Res Gestae

Ammianus Marcellinus

Ammianus Marcellinus. Ammianus Marcellinus, with an English translation, Vols. I-III. Rolfe, John C., translator. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press; W. Heinemann, 1935-1940 (printing).

At that same time Frigeridus, who was carefully making many useful plans for the general security, and was hastening to fortify the pass of Succi,[*](See xxi. 10, 2 ff., and note 1.) in order that the roving light-armed bands

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of the enemy might not, like torrents swollen by melting snow, roam at large over the northern provinces, was given a successor in the person of a general called Maurus, notoriously venal under a pretence of boldness, and changeable and unreliable in all his conduct. He it was who (as I have told in my narrative of previous events)[*](Cf. xx. 4, 18.) when Caesar Julian was in doubt about the crown to be put upon his head, with haughty cleverness took off his neck-chain and boldly offered it to him for the purpose, being at the time one of Julian’s bodyguard.

Thus even in the dizzy whirl of disasters a careful and active leader[*](Frigeridus.) was removed, whereas he should have been recalled to active service at the demand of such important affairs, even if he had long since retired to a peaceful life.

It chanced that at that time Valens was at last called forth from Antioch, and after making the long journey arrived at Constantinople, where his stay was for only a very few days,[*](Twelve days according to Socrates, Hist. Eccl. iv. 38.) and he was disturbed by a slight outbreak of the populace. He gave the command of the infantry, which Trajanus had formerly held, to Sebastianus, a leader of recognized vigilance, who had shortly before been sent from Italy at his own request.[*](Zos. iv. 22, says that he left Italy through disgust at the growing influence of the eunuchs, and went to Constantinople, where Valens made him a commander-in-chief.) He himself went

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to the imperial villa Melanthias[*](Agathius (v. 14, D), and after him Suidas (s.v. μελαντιάς), call it a village 140 stadia (102, Suidas) from Constantinople.) and tried to win the favour of the soldiers by pay, supplies, and many flattering words.

Having commanded a march from there by written order,[*](Cf. xxiii. 2, 2, expeditionalis tessera; xxi. 5, 13, note.) he came to the military post called Nice,[*](A town in Thrace, Socrates, Hist. Eccl. ii. 37, 95; mansio Nice, It. Burdig. p. 569 (cf. statione Nice, 12, 3, below).) where he learned from the report of scouts that the barbarians, laden with rich spoils, had returned from the lands at the foot of Rhodope to the neighbourhood of Hadrianopolis; they, on hearing that the emperor was on the march with a large force, were hastening to join their countrymen, who were staying in a permanent garrison near Beroea and Nicopolis. At once, as timeliness of the offered opportunity demanded, Sebastianus had been directed to choose three hundred soldiers from each legion and hasten to the spot, to do, as he promised, something advantageous to the state.

He advanced by rapid marches until he was seen near Hadrianopolis, when the gates were strongly barred, and he was not allowed to approach them; for the besieged feared that he came as one who had been captured by the enemy, and won over to their side, and some harm might be caused to the city; such as had happened through the general Acacius, when the troops of Magnentius had captured him by treachery, and brought about the opening of the fastnesses of the Julian Alps.

However, when Sebastianus was recognized, although late, and allowed to enter the city, his men were refreshed with such food and rest as

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were available; and on the following morning he sallied forth in secret haste. Just as evening was coming on some predatory bands of Goths suddenly came in sight near the river Hebrus, whereupon Sebastianus remained hidden for a time behind mounds and thickets; and when it was dark night he advanced with light step and fell upon them in their sleep, inflicting such a defeat upon them that all the rest perished except a few, whom swiftness of foot saved from death. He brought back countless booty, which was too great to be contained in the city and the broad plain about it.

Fritigern was greatly alarmed by this stroke, and feared lest the general, whom he had always heard to be successful,[*](For this meaning of impetrabilis, cf. xiv. 8, 5, and Plautus, Most. 1162, etc.) might make an unexpected attack upon his scattered and heedless bands, which were intent only upon pillage, and utterly destroy them; he therefore recalled all his men to the vicinity of the town of Cabyle and quickly left that neighbourhood, in order that his people, by living in the open plains, might not suffer from famine or from secret attacks.

While this was going on in Thrace, Gratian, having informed his uncle by letter with what energy he had overthrown the Alamanni, sent on ahead by land all his baggage and packs, and descending the Danube with a band of light-armed troops, came to Bononia[*](Ptolemy locates this place in Upper Pannonia, the modern Banastar; cf. xxi. 9, 6.) and entered Sirmium. Having delayed there for four days, he went on over the same river to the Camp of Mars,[*](A small town in Dacia Ripensis (in Moesia, according to Sozomenus, ix. 5).) although attacked by intermittent fevers. In that region the Halani unexpectedly fell upon him, and he lost a few of his followers.

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In those same days Valens was troubled for two reasons: first, by the news that the Lentienses had been defeated; secondly, because Sebastianus wrote from time to time exaggerating his exploits. He therefore marched forth from Melanthias, being eager to do some glorious deed to equal his young nephew, whose valiant exploits consumed him with envy.[*](Eunapius says that Gratian had also, at the wish of his army, taken the younger Valentinian as his colleague, without consulting his uncle Valens; moreover, that Valens was an Arian, while Gratian, according to Ambrose, was a Christian (christianissimus). [Val. in Wagner-Erfurdt.]) He had under his command a force made up of varying elements, but one neither contemptible, nor unwarlike; for he had joined with them also a large number of veterans, among whom were other officers of high rank and Trajanus, shortly before a commander-in-chief, whom he had recalled to active service.

And since it was learned from careful reconnoitring that the enemy were planning with strong guards to block the roads over which the necessary supplies were being brought, he tried competently to frustrate this attempt by quickly sending an infantry troop of bowmen and a squadron of cavalry, in order to secure the advantages of the narrow passes, which were near by.

During the next three days, when the barbarians, advancing at a slow pace and through unfrequented places, since they feared a sally, were fifteen miles distant from the city,[*](Constantinople.) and were making for the station of Nice,[*](See 11, 2, above, and note.) through some mistake or other the emperor was assured by his skirmishers that all that part of the enemy’s horde which they had seen consisted of only ten

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thousand men, and carried away by a kind of rash ardour, he determined to attack them at once.

Accordingly, advancing in square formation,[*](See xxix. 5, 39, note on agmine quadrato. ) he came to the vicinity of a suburb of Hadrianopolis,[*](Or perhaps to the vicinity of Hadrianopolis—with Ammianus’ usual tautology. Clark has Hadrianupolis, with V.) where he made a strong rampart of stakes, surrounded by a moat, and impatiently waited for Gratian; there he received Richomeres, general of the household troops, sent in advance by Gratian with a letter, in which he said that he himself also would soon be there.

Since the contents besought him to wait a while for the partner in his dangers, and not rashly to expose himself alone to serious perils, Valens called a council of various of his higher officers and considered what ought to be done.

And while some, influenced by Sebastianus, urged him to give battle at once, the man called Victor,[*](Although he is often mentioned, it is usually in this way (see e.g. 13, 9, below, and 7, 1, above).) a commander of cavalry, a Sarmatian by birth, but foresighted and careful,[*](Unlike the Sarmatians generally.) with the support of many others recommended that his imperial colleague be awaited, so that, strengthened by the addition of the Gallic army, he might the more easily crush the fiery over-confidence of the barbarians.

However, the fatal insistence of the emperor prevailed, supported by the flattering opinion of some of his courtiers, who urged him to make all haste in order that Gratian might not have a share in the victory which (as they represented) was already all but won.

While the necessary preparations for the decisive battle were going on, a Christian presbyter[*](Elder.) (to use their own term), who had been sent by Fritigem as an envoy, in company with some humble

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folk came to the emperor’s camp. He was courteously received and presented a letter from the same chieftain, openly requesting that to him and his people, whom the rapid forays of savage races had made exiles from their native lands, Thrace only should be granted as a habitation, with all its flocks and crops; and they promised lasting peace if this request were granted.

Besides this the aforesaid Christian, apparently a confidant and trusted friend of Fritigern, presented also[*](For the translation of alias, see xxiii. 3, 9, note 5.) a private letter of the same king, who, all too skilled in craft and in various forms of deception, informed Valens, pretending that he hoped soon to be his friend and ally, that he could not tame the savagery of his people, or entice them to adopt conditions favourable to the Roman state, unless the emperor should from time to time show them near at hand his army ready for battle, and through the fear aroused by the imperial name check their destructive eagerness for war. But as to the envoys, their sincerity was doubted, and they left without accomplishing their purpose.

But on the dawn of that day which is numbered in the calendar as the fifth before the Ides of August[*](Aug. 9.) the army began its march with extreme haste, leaving all its baggage and packs near the walls of Hadrianopolis with a suitable guard of legions; for the treasury, and the insignia of imperial dignity besides,[*](Here cetera is used as alius often is; see note 1, above.) with the prefect[*](I.e., the praetorian prefect.) and the emperor’s council, were kept within the circuit of the walls.

So after hastening a long distance over rough ground, while the hot day was advancing towards noon, finally at the eighth hour[*](At about two in the afternoon.) they saw the wagons

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of the enemy, which, as the report of the scouts had declared, were arranged in the form of a perfect[*](Lit. turned by a lathe.) circle. And while the barbarian soldiers, according to their custom, uttered savage and dismal howls, the Roman leaders so drew up their line of battle that the cavalry on the right wing were first pushed forward, while the greater part of the infantry waited in reserve.

But the left wing of the horsemen (which was formed with the greatest difficulty, since very many of them were still scattered along the roads) was hastening to the spot at swift pace. And while that same wing was being extended, still without interruption, the barbarians were terrified by the awful din, the hiss of whirring arrows[*](For sibilantibus armis, cf. xxv. 1, 18.) and the menacing clash of shields; and since a part of their forces under Alatheus and Saphrax was far away and, though sent for, had not yet returned, they sent envoys to beg for peace.