Res Gestae

Ammianus Marcellinus

Ammianus Marcellinus. Ammianus Marcellinus, with an English translation, Vols. I-III. Rolfe, John C., translator. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press; W. Heinemann, 1935-1940 (printing).

And to palliate their fault or the deception which they had suffered from greater cleverness, they bombarded the ears of the emperor (most retentive of all gossip) with false charges against Papa, alleging that he was wonderfully skilled through the incantations of Circe[*](Cf. Odyss. x. 233 ff.) in changing and weakening men’s bodies; and they added that, having by arts of that kind spread darkness round himself,[*](Offusa sibi caligine refers to Papa, meaning that he had wrapped himself in a cloud.) and by changing his own form and that of his followers, having passed through their lines,

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if he survived this trickery, he would cause sad troubles.

In this way the irreconcilable hatred of the emperor for Papa was increased, and plots were devised every day for taking his life either by violence or secretly; and to Trajanus,[*](Cf. xxix. 1, 2.) who was then in Armenia in command of the military forces, this work was entrusted through secret letters.

That general sought to win the king by treacherous flattery, now showing him letters of Valens as tokens of his calm state of mind, and now forcing himself upon his banquets; finally, when his plot was matured, he invited him with great respect to a luncheon. The king came, fearing no hostility, and took his place in the seat of honour granted him.

And when choice dainties were set before him, and the great building rang with the music of strings, songs, and wind-instruments,[*](For this combination, cf. xiv. 6, 18; Cic., Pro Rosc. Amer. 46, 134.) the host himself, already heated with wine, went out, under pretence of a call of nature. Then a rude barbarian, fiercely glaring with savage eyes and brandishing a drawn sword, one of the class called scurrae,[*](Guards; cf. xxix. 4, 4, note.) was sent in to kill the young man, who had already been cut off from any possibility of escape.

At this sight the young king, who, as it happened, was leaning forward beyond his couch, drew his dagger and was rising to defend his life by every possible means, but fell disfigured, pierced through the breast like some victim at the altar, foully slain by repeated strokes.

By such treachery was credulity basely deceived, and at a banquet, which ought to be respected even on the Euxine Sea,[*](Cf. xxii. 8, 33 f.)

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before the eyes of the god of hospitality[*](Cf. Cic., Pro Deiot. 6, 18.) a stranger’s blood was shed, which bespattered the spendid linen cloths with foaming gore, was more than enough to sate the guests, who scattered in utmost horror. If the dead can feel grief,[*](Cf. Livy xxi. 53, 5.) the famous Fabricius Luscinus might groan at this arrogant act, when he recalled with what greatness of soul he rejected the promise of Demochares or (as some write)[*](Gell. iii. 8; Cic., Off. iii. 22, 86.) Nicias, the king’s attendant, made in a secret conference; for he said that he would kill king Pyrrhus, who at that time was reducing Italy to ashes[*](Cf. Sil. Ital. xv. 537 (of Italy to Hasdrubal), miseras quaerentem exurere belli reliquias. ) in cruel warfare, by mixing poison with his cups; but Fabricius warned the king in a letter to beware of his more intimate servants. Such a place of respect in those days of old-time justice was held by the conviviality even of an enemy’s table.

True, some sought to excuse this recent extraordinary and shameful deed by the example of the assassination of Sertorius,[*](Slain by his lieutenant-general Perperna at a banquet; Plut., Sert. 26; Flor. ii. 10, 9; Vell. ii. 30, 1.) but those flatterers perhaps did not know that no act which is proved to be contrary to law is justified because another crime was similar or went unpunished, as Demosthenes, eternal glory of Greece, declares.[*](In Androt. 7, quoted by Quint. v. 14, 4; cf. Gell. x. 19.)

These are the noteworthy events that took place in Armenia. But Sapor, after the former disaster to his men, on learning of the murder of

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Papa, whom he was making great efforts to enlist on his side, overwhelmed with heavy grief and with his fear increased by the activity of our army, sowed the seeds of greater troubles for himself.

Accordingly, he sent Arraces as an envoy to the emperor, advising him to withdraw entirely from Armenia, since it was a continual source of troubles; or if that was not acceptable, proposing as an alternative that abandoning the division of Hiberia[*](Cf. xxvii. 12, 16 f.) and withdrawing the garrisons of the Roman part, he should allow Aspacures, whom Sapor had made ruler of that nation, to reign alone.

To this Valens made answer to this effect: that he could not repeal anything of that which had been agreed upon by common consent, but would maintain it with the utmost vigour. In reply to this noble utterance a[*](377–8 A.D.) letter was brought from the king when the winter was already nearly ended,[*](377–8.) giving trivial and arrogant reasons. For he asserted that the weeds of discord could not be pruned away by the roots except in the presence of those who had been witnesses to the conclusion of the peace with Jovian, some of whom (as he had learned) had since died.

After this the emperor’s cares grew heavier.[*](377 A.D.) Now he was in condition rather to make a choice of plans than to discover any; and so, thinking it to be to the advantage of the State, he ordered Victor, commander of the cavalry, and Urbicius, general in Mesopotamia, to go quickly to the Persians, bearing an ultimatum in plain language: that it was criminal of a king who was just and contented with his own (as he boasted) wrongfully to covet Armenia, whose people had been granted permission to live independently;

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and that, unless the guard of soldiers given to Sauromaces[*](Cf. xxvii. 12, 16.) should return without hindrance at the beginning of the following year (as had been agreed), Sapor would be forced to do against his will what he had refrained from doing of his own accord.

This embassy was indeed straightforward and frank, had its members not erred in one particular; for they accepted without orders some small territories that offered themselves to them in that same Armenia. On their return the Surena, who ranked next to the king, came and offered to the emperor these same lands that our envoys had recklessly taken.

He was received courteously and handsomely[*](377–8 A.D.) entertained, but was sent back without obtaining what he asked, and in consequence great preparations were made for war, in the expectation that when the winter grew milder the emperor would invade Persia with three armies and for that purpose was in great haste hiring mercenaries from the Scythians.

Accordingly Sapor, having failed to gain that for which he had vainly hoped, and exasperated even more than usual because he had learned that our ruler was perparing for a campaign, defied Valens’ anger and instructed the Surena to recover by arms, in case anyone made opposition, the lands which Count Victor and Urbicius had taken over; also to do all possible harm to the soldiers appointed for the protection of Sauromaces.