Res Gestae

Ammianus Marcellinus

Ammianus Marcellinus. Ammianus Marcellinus, with an English translation, Vols. I-III. Rolfe, John C., translator. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press; W. Heinemann, 1935-1940 (printing).

At about the same time Marcellus, an officer of the guard and a relative of Procopius, commanding

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the garrison at Nicaea and learning of the betrayal of the usurper by the soldiers and his consequent death, at the fearful hour of midnight unexpectedly attacked Serenianus, who was imprisoned within the palace,[*](Cf. 8, 11.) and killed him; and his death saved the lives of many.

For if this man of rude nature, burning with a cruel desire to hurt, had survived the victory, being dear to Valens because of their likeness of character and their common fatherland, and well aware of the secret wishes of a prince inclined to cruelty, he would have caused the death of many innocent people.

After killing Serenianus, Marcellus quickly got possession of Chalcedon, and, supported by the cheers of a few, whom their worthlessness and desperation drove to crime, seized the shadow of a fatal principate. He was deceived by two ideas, first because the kings of the Goths, who had now been conciliated, had sent three thousand men[*](Zosimus, iv. 7, says 10,000.) to the aid of Procopius, led by his show of relationship to Constantius, and Marcellus thought that these men could for a small sum be brought over to his side; and secondly, because he had not yet learned what had happened in Illyricum.

In the midst of this great confusion Aequitius, who had learned from trustworthy sources that the whole burden of the war had been transferred to Asia, marched through the pass of Succi and with all his might tried to open Philippopolis, formerly Eumolpias,[*](Cf. xxii. 2, 2.) which had been closed by the enemy’s garrison; for that city was very favourably situated and, if left in his rear, could hinder his attempt, if he should be compelled to hasten to Haemimontus[*](A place on Mt. Haemus.)

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in order to bring reinforcements to Valens; for he had not yet learned what had happened at Nacolia.[*](See xxvi. 9, 7, above.)

But learning a little later of the vain presumption of Marcellus, he at once sent bold and active soldiers who seized him and imprisoned him as a guilty slave. A few days later the usurper was brought out, his body was soundly scourged, and after his accomplices had been similarly treated, he was put to death: a man who deserves credit only for making away with Serenianus, who was cruel as Phalaris, and loyal to Procopius because of the accursed science which for vain reasons he pretended to have.[*](Ammianus apparently refers to magic and prophecy, to which Serenianus was given (cf. xiv. 7, 7, 8; 11, 23).)

Through the death of the leader[*](Marcellus.) the horrors of war were rooted out; but many were punished more severely than their errors or faults demanded, especially the defenders of Philippopolis, who surrendered the city and themselves most reluctantly, and only when they saw the head of Procopius, which was being taken to Gaul.

Some, however, through the influence of those who interceded for them, were treated more leniently, among them notably Araxius, who in the very heat of the conflagration had solicited and gained the prefecture;[*](Cf. 7, 6, above.) he, through the intercession of his son-in-law Agilo, was deported to an island, but soon afterwards made his escape.

Euphrasius, however, and also Phronimius were sent to the west and left to the decision of Valentinian.[*](They were Gauls; cf. 7, 4, above.) Euphrasius was pardoned, but Phronimius was banished to the Chersonesus,[*](The Tauric Chersonesus.)

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receiving a severer punishment for the same offence because he had been well regarded by the deified Julian, whose noteworthy merits both the imperial brothers[*](Valentinian and Valens.) depreciated, without being his equal or anywhere near it.

To these events were added other more serious matters, far more to be feared than those of wartime. For executioner, instruments of torture, and bloody inquisitions raged without any distinction of age or of rank through all classes and orders, and under the mantle of peace[*](Implying that in time of war the laws were suspended.) abominable robbery was carried on, while all cursed the ill-omened victory, which was worse than any war, however destructive.

For amid arms and clarions, equality of condition makes dangers lighter; the force of martial valour either destroys what it attacks, or ennobles it; and death (if it comes) is attended with no sense of shame and brings with it at once an end of life and of suffering. But when the laws and statutes are pretexts for impious designs, and judges take their seats in false imitation of the character of a Cato or a Cassius,[*](See xxii. 9, 9, note; and cf. Cic. In Verr. ii. 3, 62, 146 non quaero indices Cassianos, veterem iudiciorum severitatem non requiro. ) but everything is decided according to the will of men of swollen powers, and by their caprice the question of the life or death of all those who come before them is weighed, then, destruction results that is deadly and sudden.

For when any one at that time had become powerful for any reason, and having almost royal authority and being

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consumed with longing to seize the goods of others, accused some clearly guiltless person, he was welcomed as an intimate and loyal friend,[*](Of the emperor. The text and exact meaning are uncertain, although the general sense is clear; regio imperio prope accedens can hardly mean having access to the court, or hastening to the court, as the vulgate reading regiae prope accedens did.) who was to be enriched by the ruin of other men.