Regum et imperatorum apophthegmata

Learning that his shield-bearer had received a great deal of money from a man who had been taken

Being asked whether he regarded himself or Chabrias or Iphicrates as the better general, he said, It is hard to decide while we are alive.

Upon his return from Laconia he was put on trial for his life, together with his fellow-generals, for having added, contrary to the law, four months to his term of office as Governor of Boeotia. [*](WHen the Thebans invaded the Peloponnesus, 370-369 B.C.) He bade his fellow-officers to put the responsibility on him, as if their action had been dictated by him, and said that he himself had not any words to speak better than his deeds; but if he absolutely must make a statement to the judges, he required from them as his just due, if they put him to death, to inscribe their sentence upon his tombstone, so that the Greeks might know that Epameinondas had compelled the Thebans against their will to lay waste Laconia with fire and sword, which for five hundred years [*](Plutarch in his Life of Agesilaus, chap. xxxi. (613 B), says not less than six hundred; one is probably as correct as the other.) had been unravaged; and that he had repopulated Messene after a space of two hundred and thirty years, and had organized the Arcadians and united them in a league, and had restored selfgovernment to the Greeks. As a matter of fact, all these things had been accomplished in that campaign.

When in his last battle [*](At Mantineia, in 362 B.C.) he had been wounded and carried into a tent, he called for Daiphantus, and next after him for Iolai’das, and, learning that the men were dead, he bade the Thebans to make terms with the enemy, since no general was left to them. And the facts bore out his words, for he best knew his fellow-citizens. [*](Cf. Aelian, Varia Historia, xii. 3. Other authors lay stress on the fortitude with which he met his end. Cf. Diodorus, xv. 87; Cornelius Nepos, Epaminondas, xv. 9; Valerius Maximus, iii. 2, ext. 5; Justin, Historiae Philippicae, vi. 8.)

Pelopidas, the associate of Epameinondas in command, in reply to his friends who told him that he was neglecting a very necessary business, the amassing of money, said, Yes, on my word, money is necessary—for Nicodemus here ! [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Pelopidas, chap. iii. (279 C) Aelian, Varia Historia, xi. 9.) as he pointed to a lame and crippled man.

As he was leaving home for the field of battle, his wife begged him to have a care for his life. This advice, said he, should be kept for others, but for a commander and general the advice should be to have a care for the lives of the citizens. [*](Cf. the Life of Pelopidas, chap. xix. (288 C).)

When one of his soldiers said, We have fallen among the enemy, he said, Why any more than they among us ? [*](Repeated in the Life of Pelopidas, chap. xvii. (286 D). A similar remark is attributed to Leonidas, Moralia, 225 B, infra, and to an unnamed Spartan, 234 B, infra. )

When he fell a victim to the treachery of Alexander, despot of Pherae, and was put in bonds, he upbraided Alexander; and when the despot said, Are you so eager to die, he replied, Yes, I certainly am, so that the Thebans may become the more exasperated, and you may get your deserts the sooner. [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Pelopidas, chap. xxviii. (293 A).)

Thebe, the despot’s wife, carne to Pelopidas and said that she was amazed because he was so cheerful in his bonds. Pelopidas replied that he was even more amazed at her because she without being in bonds could abide Alexander. [*](Ibid. (293 B).)

After Epameinondas had obtained his general’s release, Pelopidas said that he felt grateful to Alexander; for by actual test he had now found himself more than ever to be of good courage not only in facing war but also in facing death.

When some complained against Manius Curius because he apportioned to each man but a small part of the land taken from the enemy, and made the most of it public land, he prayed that there might never be a Roman who would regard as small the land that gave him enough to live on. [*](Cf. Pliny, Natural History, xviii. 4 (18); Columella, i. 3. 10: Valerius Maximus, iv. 3. 5; Frontinus, Strategemata, iv. 3. 12.)

When the Samnites came to him after their defeat and offered him money, he happened to be cooking turnips in pots. He made answer to the Samnites that he had no need of money when he could make his dinner from this sort of food; and for him it was better than having money to hold sway over those who had it. [*](There are many referecnes to this incident as typical of the simple life; cf. for example Plutarch’s Life of Cato Major, chap. ii. (337 A); Athenaeus, 419 A; Cicero, De Republica, iii. 28 (40); Pliny, Natural History, xix. 26 (87); Valerius Maximus, iv. 3. 5. Frontinus, Strategemata, iv. 3. 2, and Aulus Gellius, i. 14, strangely enough, attribute the remark to Fabricius.)

Gaius Fabricius, upon learning of the defeat of

When he carne to see Pyrrhus about ransoming the prisoners of war, Pyrrhus offered him much money, but he would not accept it. On the following day Pyrrhus made ready his biggest elephant,all unknown to Fabricius, to appear and trumpet suddenly behind his back; and when this plan had been carried out, Fabricius turned and said with a smile, Neither your money yesterday nor your beast to-day has astounded me. [*](Ibid. chap. xx. (395 E).)

Pyrrhus urged Fabricius to stay with him and be the second in command, but Fabricius said, But there is no advantage in this for you; for, if the Epirotes come to know us both, they will prefer to be ruled by me rather than by you. [*](Ibid. chap. xx. (396 A).)

When Fabricius was consul, [*](In 278 B.C.) Pyrrhus’s physician sent a letter to him, offering, if he should give thi word, to kill Pyrrhus by poison. Fabricius sent the letter to Pyrrhus, bidding him note the reason why he was the worst possible judge both of friends and of foes. [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Pyrrhus, chap. xxi. (296 B); Cicero, De officiis, i. 13 (40), and iii. 22 (86); Valerius Maximus, vi. 5. 1; Aulus Gellius, iii. 8; Frontinus, Strategemata, iv. 4. 2.)

Pyrrhus, having thus discovered the plot, caused his physician to be hanged, and gave back the prisoners of war to Fabricius without ransom. Fabricius, however, would not accept them as a gift, but gave an equal number in return, lest he should give the impression that he was getting a reward. For, as he said, it was not to win favour with

Fabius Maximus wished to avoid a battle with Hannibal, but, in time, to wear out his force, which was in need of both money and food; and so he followed close after him, taking a parallel route, through rough and mountainous places. When most people laughed at him, and called him a slave in attendance on Hannibal, he paid little attention, and continued to follow his own counsels. To his friends he said that he thought the man who feared gibes and jeers was more of a coward than the one who ran away from the enemy. [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Fabius Maximus, chap. v. (177 A); Diodorus, xxvi. 3. 1.)

When his colleague in command, Minucius, laid low some of the enemy, and there was much talk of him as a man worthy of Rome, Fabius said that he felt more afraid over Minucius’s good luck than over any bad luck he might have. And not long after, Minucius fell into an ambush and was in great danger of being destroyed together with his forces, when Fabius carne to his aid, slew many of the enemy, and rescued him. Whereupon Hannibal said to his friends, Did I not often prophesy to you regarding that cloud upon the mountains, that some day it would let loose a storm upon us ? [*](Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Fabius Maximus, chaps. viii., xi., and xii. (179 A, 180 D, and 181 C); Livy, xxii. 25.)

After the misfortune which befell the State at Cannae [*](In 216 B.C.) he was chosen consul with Claudius Mar