hyporchematic dance is that in which the chorus dances while singing. Accordingly Bacchylides says—

  1. There's no room now for sitting down,
  2. There's no room for delay.
And Pindar says—
  1. The Lacedæmonian troop of maidens fair.
And the Lacedæmonians dance this dance in Pindar. And the Hyporchematica is a dance of men and women. Now the best modes are those which combine dancing with the singing; and they are these-the Prosodiacal, the Apostolical (which last is also called (παρθένιος), and others of the same kind. And some danced to the hymn and some did not; and some danced in accompaniment to hymns to Venus and Bacchus, and to the Pæan, dancing at one time and resting at another. And
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among the barbarians as well as among the Greeks there are respectable dances and also indecorous ones. Now the Cordax among the Greeks is an indecorous dance, but the Emmelea is a respectable one: as is among the Arcadians the Cidaris, and among the Sicyonians the Aleter; and it is called Aleter also in Ithaca, as Aristoxenus relates in the first book of his History of Sicyon. And this appears enough to say at present on the subject of dances.

Now formerly decorum was carefully attended to in music, and everything in this art had its suitable and appropriate ornament: on which account there were separate flutes for each separate kind of harmony; and every flute-player had flutes adapted to each kind of harmony in their contests. But Pronomus the Theban was the first man who played the three different kinds of harmony already mentioned on the same flute. But now people meddle with music in a random and inconsiderate manner. And formerly, to be popular with the vulgar was reckoned a certain sign of a want of real skill: on which account Asopodorus the Phliasian, when some flute-player was once being much applauded while he himself was remaining in the hyposcenium,[*](It is not known what part of the theatre this was.) said—

What is all this? the man has evidently committed some great blunder:
—as else he could not possibly have been so much approved of by the mob. But I am aware that some people tell this story as if it were Antigenides who said this. But in our days artists make the objects of their art to be the gaining the applause of the spectators in the theatre; on which account Aristoxenus, in his book entitled Promiscuous Banquets, says—
We act in a manner similar to the people of Pæstum who dwell in the Tyrrhenian Gulf; for it happened to them, though they were originally Greeks, to have become at last completely barbarised, becoming Tyrrhenians or Romans, and to have changed their language, and all the rest of their national habits. But one Greek festival they do celebrate even to the present day, in which they meet and recollect all their ancient names and customs, and bewail their loss to one another, and then, when they have wept for them, they go home. And so,
says he,
we also, since the theatres have become completely barbarised, and since music has become entirely ruined and vulgar, we, being but a few, will recal to
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our minds, sitting by ourselves, what music once was.
And this was the discourse of Aristoxenus.

Wherefore it seems to me that we ought to have a philosophical conversation about music: for Pythgoras the Samian, who had such a high reputation as a philbsopher, is well known, from many circumstances, to have been a man who had no slight or superficial knowledge of music; for he indeed lays it down that the whole universe is put and kept together by music. And altogether the ancient philosophy of the Greeks appears to have been very much addicted to music; and on this account they judged Apollo to have been the most musical and the wisest of the gods, and Orpheus of' the demigods. And they called every one who devoted himself to the study of this art a sophist, as Aeschylus does in the verse where he says—

  1. And then the sophist sweetly struck the lyre.
And that the ancients were excessively devoted to the study of music is plain from Homer, who, because all his own poetry was adapted to music, makes, from want of care, so many verses which are headless, and weak, and imperfect in the tail. But Xenophobes, and Solon, and Theognis, and Phocylides, and besides them Periander of Corinth, an elegiac poet, and the rest of those who did not set melodies to their poems, compose their verses with reference to number and to the arrangement of the metres, and take great care that none of their verses shall be liable to the charge of any of the irregularities which we just now imputed to Homer. Now when we call a verse headless (ἀκέφαλος), we mean such as have a mutilation or lameness at the beginning, such as—
  1. ʼἐπειδὴ νῆάς τε καὶ ʽελλήσποντον ἵκοντο.[*](Iliad, xxiii. 2.)
  2. ʼἐπίτονος τετάνυστο βοὸς ἶφι κταμένοιο.
Odyss. xii. 423.
Those we call weak (λαγαρὸς) which are defective in the middle, as—
  1. αἶψα δʼ ἄρʼ αἰνείαν υἱὸν φίλον ʼαγχίσαο.[*](This passage perplexes me on two accounts; first of all because I have not been able to find such a line in Homer; and secondly because I do not see what is faulty or weak in it; and it cannot be because it is a spondaic verse, for of that kind there are full six hundred n Homer. The other line comes from Iliad, ii. 731. —Schweigh. )
  2. τῶν δʼ αὖθʼ ἡγείσθην ʼασκληπιοῦ δύο παῖδες.
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Those again are μείουροι, which are imperfect in the tail or end, as—
    1. τρῶες δʼ ἐῤῥίγησαν ὅπως ἴδον αἴολον ὄφιν.
    Iliad, xii. 208.
  1. καλὴ κασσιέπεια θεοῖς δέμας ἐοικυῖα.[*](There is a difficulty again here, for there is no such line found in Homer; the line most like it is— καλὴ καστιάνειρα, δέμας εἰκυῖα θεῆοι.Iliad, viii. 305. In which, however, there is no incorrectness or defect at all.)
    1. τοῦ φέρον ἔμπλησας ἀσκὸν μέγαν, ἐν δὲ καί ἤϊα.
    Odyss. ix. 212.

But of all the Greeks, the Lacedæmonians were those who preserved the art of music most strictly, as they applied themselves to the practice a great deal: and there were a great many lyric poets among them. And even to this day they preserve their ancient songs carefully, being possessed of very varied and very accurate learning on the subject; on which account Pratinas says—

  1. The Lacedæmonian grasshopper sweetly sings,
  2. Well suited to the chorus.
And on this account the poets also continually styled their odes—
  1. President of sweetest hymns:
and—
  1. The honey-wing'd melodies of the Muse.
For owing to the general moderation and austerity of their lives, they betook themselves gladly to music, which has a sort of power of soothing the understanding; so that it was natural enough that people who hear it should be delighted. And the people whom they called Choregi, were not, as Demetrius of Byzantium tells us in the fourth book of his treatise on Poetry, those who have that name now, the people, that is to say, who hire the choruses, but those who actually led the choruses, as the name intimates: and so it happened, that the Lacedæmonians were good musicians, and did not violate the ancient laws of music.

Now in ancient times all the Greeks were fond of music; but when in subsequent ages disorders arose, when nearly all the ancient customs had got out of fashion and had become obsolete, this fondness for music also wore out, and bad styles of music were introduced, which led all the composers to aim at effeminacy rather than delicacy, and at an enervated and dissolute rather than a modest style. And

v.3.p.1011
perhaps this will still exist hereafter in a greater degree, and will extend still further, unless some one again draws forth the national music to the light. For formerly the subjects of their songs used to be the exploits of heroes, and the praises of the Gods; and accordingly Homer says of Achilles—
  1. With this he soothes his lofty soul, and sings
  2. Th' immortal deeds of heroes and of kings.
Iliad, ix. 157.
And of Phemius he says—
  1. Phemius, let acts of gods and heroes old,
  2. What ancient bards in hall and bower have told,
  3. Attemper'd to the lyre your voice employ,
  4. Such the pleased ear will drink with silent joy.
Odyss. i. 237.
And this custom was preserved among the barbarians, as Dinon tells us in his history of Persia. Accordingly, the poets used to celebrate the valour of the elder Cyrus, and they foresaw the war which was going to be waged against Astyages.
For when,
says he,
Cyrus had begun his march against the Persians, (and he had previously been the commander of the guards, and afterwards of the heavy-armed troops there, and then he left;) and while Astyages was sitting at a banquet with his friends, then a man, whose name was Angares, (and he was the most illustrious of his minstrels,) being called in, sang other things, such as were customary, and at last he said that—
  1. A mighty monster is let loose at last
  2. Into the marsh, fiercer than wildest boar;
  3. And when once master of the neighbouring ground
  4. It soon will fight with ease 'gainst numerous hosts.
And when Astyages asked him what monster he meant, he Said—' Cyrus the Persian.' And so the king, thinking that his suspicions were well founded, sent people to recal Cyrus, but did not succeed in doing so.

But I, though I could still say a good deal about music, yet, as I hear the noise of flutes, I will check my desire for talking, and only quote you the lines out of the Amateur of the Flute, by Philetærus—

  1. O Jove, it were a happy thing to die
  2. While playing on the flute. For flute-players
  3. Are th' only men who in the shades below
  4. Feel the soft power and taste the bliss of Venus.
  5. But those whose coarser minds know nought of music,
  6. Pour water always into bottomless casks.

v.3.p.1012

After this there arose a discussion about the sambuca. And Masurius said that the sambuca was a musical instrument, very shrill, and that it was mentioned by Euphorion (who is also an Epic poet), in his book on the Isthmian Games; for he says that it was used by the Parthians and by the Troglodytæ, and that it had four strings. He said also that it was mentioned by Pythagoras, in his treatise on the Red Sea. The sambuca is also a name given to an engine used in sieges, the form and mechanism of which is explained by Biton, in his book addressed to Attalus on the subject of Military Engines. And Andreas of Panormus, in the thirty-third book of his History of Sicily, detailed city by city, says that it is borne against the walls of the enemy on two cranes. And it is called sambuca because when it is raised up it gives a sort of appearance of a ship and ladder joined together, and resembles the shape of the musical instrument of the same name. But Moschus, in the first book of his treatise on Mechanics, says that the sambuca is originally a Roman engine, and that Heraclides of Pontus was the original inventor of it. But Polybius, in the eighth book of his History, says,—

Marcellus, having been a great deal inconvenienced at that siege of Syracuse by the contrivances of Archimedes, used to say that Archimedes had given his ships drink out of the sea; but that his sambucæ had been buffeted and driven from the entertainment in disgrace.

And when, after this, Aemilianus said,—But, my good friend Masurius, I myself, often, being a lover of music, turn my thoughts to the instrument which is called the magadis, and cannot decide whether I am to think that it was a species of flute or some kind of harp. For that sweetest of poets, Anacreon, says somewhere or other—

  1. I hold my magadis and sing,
  2. Striking loud the twentieth string,
  3. Leucaspis, as the rapid hour
  4. Leads you to youth's and beauty's flower.
But Ion of Chios, in his Omphale, speaks of it as if it were a species of flute, in the following words—
  1. And let the Lydian flute, the magadis,
  2. Breathe its sweet sounds, and lead the tuneful song.
And Aristarchus the grammarian, (a man whom Panætius the Rhodian philosopher used to call the Prophet, because he
v.3.p.1013
could so easily divine the meanings of poem ,) when explaining this verse, affirms that the magadis was a kind of flute: though Aristoxenus does not say so either in his treatise on the Flute-players or in that on Flutes and other Musical Instruments; nor does Archestratus either,—and he also wrote two books on Flute-players; nor has Pyrrhander said so in his work on Flute-players; nor Phillis the Delian, —for he also wrote a treatise on Flute-players and so did Euphranor. But Tryphon, in the second book of his essay on Names, speaks thus—
The flute called magadis.
And in another place he says—"The magadis gives a shrill and deep tone at the same time, as Anaxandrides inti- mates in his Man fighting in heavy Armour, were we find the line—
  1. I will speak to you like a magadis,
  2. In soft and powerful sounds at the same time.
And, my dear Masurius, there is no one else except you who can solve this difficulty for me.

And Masurius replied—Didymus the gramarian, in his work entitled Interpretations of the Plays of Ion different from the Interpretations of others, says, my good friend Aemilianus, that by the term μάγαδις αὐλὸς he understands the instrument which is also called κιθαριοτήριος; which is mentioned by Aristoxenus in the first book of his treatise on the Boring of Flutes; for there he says that there are five kinds of flutes; the parthenius, the pædicus, the citharisterius, the perfect, and the superperfect. And he says that Ion has omitted the conjunction τε improperly, so that we are to understand by μάγαδις αὐλὸς the flute which accompanies the magadis; for the magadis is a stringed (ψαλτικὸν) instrument, as Anacreon tells us, and it was invented by the Lydians, on which account Ion, in his Omphale, calls the Lydian women ψάλτριαι, as playing on stringed instruments, in the following lines—

  1. But come, ye Lydian ψάλτριαι, and singing
  2. Your ancient hymns, do honour to this stranger.
But Theophilus the comic poet, in his Neoptolemus, calls playing on the magadis μαγαδίζειν, saying—
  1. It may be that a worthless son may sing
  2. His father or his mother on the magadis (μαγαδίζειν),
  3. v.3.p.1014
  4. Sitting upon the wheel; but none of us
  5. Shall ever play such music now as theirs.
And Euphorion, in his treatise on the Isthmian Games, says, that the magadis is an ancient instrument, but that in latter times it was altered, and had the name also changed to that of the sambuca. And, that this instrument was very much used at Mitylene, so that one of the Muses was represented by an old statuary, whose name was Lesbothemis, as holding one in her hand. But Menæchmus, in his treatise on Artists, says that the πηκτὶς, which he calls identical with the magadis, was invented by Sappho. And Aristoxenus says that the magadis and the pectis were both played with the fingers without any plectrum; on which account Pindar, in his Scolium addressed to Hiero, having named the magadis, calls it a responsive harping (ψαλμὸν ἀντίφθογγον), because its music is accompanied in all its keys by two kinds of singers, namely, men and boys. And Phrynichus, in his Phœnician Women, has said—
  1. Singing responsive songs on tuneful harps.
And Sophocles, in his Mysians, says—
  1. There sounded too the Phrygian triangle,
  2. With oft-repeated notes; to which responded
  3. The well-struck strings of the soft Lydian pectis.

But some people raise a question how, as the magadis did not exist in the time of Anacreon (for instruments with many strings were never seen till after his time), Anacreon can possibly mention it, as he does when he says—

  1. I hold my magadis and sing,
  2. Striking loud the twentieth string,
  3. Leucaspis.
But Posidonius asserts that Anacreon mentions three kinds of melodies, the Phrygian, the Dorian, and the Lydian; for that these were the only melodies with which he was acquainted. And as every one of these is executed on seven strings, he says that it was very nearly correct of Anacreon to speak of twenty strings, as he only omits one for the sake of speaking in round numbers. But Posidonius is ignorant that the magadis is an ancient instrument, though Pindar says plainly enough that Terpander invented the barbitos to correspond to, and answer the pectis in use among the Lydians—
v.3.p.1015
  1. The sweet responsive lyre
  2. Which long ago the Lesbian bard,
  3. Terpander, did invent, sweet ornament
  4. To the luxurious Lydian feasts, when he
  5. Heard the high-toned pectis.
Now the pectis and the magadis are the same instrument, as Aristoxenus tells us, and Menechmus the Sicyonian too, in his treatise on Artists. And this last author says that Sappho, who is more ancient than Anacreon, was the first person to use the pectis. Now, that Terpander is more ancient than Anacreon, is evident from the following considerations:—Terpander was the first man who ever got the victory at the Carnean[*](The κάρνεια were a great national festival, celebrated by the Spartans in honour of Apollo Carneius. under which name he was worshipped in several places in Peloponnesus, especially at Amyclæ, even before the re- turn of the Heraclidæ. It was a warlike festival, like the Attic Boedromia. The Carnea were celebrated also at Cyrene, Messene, Sybaris, Sicyon, and other towns.—See Smith's Diet. Ant. in voc. ) games, as Hellanicus tells us in the verses in which he has celebrated the victors at the Carnea, and also in the formal catalogue which he gives us of them. But the first establishment of the Carnea took place in the twenty-sixth Olympiad, as Sosibius tells us in his essay on Dates. But Hieronymus, in his treatise on Harp-players, which is the subject of the fifth of his Treatises on Poets, says that Terpander was a contemporary of Lycurgus the law-giver, who, it is agreed by all men, was, with Iphitus of Elis, the author of that establishment of the Olympic games from which the first Olympiad is reckoned. But Euphorion, in his treatise on the Isthmian Games, says that the instruments with many strings are altered only in their names; but that the use of them is very ancient.

However, Diogenes the tragic poet represents the pectis as differing from the magadis; for in the Semele he says—

  1. And now I hear the turban-wearing women,
  2. Votaries of th' Asiatic Cybele,
  3. The wealthy Phrygians' daughters, loudly sounding
  4. With drums, and rhombs, and brazen-clashing cymbals,
  5. Their hands in concert striking on each other,
  6. Pour forth a wise and healing hymn to the gods.
  7. Likewise the Lydian and the Bactrian maids
  8. Who dwell beside the Halys, loudly worship
  9. The Tmolian goddess Artemis, who loves
  10. v.3.p.1016
  11. The laurel shade of the thick leafy grove,
  12. Striking the clear three-corner'd pectis, and
  13. Raising responsive airs upon the magadis,
  14. While flutes in Persian manner neatly join'd
  15. Accompany the chorus.
And Phillis the Delian, in the second book of his treatise on Music, also asserts that the pectis is different from the magadis. And his words are these—
There are the phœnices, the pectides, the magadides, the sambucæ, the iambicæ, the triangles, the clepsiambi, the scindapsi, the nine-string.
For, he says that
the lyre to which they sang iambics, they called the iambyca, and the instrument to which they sang them in such a manner as to vary the metre a little, they called the clepsiambus,[*](From κλέπτω, to steal,—to injure privily.) while the magadis was an instrument uttering a diapason sound, and equally in tune for every portion of the singers. And besides these there were instruments of other kinds also; for there was the barbitos, or barmus, and many others, some with strings, and some with sounding-boards.

There were also some instruments besides those which were blown into, and those which were used with different strings, which gave forth only sounds of a simple nature, such as the castanets (κρέμβαλα), which are mentioned by Dicæarchus, in his essay on the Manners and Customs of Greece, where he says, that formerly certain instruments were in very frequent use, in order to accompany women while dancing and singing; and when any one touched these instruments with their fingers they uttered a shrill sound. And he says that this is plainly shown in the hymn to Diana, which begins thus—

  1. Diana, now my mind will have me utter
  2. A pleasing song in honour of your deity,
  3. While this my comrade strikes with nimble hand
  4. The well-gilt brazen-sounding castanets.
And Hermippus, in his play called The Gods, gives the word for rattling the castanets, κρεμβαλίζειν, saying—
  1. And beating down the limpets from the rocks,
  2. They make a noise like castanets (κρεμβαλιζουσι).
But Didymus says, that some people, instead of the lyre, are in the habit of striking oyster-shells and cockle-shells against
v.3.p.1017
one another, and by these means contrive to play a tune in time to the dancers, as Aristophanes also intimates in his Frogs.[*](καίτοι τί δεῖλύρας ἐπι τοῦτον, ποῦ ʼστιν ἡ τοῖς ὀστράκοιςαὕτη κροτοῦσα; δεῦρο μοῦσʼ εὐριπίδου.—Ranæ, 1305.)