Res Gestae

Ammianus Marcellinus

Ammianus Marcellinus. Ammianus Marcellinus, with an English translation, Vols. I-III. Rolfe, John C., translator. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press; W. Heinemann, 1935-1940 (printing).

For, excited by the sound of the approaching Saxons, some of our men rushed out before the proper time; on their sudden appearance the savages raised terrible howls, and while the Romans were hastening to steady themselves, they were put to flight. Presently, however, they halted and massed themselves together, and as their dangerous plight gave them strength (though somewhat impaired), they

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were forced to fight; but after suffering great losses they were routed and would have perished to a man, had not a troop of mail-clad horsemen, which had been similarly stationed on another side, near a byway, to cause danger to the savages as they passed by, been aroused by their cries of terror, and quickly come to their aid.

Then the contest became hotter and the Romans with fortified courage pressed upon the Saxons from all sides, surrounded them, and slew them with their drawn swords; not one of them could again return to his native home, not a single one was allowed to survive the slaughter of his comrades. And although some just judge will condemn this act as treacherous and hateful, yet on careful consideration of the matter he will not think it improper that a destructive band of brigands was destroyed when the opportunity at last offered.

After these affairs had been so successfully concluded,[*](369 f. A.D.) Valentinian, turning over various thoughts in his mind, was oppressed by anxious care, as he thought over many plans and considered by what devices he might break the arrogance of the Alamanni and their king Macrianus,[*](Cf. xviii. 2, 15.) who without limit or measure was confusing the Roman state by his restless disturbances.

For this savage nation, although from its very cradle weakened by a variety of disasters, so often recovers its youthful strength, that people think it has been unassailed for long ages. And the emperor finally decided, after favouring first one plan and then another, to bring about their destruction through the Burgundians, a warlike people, rich in the strength of countless young

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warriors, and therefore a cause of terror to all their neighbours.

Accordingly, he often sent letters to their kings through silent and loyal messengers, urging them to attack the Alamanni at an appointed time, and promising that he too would cross the Rhine with the Roman armies and, if the Alamanni tried to avoid the unexpected weight of armed forces, would intercept them in their panic.

The emperor’s letters were gladly received for two reasons: first, because the Burgundians know that they are descendants of the Romans from ancient times;[*](Possibly from the Romans whom Drusus, and later Tiberius, left behind on the Elbe and elsewhere to defend the frontier.) and then, since they frequently quarrelled with the Alamanni about salt-pits[*](This was a frequent cause of war; cf. Tac., Ann. xiii. 57; Strabo, vii. 5, 11 (C. 318); and for these salt-pits, John of Salisbury, Epist. 196.) and boundaries.[*](Cf. xviii. 2, 15.) They therefore sent their choicest troops, which, before our soldiers were gathered together, advanced as far as the banks of the Rhine; and while the emperor was still occupied with the building of fortifications, they caused the very greatest alarm to our people.

And so they halted for a time, but when Valentinian did not appear on the appointed day, as he had agreed, and they saw that none of his promises had been fulfilled, they sent envoys to the emperor’s camp, demanding that support be given them for their return to their homes, in order that they might not expose their unprotected rear to the enemy.

And when they perceived that by subterfuges and delays their request was practically denied, they went off from there in sorrow and indignation. And their kings,

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on learning what had happened, furious at being mocked, killed all their prisoners and returned to their native lands.

In their country a king is called by the general name Hendinos, and, according to an ancient custom, lays down his power and is deposed, if under him the fortune of war has wavered, or the earth has denied sufficient crops; just as the Egyptians commonly blame their rulers for such occurrences.[*](Since they regarded them as gods; see Diod. Sic., i. 90, 3.) On the other hand the chief priest among the Burgundians is called Sinistus, holds his power for life, and is exposed to no such dangers as threaten the kings.

Taking advantage of this very timely occasion,[*](370 A.D.) Theodosius, at that time commander of the cavalry,[*](I.e., in Gaul.) made an attack through Raetia upon the Alamanni, who through fear of the aforesaid people[*](The Burgundians.) were scattered; he killed many of them, and by the emperor’s order sent all his prisoners to Italy, where they received fertile cantons, and now live as our subjects on the banks of the Po.[*](Further wars with the Alamanni are described in xxix. 4, and xxx. 3.)

From here, as if moving to another part[*](For this partitive use of the adjective363 ff. A.D. cf. Hor., Odes, iii. 23, 8, pomifer anncus;; Sall., Jug. 107, 1, nudum et caecum corpus. ) of the world, let us come to the sorrows of the African province of Tripolis, over which (I think) even Justice herself has wept; and from what cause these blazed out like flames will appear when my narrative is completed.

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The Austoriani,[*](Ammianus, in xxvi. 4, 5, counts them among the people of Mauritania.) who are neighbours to those regions, are savages, always ready for sudden raids and accustomed to live by murder and robbery. These were subdued for a time, but then returned to their natural turbulence, for which they seriously alleged this reason:-

A certain man of their country, Stachao by name, when he was wandering freely in our territory, it being a time of peace, committed some violations of the laws, among which the most conspicuous was, that he tried by every kind of deceit to betray the province,[*](Apparently by rousing the barbarians against the Romans.) as was proved by most trustworthy testimony. Accordingly he was burned to death.

To avenge his execution, under the pretext that he was a countryman of theirs and had been unjustly condemned, like beasts aroused by madness, they sallied forth from their homes while Jovian was still ruling, and, fearing to come near Lepcis, a city strong in its walls and population, they encamped for three days in the fertile districts near the city. There they slaughtered the peasants, whom sudden fear had paralysed or had compelled to take refuge in caves, burned a great deal of furniture which could not be carried off, and returned laden with immense spoils, taking with them also as prisoner one Silva, the most eminent of the local magistrates, who chanced to be found in the country[*](I.e., his country estate.) with his wife and children.

The people of Lepcis, greatly alarmed by this sudden calamity, before the evils which the insolence of the barbarians threatened should increase,

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implored the protection of Romanus, the newlypromoted commanding-general for Africa. As soon as he arrived, leading his military forces, and was asked to lend his aid in these troubles, he declared that he would not move his camp unless provisions in abundance should first be brought and 4000 camels equipped.

The unhappy citizens were stupified by this answer, and declared that after suffering from fires and pillage they could not procure a remedy for their tremendous losses by providing such enormous supplies. Whereupon the general, after deluding them by spending forty days there, marched away without actually attempting anything.

The people of Tripolis, disappointed in this hope and fearing the worst, when the lawful day for the popular assembly (which with them comes once a year) had arrived, appointed Severus and Flaccianus as envoys, who were to take to Valentinian golden statues of Victory because of his accession to power, and to tell him fearlessly of the lamentable ruin of the province.

As soon as Romanus heard of this, he sent a swift horseman to Remigius, the chief-marshal of the court, a relative of his by marriage and[*](For vel = and cf. p. 550, n. 1.) a partner in his robberies, asking him to see to it that the investigation of this affair should be assigned by the emperor’s authority to the deputy governor Vincentius and himself.

The envoys came to the court, and being given audience with the emperor, stated orally what they had suffered; and they presented decrees, containing a full account of the whole affair. Since the emperor, after reading these, neither believed the communication of the marshal, who countenanced the misdeeds of Romanus,

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nor the envoys, who gave contrary testimony, a full investigation was promised, but it was put off, in the way in which supreme powers[*](Cf. xxix. 5, 2, end.) are usually deceived among the distractions to which the powerful are liable.

While the people of Tripolis were long in astate of anxiety and suspense, looking for some aid from the emperor’s military support, the hordes of barbarians again came up, given confidence by what had happened before; and after overrunning the territory of Lepcis and Oea[*](Modern Tripoli.) with death and devastation, went away again, laden with vast heaps of booty; a number of decurions[*](Local magistrates and officials.) were put to death, among whom the former high-priest Rusticianus and the aedile Nicasius were conspicuous.