Res Gestae

In those same days Valens was troubled for two reasons: first, by the news that the Lentienses had been defeated; secondly, because Sebastianus wrote from time to time exaggerating his exploits. He therefore marched forth from Melanthias, being eager to do some glorious deed to equal his young nephew, whose valiant exploits consumed him with envy.[*](Eunapius says that Gratian had also, at the wish of his army, taken the younger Valentinian as his colleague, without consulting his uncle Valens; moreover, that Valens was an Arian, while Gratian, according to Ambrose, was a Christian (christianissimus). [Val. in Wagner-Erfurdt.]) He had under his command a force made up of varying elements, but one neither contemptible, nor unwarlike; for he had joined with them also a large number of veterans, among whom were other officers of high rank and Trajanus, shortly before a commander-in-chief, whom he had recalled to active service.

And since it was learned from careful reconnoitring that the enemy were planning with strong guards to block the roads over which the necessary supplies were being brought, he tried competently to frustrate this attempt by quickly sending an infantry troop of bowmen and a squadron of cavalry, in order to secure the advantages of the narrow passes, which were near by.

During the next three days, when the barbarians, advancing at a slow pace and through unfrequented places, since they feared a sally, were fifteen miles distant from the city,[*](Constantinople.) and were making for the station of Nice,[*](See 11, 2, above, and note.) through some mistake or other the emperor was assured by his skirmishers that all that part of the enemy’s horde which they had seen consisted of only ten

Accordingly, advancing in square formation,[*](See xxix. 5, 39, note on agmine quadrato. ) he came to the vicinity of a suburb of Hadrianopolis,[*](Or perhaps to the vicinity of Hadrianopolis—with Ammianus’ usual tautology. Clark has Hadrianupolis, with V.) where he made a strong rampart of stakes, surrounded by a moat, and impatiently waited for Gratian; there he received Richomeres, general of the household troops, sent in advance by Gratian with a letter, in which he said that he himself also would soon be there.

Since the contents besought him to wait a while for the partner in his dangers, and not rashly to expose himself alone to serious perils, Valens called a council of various of his higher officers and considered what ought to be done.

And while some, influenced by Sebastianus, urged him to give battle at once, the man called Victor,[*](Although he is often mentioned, it is usually in this way (see e.g. 13, 9, below, and 7, 1, above).) a commander of cavalry, a Sarmatian by birth, but foresighted and careful,[*](Unlike the Sarmatians generally.) with the support of many others recommended that his imperial colleague be awaited, so that, strengthened by the addition of the Gallic army, he might the more easily crush the fiery over-confidence of the barbarians.

However, the fatal insistence of the emperor prevailed, supported by the flattering opinion of some of his courtiers, who urged him to make all haste in order that Gratian might not have a share in the victory which (as they represented) was already all but won.

While the necessary preparations for the decisive battle were going on, a Christian presbyter[*](Elder.) (to use their own term), who had been sent by Fritigem as an envoy, in company with some humble

Besides this the aforesaid Christian, apparently a confidant and trusted friend of Fritigern, presented also[*](For the translation of alias, see xxiii. 3, 9, note 5.) a private letter of the same king, who, all too skilled in craft and in various forms of deception, informed Valens, pretending that he hoped soon to be his friend and ally, that he could not tame the savagery of his people, or entice them to adopt conditions favourable to the Roman state, unless the emperor should from time to time show them near at hand his army ready for battle, and through the fear aroused by the imperial name check their destructive eagerness for war. But as to the envoys, their sincerity was doubted, and they left without accomplishing their purpose.

But on the dawn of that day which is numbered in the calendar as the fifth before the Ides of August[*](Aug. 9.) the army began its march with extreme haste, leaving all its baggage and packs near the walls of Hadrianopolis with a suitable guard of legions; for the treasury, and the insignia of imperial dignity besides,[*](Here cetera is used as alius often is; see note 1, above.) with the prefect[*](I.e., the praetorian prefect.) and the emperor’s council, were kept within the circuit of the walls.

So after hastening a long distance over rough ground, while the hot day was advancing towards noon, finally at the eighth hour[*](At about two in the afternoon.) they saw the wagons

But the left wing of the horsemen (which was formed with the greatest difficulty, since very many of them were still scattered along the roads) was hastening to the spot at swift pace. And while that same wing was being extended, still without interruption, the barbarians were terrified by the awful din, the hiss of whirring arrows[*](For sibilantibus armis, cf. xxv. 1, 18.) and the menacing clash of shields; and since a part of their forces under Alatheus and Saphrax was far away and, though sent for, had not yet returned, they sent envoys to beg for peace.

The emperor scorned these because of their low origin, demanding for the execution of a lasting treaty that suitable chieftains be sent; meanwhile the enemy purposely delayed, in order that during the pretended truce their cavalry might return, who, they hoped, would soon make their appearance; also that our soldiers might be exposed to the fiery summer heat and exhausted by their dry throats,[*](I.e., by thirst.) while the broad plains gleamed with fires, which the enemy were feeding with wood and dry fuel, for this same purpose.[*](I.e., to exhaust the Romans by heat and thirst.) To that evil was added another deadly one, namely, that men and beasts were tormented by severe hunger.

Meanwhile Fritigern, shrewd to foresee the future and fearing the uncertainty of war, on his own initiative sent one of his common soldiers as a

The proposal of the dreaded leader was welcome and approved, and the tribune Aequitius,[*](Cf. xxvi. 1, 4.) then marshal of the court and a relative of Valens, with the general consent was chosen to go speedily as a surety. When he objected, on the ground that he had once been captured by the enemy but had escaped from Dibaltum, and therefore feared their unreasonable anger, Richomeres voluntarily offered his own services and gladly promised to go, thinking this also to be a fine act and worthy of a brave man. And soon he was on his way [bringing] proofs of his rank and birth. . . .[*](There is a lacuna here of twenty letters; indicia is obviously the object of some word such as ferens. )

As he was on his way to the enemy’s rampart, the archers and the targeteers, then under the command of one Bacurius of Hiberia[*](On the northern frontier of Armenia.) and Cassio, had rushed forward too eagerly in hot attack, and were already engaged with their adversaries; and as their charge had been untimely, so their retreat was cowardly; and thus they gave an unfavourable omen to the beginning of the battle.

This unseasonable proceeding not only thwarted the prompt action of Richomeres, who was not allowed to go at all, but also the Gothic cavalry, returning with Alatheus and Saphrax, combined with a band of the Halani, dashed out as a thunderbolt does near high mountains, and threw into