Bellum Iugurthinum

Sallust

Sallust. Sallust, Florus, and Velleius Paterculus. Watson, J. S. (John Selby), translator. London: Harper and Brothers, 1899.

My subject seems to require of me, in this place, a brief account of the situation of Africa, and of those nations in it with whom we have had war or alliances. But of those tracts and countries, which, from their heat, or difficulty of access, or extent of desert, have been but little visited, I can not possibly give any exact description. Of the rest I shall speak with all possible brevity.

In the division of the earth, most writers consider Africa as a third part; a few admit only two divisions, Asia and Europe,[*](XVII. Only two divisions Asia and Europe] Thus Varro, de L. L. iv. 13, ed. Bip. "As all nature is divided into heaven and earth, so the heaven is divided into regions, and the earth into Asia and Europe." See Broukh. ad Tibull., iv. 1, 176.) and include Africa in Europe. It is bounded, on the west, by the strait connecting our sea with the ocean;[*](The strait connecting our sea with the ocean] Fretum nostri maris et oceani. That is, the Fretum Gaditanum, or Strait of Gibraltar. By our sea, he means the Mediterranean. See Pomp. Mela, i. 1.) on the east, by a vast sloping tract, which the natives call the Catabathmos."[*](A vast sloping tract—Catabathmos] Declivem latitudinem, quem locum Catabathmon incolœ appellant. Catabathmus—vallis repente convexa, Plin. H. N. v. 5. Catabathmus, vallis devexa in Ægptum, Pomp. Mela, i. 8. I have translated declivem latitudinem in conformity with these passages. Catabathmus, a Greek word, means a descent. There were two, the mayor and minor; Sallust speaks of the major.) The sea is boisterous, and deficient in harbors; the soil is fertile in corn, and good for pasturage, but unproductive of trees. There is a scarcity of water both from rain and from land-springs. The natives are healthy, swift of foot, and able to

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endure fatigue. Most of them die by the gradual decay of age,[*](Most of them die by the gradual decay of age] Plerosque senectus dissolvit "A happy expression; since the effect of old age on the bodily frame is not to break it in pieces suddenly, but to dissolve it, as it were, gradually and imperceptibly."Bernouf.) except such as perish by the sword or beasts of prey; for disease finds but few victims. Animals of a venomous nature they have in great numbers.

Concerning the original inhabitants of Africa, the settlers that afterward joined them, and the manner in which they intermingled, I shall offer the following brief account, which, though it differs from the general opinion, is that which was interpreted to me from the Punic volumes said to have belonged to King Hiempsal,[*](King Hiempsal] "This is not the prince that was murdered by Jugurtha, but the king who succeeded him; he was grandson of Masinissa, son of Gulussa, and father of Juba. After Juba was killed at Thapsus, Cæsar reduced Numidia to the condition of a province, and appointed Sallust over it, who had thus opportunities of gaining a knowledge of the country, and of consulting the books written in the language of it."Bernouf.) and which the inhabitants of that country believe to be consistent with fact. For the truth of the statement, however, the writers themselves must be responsible.

Africa, then, was originally occupied by the Getulians and Libyans,[*](XVIII. Getulians and Libyans] Gœtuli et Libyes. "See Pompon. Mel. i. 4; Plin. H. N. v. 4, 6, 8, v. 2, xxi. 13; Herod. iv. 159, 168."Gerlach The name Gœtuli, is, however, unknown to Herodotus. They lay to the south of Numidia and Mauretania. See Strabo, xvii. 3. Libyes is a term applied by the Greek writers properly to the Africans of the North coast, but frequently to the inhabitants of Africa in general.) rude and uncivilized tribes, who subsisted on the flesh of wild animals, or, like cattle, on the herbage of the soil. They were controlled neither by customs, laws, nor the authority of any ruler; they wandered about, without fixed habitations, and slept in the abodes to which night drove them. But after Hercules, as the Africans think, perished in Spain, his army, which was composed of various nations,[*](His army, which was composed of various nations] This seems to have been an amplification of the adventure of Hercules with Geryon, who was a king in Spain. But all stories that make Hercules a leader of armies appear to be equally fabulous.) having lost its leader, and many candidates severally claiming the command of it, was speedily dispersed. Of its constituent troops, the Medes, Persians, and Armenians,[*](Medes, Persians, and Armenians] De Brosses thinks that these were not real Medes, etc., but that the names were derived from certain companions of Hercules. The point is not worth discussion.) having

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sailed over into Africa, occupied the parts nearest to our sea.[*](Our sea] The Mediterranean. See above, c. 17.) The Persians, however, settled more toward the ocean,[*](More toward the Ocean] Intra oceanum magis. "Intra oceanum is differently explained by different commentators. Cortius, Müller and Gerlach, understand the parts bounded by the ocean, lying close upon it, and stretching toward the west; while Langius thinks that the regions more remote from the Atlantic Ocean, and extending toward the east, are meant. But Langius did not consider that those who had inverted keels of vessels for cottages, could not have strayed far from the ocean, but must have settled in parts bordering upon it. And this is what is signified by intra oceanum. For intra aliquam rem is not always used to denote what is actually in a thing, and circumscribed by its boundaries, but what approaches toward it, and reaches close to it."Kritzius. He then instances intra modum, intra legem ; Hortensii scripït intra famam sunt, Quintil. xi. 3, 8. But the best example which he produces is Liv. xxv. 11: Fossa ingens ducta, et vallum intra eam erigitur. Cicero, in Verr. iii. 89, has also, he notices, the same expression, Locus intra oceanum jam nullus est—quò non nostrorum hominum libido iniquitasque pervaserit, i.e., locus oceano conterminus. Bernouf absurdly follows Langius.) and used the inverted keels of their vessels for huts, there being no wood in the country, and no opportunity of obtaining it, either by purchase or barter, from the Spaniards; for a wide sea, and an unknown tongue, were barriers to all intercourse. These, by degrees, formed intermarriages with the Getulians; and because, from constantly trying different soils, they were perpetually shifting their abodes, they called themselves NUMIDIANS.[*](Numidians] Numidas. The same as Nomades, or wanderers a term applied to pastoral nations, and which, as Kritzius observes, the Africans must have had from the Greeks, perhaps those of Sicily.) And to this day the huts of the Numidian boors, which they call mapalia, are of an oblong shape, with curved roofs; resembling the hulls of ships.

The Medes and Armenians connected themselves with the Libyans, who dwelled near the African sea; while the Getulians lay more to the sun,"[*](More to the sun] sub sole magis. I have borrowed this expression from Rose. The Getulians were more southward.) not far from the torrid heats; and these soon built themselves towns,[*](These soon built themselves towns] That is, the united Medes, Armenians, and Libyans.) as, being separated from Spain only by a strait, they proceeded to open an intercourse with its inhabitants. The name of Medes the Libyans gradually corrupted, changing it, in their barbarous tongue, into Moors.[*](Medes—into Moors] Mauris pro Medis. A most improbable, not to say impossible corruption.)

Of the Persians[*](Of the Persians] Persarum. That is, of the Persians and Getulians united.) the power rapidly increased; and at length,

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the children, through excess of population, separating from the parents, they took possession, under the name of Numidians, of those regions bordering on Carthage which are now called Numidia. In process of time, the two parties,[*](The two parties] Utrique. The older Numidians, and the younger, who had emigrated toward Carthage.) each assisting the other, reduced the neighboring tribes, by force or fear, under their sway; but those who had spread toward our sea, made the greater conquests: for the Lybians are less warlike than the Getulians.[*](Those who had spread toward our sea—for the Libyans are less warlike than the Getulians] Magis hi, qui ad nostrum mare processerant ; quia Libyes quám Gœtuli minùs bellicosi. The Persians and Getulians (under the name of Numidians), and their colonists, who were more toward the Mediterranean, and were more warlike than the Libyans (who were united with the Medes and Armenians) took from them portions of their territories by conquest. This is clearly the sense, as deducible from the preceding portion of the text.) At last nearly all lower Africa/un>[*](Lower Africa] Africa pars inferior. The part nearest to the sea. The ancients called the maritime parts of a country the lower parts, and the inland parts the higher, taking the notion, probably, from the course of the rivers. Lower Egypt was the part at the mouth of the Nile.) was occupied by the Numidians; and all the conquered tribes were merged in the nation and name of their conquerors.

At a later period, the Phœnicians, some of whom wished to lessen their numbers at home, and others, ambitious of empire, engaged the populace, and such as were eager for change, to follow them, founded Hippo,[*](XIX. Hippo] "It is not Hippo Regius" (now called Bona) "that is meant, but another Hippo, otherwise called Diarrhytum or Zarytum, situate in Zengitana, not far from Utica. This is shown by the order in which the places are named, as has already been observed by Cortius."Kritzius.) Adrumetum, Leptis,[*](Leptis] There were two cities of this name. Leptis Major, now Lebida, lay between the two Syrtes; Leptis Minor, now Lempta, between the smaller Sytis and Carthage. It is the latter that is meant here, and in c. 77, 78.) and other cities, on the sea-coast; which, soon growing powerful, became partly a support, and partly an honor, to their parent state. Of Carthage I think it better to be silent, than to say but little; especially as time bids me hasten to other matters.

Next to the Catabathmos,[*](Next to the Catabathmos] Ad Catabathmon. Ad means, on the side of the country toward the Catabathmos. "Catabathmon initium ponens Sallustius ab eo discedit."Kritzius.) then, which divides Egypt from Africa, the first city along the sea-coast[*](Along the sea-coast] Secundo mari. "Si quis secundum mare pergat."Wasse.) is Cyrene, a colony of

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Theræans;[*](Of Theræans] Therœôn. From the island of Thera, one of the Sporades, in the Ægean Sea, now called Santorin. Battus was the leader of the colony. See Herod., iv. 145; Strab., xvii. 3; Pind. Pyth., iv.) after which are the two Syrtes,[*](Two Syrtes] See c. 78.) with Leptis[*](Leptis] That is, Leptis Major. See above on this c.) between them; then the Altars of the Philæni,[*](Altars of the Philæni] see c. 79.) which the Carthaginians considered the boundary of their dominion on the side of Egypt; beyond these are the other Punic towns. The other regions, as far as Mauretania, the Numidians occupy; the Moors are nearest to Spain. To the south of Numidia,[*](To the south of Numidia] Super Numidiam. "Ultra Numidiam, meridiem versus."Burnouf.) as we are informed, are the Getulians, of whom some live in huts, and others lead a vagrant and less civilized life; beyond these are the Ethiopians; and further on, regions parched by the heat of the sun.

At the time of the Jugurthine war, most of the Punic towns, and the territories which Carthage had lately possessed,[*](Had lately possessed] Novissimè habuerant. In the interval between the second and third Punic wars.) were under the government of Roman prætors; a great part of the Getulians, and Numidia as far as the river Mulucha, were subject to Jugurtha; while the whole of the Moors were governed by Bocchus, a king who knew nothing of the Romans but their name, and who, before this period, was as little known to us, either in war or peace. Of Africa and its inhabitants I have now said all that my narrative requires.

When the commissioners, after dividing the kingdom, had left Africa, and Jugurtha saw that, contrary to his apprehensions, he had obtained the object of his crimes; he then being convinced of the truth of what he had heard from his friends at Numantia, "that all things were purchasable at Rome," and being also encouraged by the promises of those whom he had recently loaded with presents, directed his views to the domain of Adherbal. He was himself bold and warlike, while the other, at whose destruction he aimed, was quiet, unfit for arms, of a mild temper, a fit subject for injustice, and a prey to fear rather than an object of it. Jugurtha, accordingly, with a powerful force, made a sudden irruption into his dominions, took several prisoners, with cattle and other booty, set fire to the buildings, and made hostile demonstrations against

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several places with his cavalry. He then retreated, with all his followers, into his own kingdom, expecting that Adherbal, roused by such provocation, would avenge his wrongs by force, and thus furnish a pretext for war. But Adherbal, thinking himself unable to meet Jugurtha in the field, and relying on the friendship of the Romans more than on the Numidians, merely sent embassadors to Jugurtha to complain of the outrage; and, although they brought back but an insolent reply, yet he resolved to endure any thing rather than have recourse to war, which, when he attempted it before, had ended in his defeat. By such conduct the eagerness of Jugurtha was not at all allayed; for he had now, indeed, in imagination, possessed himself of all Adherbal's dominions. He therefore renewed hostilities, not, as before, with a predatory band, but at the head of a large army which he had collected, and openly aspired to the sovereignty of all Numidia. Wherever he marched, he ravaged the towns and the fields, drove off booty, and raised confidence in his own men and dismay among the enemy.

Adherbal, when he found that matters had arrived at such a point, that he must either abandon his dominions, or defend them by force of arms, collected an army from necessity, and advanced to meet Jugurtha. Both armies took up[*](XXI. Both armies took up, etc.] I have omitted the word interim at the beginning of this sentence, as it would be worse than useless in the translation. It signifies, during the interval before the armies came to an engagement; but this is sufficiently expressed at the termination of the sentence.) their position near the town of Cirta,[*](Cirta] Afterward named Sittianorum Colonia, from P. Sittius Nucerinus (mentioned in Cat., c. 21), who assisted Cæsar in the African war, and was rewarded by him with the possession of this city and its lands. It is now called Constantina, from Constantine the Great, who enlarged and restored it when it had fallen into decay. Strabo describes it, xvii. 3.) at no great distance from the sea; but, as evening was approaching, encamped without coming to an engagement. But when the night was far advanced, and twilight was beginning to appear,[*](Twilight was beginning to appear] Obscuro etiam tum lumine. Before day had fairly dawned.) the troops of Jugurtha, at a given signal, rushed into the camp of the enemy, whom they routed and put to flight, some half asleep and others resuming their arms. Adherbal, with a few of his cavalry, fled to Cirta; and, had there not been a number of Romans[*](Romans] Togatorum. Romans, with, perhaps, some of the allies, engaged in merchandise, or other peaceful occupations, and therefore wearing the toga. They are called Italici in c. 26.) in the

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town, who repulsed his Numidian pursuers from the walls, the war between the two princes would have been begun and ended on the same day.

Jugurtha proceeded to invest the town, and attempted to storm it with the aid of mantelets, towers, and every kind of machines; being anxious above all things, to take it before the embassadors could arrive at Rome, who, he was informed, had been dispatched thither by Adherbal before the battle was fought. But as soon as the senate heard of their contention, three young men[*](Three young men] Tres adolescentes. Cortius includes these words in brackets, regarding them as the insertion of some sciolist. But a sciolist, as Bernouf observes, would hardly have thought of inserting tres adolescentes. The words occur in all the MSS., and are pretty well confirmed by what is said below, c. 25, that when the senate next sent a deputation, they took care to make it consist of majores natu, nobiles. See on adolescens, Cat., c. 38.) were sent as deputies into Africa, with directions to go to both of the princes, and to announce to them, in the words of the senate and people of Rome, " that it was their will and resolution that they should lay down their arms, and settle their disputes rather by arbitration than by the sword; since to act thus would be to the honor both of the Romans and themselves."

These deputies soon arrived in Africa, using the greater dispatch, because, while they were preparing for their journey, a report was spread at Rome of the- battle which had been fought, and of the siege of Cirta; but this report told much less than the truth.[*](XXII. Told much less than the truth] Sed is rumor clemens erat. "It fell below the truth, not telling the whole of the atrocity that had been committed."Gruter. "Priscian (xviii. 26) interprets clemens 'non nimius,' alluding to this passage of Sallust."Kritzius. All the later commentators have adopted this interpretation, except Bernouf, who adopts the supposition of Ciacconius, that a vague and uncertain rumor is meant.) Jugurtha, having given them an audience, replied, "that nothing was of greater weight with him, nothing more respected, than the authority of the senate; that it had been his endeavor, from his youth, to deserve the esteem of all men of worth; that he had gained the favor of Publius Scipio, a man of the highest eminence, not by dishonorable practices, but by merit; that, for the same good qualities, and not from want of heirs to the throne, he had been adopted by Micipsa; but that, the more honorable and spirited his conduct had been, the less could his feelings endure injustice; that Adherbal had formed designs against his life, on discovering

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which, he had counteracted his malice; that the Romans would act neither justly nor reasonably, if they withheld from him the common right of nations;[*](Right of nations] Jure gentium. "That is, the right of avenging himself."Rupertus.) and, in conclusion, that he would soon send embassadors to Rome to explain the whole of his proceedings." On this understanding, both parties separated. Of addressing Adherbal the deputies had no opportunity.

Jugurtha, as soon as he thought that they had quitted Africa, surrounded the walls of Cirta, which, from the nature of its situation, he was unable to take by assault, with a rampart and a trench; he also erected towers, and manned them with soldiers; he made attempts on the place, by force or by stratagem, day and night; he held out bribes, and some times menaces, to the besieged; he roused his men, by exhortations, to efforts of valor, and resorted, with the utmost perseverance, to every possible expedient.

Adherbal, on the other hand, seeing that his affairs were in a desperate condition, that his enemy was determined on his ruin, that there was no hope of succor, and that the siege, from want of provisions, could not long be protracted, selected from among those who had fled with him to Cirta, two of his most resolute supporters, whom he induced, by numerous promises, and an affecting representation of his distress, to make their way in the night, through the enemy's lines, to the nearest point of the coast, and from thence to Rome.

The Numidians, in a few days executed their commission; and a letter from Adherbal was read in the senate, of which the following was the purport:

"It is not through my own fault, Conscript Fathers, that I so often send requests to you; but the violence of Jugurtha compels me; whom so strong a desire for my destruction has seized, that he pays no regard[*](XXIV. Pays no regard] Neque—in animo habeat. This letter of Adherbal's, both in matter and tone, is very similar to his speech in c. 14.) either to you or to the immortal gods; my blood he covets beyond every thing. Five months, in consequence, have I, the ally and friend of the Roman people, been besieged with an armed force; neither the remembrance of my father Micipsa's benefits, nor your decrees, are of any avail for my relief; and whether I am more closely pressed by the sword, or by famine, I am unable to say.

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"From writing further concerning Jugurtha, my present condition deters me; for I have experienced, even before,[*](I have experienced, even before] Jam antea expertus sum. He means, in the result of his speech to the senate.) that little credit is given to the unfortunate. Yet I can perceive that his views extend further than to myself, and that he does not expect to possess, at the same time, your friendship and my kingdom; which of the two he thinks the more desirable, must be manifest to every one. For, in the first place, he murdered my brother Hiempsal; and, in the next, expelled me from my dominions; which, however, may be regarded as our own wrongs, and as having no reference to you. But now he occupies your kingdom with an army; he keeps me, whom you appointed a king over the Numidians, in a state of blockade; and in what estimation he holds the words of your embassadors, my perils may serve to show. What then is left, except your arms, that can make an impression upon him ?

"I could wish, indeed, that what I now write, as well as the complaints which I lately made before the senate, were false, rather than that my present distresses should confirm the truth of my statements. But since I am born to be an example of Jugurtha's villainy, I do not now beg a release from death or distress, but only from the tyranny of an enemy, and from bodily torture. Respecting the kingdom of Numidia, which is your own property, determine as you please, but if the memory of my grandfather Masinissa is still cherished by you, deliver me, I entreat you, by the majesty of your empire, and by the sacred ties of friendship, from the inhuman hands of Jugurtha."

When this letter was read, there were some who thought that an army should be dispatched into Africa, and relief afforded to Adherbal, as soon as possible; and that the senate, in the mean time, should give judgment on the conduct of Jugurtha, in not having obeyed the embassadors. But by the partisans of Jugurtha, the same that had before supported his cause, effectual exertions were made to prevent any decree from being passed; and thus the public interest, as is too frequently the case, was defeated by private influence.

An embassy was, however, dispatched into Africa, consisting of men of advanced years, and of noble birth, and who had filled the highest offices of the state; among whom was Marcus Scaurus, already mentioned, a man who had held the consulship,

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and who was at that time chief of the senate.[*](XXV. Chief of the senate] Princeps senatûs. "He whose name was first entered in the censors' books was called Princeps Senatûs, which title used to be given to the person who of those alive had been censor first (qui primus censor, ex iis qui viverent, fuisset), but after the year 544, to him whom the censors thought most worthy, Liv., xxvii. 13. This dignity, although it conferred no command or emolument, was esteemed the very highest, and was usually retained for life, Liv., xxxiv. 44; xxxix. 52. It is called Principatus; and hence afterward the Emperor was named Princeps, which word properly denotes rank, and not power." Adam's Rom. Antiq., p. 3.) These embassadors, as their business was an affair of public odium, and as they were urged by the entreaties of the Numidians, embarked in three days; and having soon arrived at Utica, sent a letter from thence to Jugurtha, desiring him " to come to the province as quickly as possible, as they were deputed by the senate to meet him."

Jugurtha, when he found that men of eminence, whose influence at Rome he knew to be powerful, were come to put a stop to his proceedings, was at first perplexed, and distracted between fear and cupidity. He dreaded the displeasure of the senate, if he should disobey the embassadors; while his eager spirit, blinded by the lust of power, hurried him on to complete the injustice which he had begun. At length the evil incitements of ambition prevailed.[*](At length the evil incitements of ambition prevailed] Vicit tamen in avido ingenio pravum consilium. "Evil propensities gained the ascendency in his ambitious disposition.") He accordingly drew his army round the city of Cirta, and endeavored, with his utmost efforts, to force an entrance; having the strongest hopes, that, by dividing the attention of the enemy's troops, he should be able, by force or artifice, to secure an opportunity of success. When his attempts, however, were unavailing, and he found himself unable, as he had designed, to get Adherbal into his power before he met the embassadors, fearing that, by further delay, he might irritate Scaurus, of whom he stood in great dread, he proceeded with a small body of cavalry into the Province. Yet, though serious menaces were repeated to him in the name of the senate, because he had not desisted from the siege, nevertheless, after spending a long time in conference, the embassadors departed without making any impression upon him.

When news of this result was brought to Cirta, the Italians,[*](XXVI. The Italians] Italici. See c. 21.) by whose exertions the city had been defended, and who trusted that, if a surrender were made, they would be able,

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from respect to the greatness of the Roman power, to escape without personal injury, advised Adherbal to deliver himself and t:he city to Jugurtha, stipulating only that his life should be spared, and leaving all other matters to the care of the senate. Adherbal, though he thought nothing less trustworthy than the honor of Jugurtha, yet, knowing that those who advised could also compel him if he resisted, surrendered the place according to their desire. Jugurtha immediately proceeded to put Adherbal to death with torture, and massacred all the inhabitants that were of age, whether Numidians or Italians, as each fell in the way of his troops.

When this outrage was reported at Rome, and became a matter of discussion in the senate, the former partisans of Jugurtha applied themselves, by interrupting the debates and protracting the time, sometimes exerting their interest, and sometimes quarreling with particular members, to palliate the atrocity of the deed. And had not Caius Memmius, one of the tribunes of the people elect, a man of energy, and hostile to the power of the nobility, convinced the people of Rome that an attempt was being made, by the agency of a small faction, to have the crimes of Jugurtha pardoned, it is certain that the public indignation against him would have passed off under the protraction of the debates; so powerful was party interest, and the influence of Jugurtha's money. When the senate, however, from consciousness of misconduct, became afraid of the people, Numidia and Italy, by the Sempronian law,[*](XXVII. By the Sempronian law] Lege Semproniâ. This was the Lex Sempronia de Provinciis. In the early ages of the republic, the provinces were decreed by the senate to the consuls after they were elected; but by this law, passed A.U.C. 631, the senate fixed on two provinces for the future consuls before their election (Cic. Pro Dom., 9; De Prov. Cons., 2), which they, after entering on their office, divided between themselves by lot or agreement. The law was passed by Caius Gracchus. See Adam's Rom. Antiq., p. 105.) were appointed as provinces to the succeeding consuls, who were declared to be Publius Scipio Nasica,[*](Publius Scipio Nasica] "The great-grandson of him who was pronounced by the senate to be vir optimus; and son of him who, though holding no office at the time, took part in putting to death Tiberius Gracchus. He was "consul with Bestia, A.U.C. 643, and died in his consulship. Cic. Brut., 34."Bernouf.) and Lucius Bestia Calpurnius.[*](Lucius Bestia Calpurnius] "He had been on the side of the nobility against the Gracchi, and was therefore in favor with the senate. After his consulship he was accused and condemned by the Mamilian law (c. 40), for having received money from Jugurtha, Cic. Brut. c. 34. De Brosses thinks that he was the grandfather of that Bestia who was engaged in the conspiracy of Catiline."Bernouf.) Numidia

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fell to Calpurnius, and Italy to Scipio. An army was then raised to be sent into Africa; and pay, and all other necessaries of war, were decreed for its use.

When Jugurtha received this news, which was utterly at variance with his expectations, as he had felt convinced that all things were purchasable at Rome, he sent his son, with two of his friends, as deputies to the senate, and directed them, like those whom he had sent on the murder of Hiempsal, to attack every body with bribes. Upon the approach of these deputies to Rome, the senate was consulted by Bestia, whether they would allow them to be admitted within the gates; and the senate decreed, " that, unless they came to surrender Jugurtha's kingdom and himself, they must quit Italy within the ten following days." The consul directed this decree to be communicated to the Numidians, who consequently returned home without effecting their object.

Calpurnius, in the mean time, having raised an army, chose for his officers men of family and intrigue, hoping that whatever faults he might commit, would be screened by their influence; and among these was Scaurus, of whose disposition and character we have already spoken. There were, indeed, in our consul Calpurnius, many excellent qualities, both mental and personal, though avarice interfered with the exercise of them; he was patient of labor, of a penetrating intellect, of great foresight, not inexperienced in war, and extremely vigilant against danger and surprise.

The troops were conducted through Italy to Rhegium, from thence to Sicily, and from Sicily into Africa; and Calpurnius's first step, after collecting provisions, was to invade Numidia with spirit, where he took many prisoners, and several towns, by force of arms.

But when Jugurtha began, through his emissaries, to tempt him with bribes, and to show the difficulties of the war which he had undertaken to conduct, his mind, corrupted with avarice, was easily altered. His accomplice, however, and manager in all his schemes, was Scaurus; who, though he had at first, when most of his party were corrupted, displayed violent hostility to Jugurtha, yet was afterward seduced, by a vast sum of money, from integrity and honor to injustice and perfidy-Jugurtha,

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however, at first sought only to purchase a suspension of hostilities, expecting to be able, during the interval, to make some favorable impression, either by bribery or by interest, at Rome; but when he heard that Scaurus was co-operating with Calpurnius, he was elated with great hopes of regaining peace, and resolved upon a conference with them in person respecting the terms of it. In the mean time, for the sake of giving confidence[*](XXIX. For the sake of giving confidence] Fidei causâ. "In order that Jugurtha might have confidence in Bestia, Sextius the quæstor was sent as a sort of hostage into one of Jugurtha's towns."Cortius.) to Jugurtha, Sextus the quæstor was dispatched by the consul to Vaga, one of the prince's towns; the pretext for his journey being the receiving of corn, which Calpurnius had openly demanded from Jugurtha's emissaries, on the ground that a truce was observed through their delay to make a surrender. Jugurtha then, as he had determined, paid a visit to the consul's camp, where, having made a short address to the council, respecting the odium cast upon his conduct, and his desire for a capitulation, he arranged other matters with Bestia and Scaurus in secret; and the next day, as if by an evident majority of voices,[*](As if by an evident majority of voices] Quasi per saturam exquisitis sententiis. "The opinions being taken in a confused manner," or, as we say, in the lump. The sense manifestly is, that there was (or was said to be) such a preponderating majority in Jugurtha's favor, that it was not necessary to ask the opinion of each individual in order. Satura, which some think to be always an adjective, with lanx understood, though lanx, according to Scheller, is never found joined with it in ancient authors, was a plate filled with various kinds of fruit, such as was annually offered to the gods. "Lanx plena diversis frugibus in templum Cereris infertur, quæ satura nomine appellatur," Acron. ad Hor. Sat i. 1, init. "Lanx, referta variis multisque primitiis, sacris Cereris inferebatur," Diomed., iii. p. 483. "Satura, cibi genus ex variis rebus conditum," Festus sub voce. See Casaubon. de Rom. Satirâ, ii. 4; Kritzius ad h. 1., and Scheller's Lex. v., Satur. In the Pref. to Justinian's Pandects, that work is called opus sparsim et quasi per saturam collectum, utile cum inutilibus mixtim.) he was formally allowed to surrender. But, as was demanded in the hearing of the council, thirty elephants, a considerable number of cattle and horses, and a small sum of money, were delivered into the hands of the quæstor. Calpurnius then returned to Rome to preside at the election of magistrates,[*](To preside at the election of magistrates] Ad magistratus rogandos. The presiding magistrate had to ask the consent of the people, saying Velitis, jubeatis—rogo Quirites.) and peace was observed throughout Numidia and the Roman army.

When rumor had made known the affairs transacted in Africa, and the mode in which they had been brought to

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pass, the conduct of the consul became a subject of discussion in every place and company at Rome. Among the people there was violent indignation; as to the senators, whether they would ratify so flagitious a proceeding, or annul the act of the consul, was a matter of doubt. The influence of Scaurus, as he was said to be the supporter and accomplice of Bestia, was what chiefly restrained the senate from acting with justice and honor. But Caius Memmius, of whose boldness of spirit, and hatred to the power of the nobility, I have already spoken, excited the people by his harangues, during the perplexity and delay of the senators, to take vengeance on the authors of the treaty; he exhorted them not to abandon the public interest or their own liberty; he set before them the many tyrannical and violent proceedings of the nobles, and omitted no art to inflame the popular passions. But as the eloquence of Memmius, at that period, had great reputation and influence I have thought proper to give in full[*](XXX. To give in full] Perscribere. "To write at length." The reader might suppose, at first, that Sallust transcribed this speech from some publication; but in that case, as Burnouf observes, he would rather have said exscribere. Besides, the following hujuscemodi shows that Sallust did not profess to give the exact words of Memmius. And the speech is throughout marked with Sallustian phraseology. "The commencement of it, there is little doubt, is imitated from Cato, of whose speech De Lusitanis the following fragment is extant in Aul. Gell. xiii. 24: Multa me dehortata sunt huc prodire, anni, œtas, vox vires, senectus."Kritzius.) one out of many of his speeches; and I take, in preference to others, that which he delivered in the assembly of the people, after the return of Bestia, in words to the following effect: