Res Gestae

Ammianus Marcellinus

Ammianus Marcellinus. Ammianus Marcellinus, with an English translation, Vols. I-III. Rolfe, John C., translator. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press; W. Heinemann, 1935-1940 (printing).

It was the knowledge of this that led Remigius, marshal of the court, when he perceived that the emperor was boiling with anger at something which had occurred, to hint among other things that some outbreaks of the barbarians threatened; and when Valentinian heard this, immediately he was so overcome with fear that he became as calm and mild as Antoninus the Good[*](I.e., Antoninus Pius; cf. xvi. 1, 4.) himself.

He never intentionally chose cruel judges, but if he had learned that Those whomhehad once advanced[*](To that rank.) were acting cruelly,

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he maintained that he had found men like Lycurgus[*](Not the Spartan lawgiver, but a contemporary of Demosthenes; see xxii. 9, 9, note.) and Cassius,[*](Cf. xxii. 9, 9, note; and for Cato and Cassius, xxvi. 10, 10.) those ancient pillars of justice; and he often urged them in writing to punish even light offences with all severity.

Those in trouble, whom a reverse of fortune had befallen, found no refuge in the kindness of their prince, which has always been a longed-for haven, as it were, for those tossed on a stormy sea. For the purpose of a just rule (as the philosophers teach) is supposed to be the advantage and safety of its subjects.

It is fitting after this to pass to those acts of his which were praiseworthy and to be imitated by right-thinking men; and if he had regulated the rest of his conduct in accordance with these, his career would have been that of a Trajan or a Marcus.[*](Marcus Aurelius.) He was very indulgent towards the provincials and everywhere lightened the burden of their tributes; he was always timely in founding towns and establishing frontier defences. He was an excellent critic of military discipline, failing only in this, that while he punished even slight offences of the common soldiers, he suffered the serious offences of his higher commanders to go to excess, often turning a deaf ear to the complaints made against them.[*](Cf. 5, 3, and Zos. iv. 16.) The result of this was turmoil in Britain, disaster in Africa, and the devastation of Illyricum.

In every observance of chastity he was pure at home and abroad; he was stained by the foul touch of no obscene feelings or lewdness; and for

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that reason he controlled the wantonness of the imperial court as if by a curb; and this course he could easily keep; he showed no indulgence to his own kindred, whom he either restrained in retirement or honoured with unimportant posts, with the exception of his brother, whom, compelled by press of circumstances, he admitted to a share in his own eminence.

He was most cautious in bestowing high official positions: under his rule no money-changer[*](Nummularius is used in a broad sense, including bankers; for a dishonest money-changer, see Suet., Galba, 9. ) governed a province, no office was ever sold, except at the beginning of his reign, a time when it is usual for some crimes to be committed with impunity through reliance on the distractions of a new ruler.[*](Text and exact meaning are uncertain; the sense apparently is that some persons commit crimes, hoping that amid the press of business by which the new emperor is overwhelmed he will be forced to overlook them.)

In war, whether offensive or defensive, he was most skilful and careful, a veteran in the heat and dust of the battlefield. In council he was a foresighted persuader of what was right and a dissuader of wrong, most strict in examining all ranks of the military service. He wrote a neat hand, was an elegant painter and modeller, and an inventor of new kinds of arms.[*](Cf. Pseud.-Aurel. Vict., Epit. 45, 6: pingere venustissime . . . fingere cero seu limo simulacra, nova arma meditari.) His memory was lively; so was his speech (although he spoke seldom), and he was vigorous therein, almost to the point of eloquence. He loved neatness, and enjoyed banquets that were choice but not extravagant.

Finally, his reign was distinguished by toleration, in that he remained neutral in religious differences neither troubling anyone on that ground nor ordering him to reverence this or that. He did

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not bend the necks of his subjects to his own belief by threatening edicts, but left such matters undisturbed as he found them.

His strong and muscular body, the gleam of his hair, his brilliant complexion, his grey eyes, with a gaze that was always sidelong and stern, his fine stature, and his regular features[*](Cf. membrorum recta compage, xiv. 11, 28.) completed a figure of regal charm and majesty.

After the last invocation of the emperor[*](The conclamatio, or last call to the dead, to see wheather any life remained. Or it may mean, after the public lamentations for his death, the completion of his funerals rites.) his[*](375 A.D.) body was prepared for burial, in order to be sent to Constantinople and interred among the remains of the deified rulers. Meanwhile the campaign that was approaching was suspended, and an uncertain outcome of the situation was feared, because of the cohorts serving in Gaul, which were not always of devoted loyalty to legitimate emperors, and regarded themselves as arbiters of the imperial power;[*](Cf. Vopiscus, Saturninus, 7, 1: Gallus, ex gents hominum inquietissima et avida semper vel faciendi principis vel imperil.) and it was suspected that they might take the opportunity to venture on some new step; and this fact added some hopes of attempting a revolution—that Gratianus was still at Trier (where his father, when he was on the point of beginning his march, had arranged for him to stay) and even then knew nothing of what had happened.

When affairs were in this critical state, and all

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were equally in dread, and likely to share in whatever dangers that might arise, as if in the same boat,[*](A common proverb; cf. Cic., Ad Fam. ii. 5, 1; Livy, xliv. 22, 12.) it was agreed[*](For this meaning of sedit, cf. xiv. 1, 5; xix. 7, 6, sedit consilium.) in accordance with the advice of the highest officers, after having torn down the bridge, which they had previously built under necessity when invading the enemy’s territory, that Merobaudes at once[*](Cf. 5, 13.) should be summoned by order of Valentinian when he was still alive.

He, being a sharp-wittedman, either guessing what had happened, or perhaps having learned it from the messenger who summoned him, and suspecting that the Gallic troops would violate the terms of peace, pretended that an order-ticket had been sent to him to return with the messenger, in order to guard the banks of the Rhine because the barbarians were getting wilder. And Sebastianus, who was still unaware of the emperor’s death, he sent to a more distant post, which had been secretly ordered; for although Sebastianus was a quiet and peace-loving man, he stood in high favour with the troops, and hence he was particularly to be feared at that time.

Accordingly, after Merobaudes turned back, the matter of succession was carefully considered and the plan was unfolded that the boy Valentinianus,[*](This Valentinianus is not to be confounded with another boy of the same name, then nine years old and the son of Valens, although the ancient writers often confuse them. This Valentinian, son of the emperor of the same name, met a violent death in 392, according to Hieronymus.) son of the deceased emperor and then four years old, should be summoned and given a share in the rule. He was at the time a hundred miles distant, living with his mother Justina[*](According to Zos. iv. 43, she was formerly the wife of Magnentius. Cerealis was her brother.) at the country house called Murocincta.

When this had been approved by unanimous consent, the boy’s uncle

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Cerealis was immediately sent to the place, put him in a litter, and brought him to the camp; and on the sixth day after the passing of his father he was in due form declared emperor, and after the customary manner hailed as Augustus.[*](A distinction seems to be made between declaratio and the ceremonial nuncupatio; the former perhaps took place at Murocincta, the latter in the camp.)

And although, while this was being done, there was some thought that Gratianus would take it amiss that another emperor was chosen without his permission, this fear later vanished and men lived free from care, since Gratianus, besides being a kindly and righteous man, loved his kinsman with great affection and saw to his education.[*](Cf. Ausonius, Gratiarum actio ad Gratianurn, 7: piissimo: huius vero laudis . . . testimonium est . . . instar filii ad imperium frater adscitus. )

Meanwhile Fortune’s rapid wheel, which is always interchanging adversity and prosperity, armed Bellona in the company of her attendant Furies, and transferred to the Orient melancholy events, the coming of which was foreshadowed by the clear testimony of omens and portents.

For after many true predictions of seers and augurs, dogs leaped back when wolves howled, night birds

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rang out a kind of doleful lament, the sun rose in gloom and dimmed the clear morning light; at Antioch, in quarrels and riots of the common people, it became usual that whoever thought that he was suffering wrong shouted without restraint: Let Valens be burned alive! and the words of public criers were continually heard, directing the people to gather firewood, to set fire to the baths of Valens, in the building of which the emperor himself had taken such interest.

All this almost in plain speech showed that this kind of death[*](I.e., death by fire.) threatened him. Furthermore, the ghostly form of the king of Armenia and the piteous shades of those who shortly before had been executed in connection with the fall of Theodorus,[*](See xxix. 1, 8 ff.) shrieking horrible songs at night, in the form of dirges, tormented many with dire terrors.

A heifer was found lying lifeless with its windpipe cut, and its death was an indication of great and widespread sorrow from funerals of the people. Finally, when the old walls of Chalcedon were torn down,[*](Because of the conduct of the inhabitants at the time of the uprising of Procopius; cf. Socr., Eccl. Hist. iv. 8, and xxvi. 8, 2.) in order that a bath[*](Constantinianae thermae, Socrates, iv. 8.) might be built at Constantinople, and the rows of stones were taken apart, there was found on a squared block hidden in the midst of the structure of the wall an inscription containing the following Greek verses, clearly revealing what was to happen:

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  1. When gaily through the city’s festal streets
  2. Shall whirl soft maidens in a happy dance,
  3. When mournfully a wall shall guard a bath,
  4. Then countless hordes of men spread far and wide
  5. With warlike arms shall cross clear Istrus’ stream
  6. To ravage Scythia’s fields and Mysia’s land.
  7. But mad with hope when they Pannonia raid,
  8. There battle and life’s end their course shall check.