Res Gestae

They were divided into turbulent

After some discussion, all by general agreement united on Salutius, and when he pleaded illness and old age, one of the soldiers[*](Gibbon thinks this was Ammianus himself.) of higher rank, perceiving Salutius’ determined opposition, said: What would you do if the emperor (as often happens) had in his absence committed to you the conduct of this war? Would you not put aside everything else and save the soldiers from the threatening dangers? Do that now, and if we are permitted to see Mesopotamia, the united votes of both armies[*](The eastern and the western army.) will decide upon a lawful emperor.

During this delay, which was slight considering the importance of the matter, before the various opinions had been weighed, a few hot-headed soldiers (as often happens in an extreme crisis) chose an emperor in the person of Jovianus, commander[*](According to Hieronymus’ Chron. he was primicerius, ranking after the comes and the tribunus. Cf. xxvii. 10, 16, domesticorum omnium primus.) of the household troops, who had claims for some slight consideration because of the services of his father. For he was the son of Varronianus, a well- known count,[*](As the context shows, he was a general; see vol. i, Introd., p. xxix, and § 8, below.) who not long since, after ending his military career, had retired to a quieter life.

Now Jovian, as soon as he had been clothed in the imperial robes and suddenly brought out from his tent, already hastening through the ranks of the soldiers, who were getting ready to march.

And since the army extended for four miles, those in the

But if any onlooker of strict justice with undue haste blames such a step taken in a moment of extreme danger, he will, with even more justice, reproach sailors, if after the loss of a skilled pilot, amid the raging winds and seas, they committed the guidance of the helm of their ship to any companion in their peril, whoever he might be.

When this had been done as described, as if by the blind decree of fortune, the standard-bearer of the Joviani,[*](Legions so named by Diocletian, who was called Jovius.) formerly commanded by Varronianus, who was at odds with the new emperor even when he was still a private citizen, just as he had been a persistent critic of his father, fearing danger from an enemy who had now risen above the ordinary rank, deserted to the Persians. And as soon as he had the opportunity of telling what he knew to Sapor, who was already drawing near, he informed the king that the man whom he feared was dead, and that an excited throng of camp-followers had chosen a mere shadow of imperial power in the person of Jovian, up to that time one of the bodyguard, and a slothful, weak man. On hearing this news, for which he had always longed with anxious prayers, the king, elated by the unexpected good fortune, added a corps of the royal cavalry to

While these arrangements were being made on both sides, in Jovian’s behalf[*](The Church Fathers call Jovian a Christian. Gibbon, because of this passage, thinks not; but the sacrifice may not have been made by Jovian’s order.) victims were killed, and when the entrails were inspected it was announced that he would ruin everything, if he remained within the rampart of his camp (as he thought of doing), but would be victor if he marched out.

But when we accordingly were just beginning to leave, the Persians attacked us, with the elephants in front. By the unapproachable and frightful stench of these brutes horses and men were at first thrown into confusion, but the Joviani and Herculiani,[*](Legions named from the colleague of Diocletian, called Herculius.) after killing a few of the beasts, bravely resisted the mail clad horsemen.

Then the legions of the Jovii and the Victores came to the aid of their struggling companions and slew two elephants, along with a considerable number of the enemy. On our left wing some valiant warriors fell, Julianus, Macrobius and Maximus, tribunes of the legions which then held first place in our army.

Having buried these men as well as the pressing conditions allowed, when towards nightfall we were coming at rapid pace to a fortress called Sumere, we recognized the corpse of Anatolius[*](Cf. 3, 14, above.) lying in the road, and it was

On the next day we pitched our camp in the best place we could find, a broad plain in a valley; it was surrounded as if by a natural wall, and had only one exit, which was a wide one, and all about it we set stakes with sharp ends like the points of swords.

On seeing this, the enemy from the wooded heights assailed us with weapons of all kinds and with insulting language, as traitors and murderers of an excellent prince. For they also had heard from the mouths of deserters, in consequence of an unfounded rumour, that Julian had been killed by a Roman weapon.[*](See 3, 6, above, and note.)

Finally, some troops of horsemen meanwhile ventured to break through the praetorian gate and to come near the very tent of the emperor, but with the loss of many killed and wounded they were vigorously driven back.

Then we set out on the following night and took possession of the place called Charcha;[*](Cf. xviii. 10, 1.) here we were safe because there were mounds along the banks, constructed by men’s hands to prevent the Saracens from continually making raids on Assyria, and no one harassed our lines, as had been done before this.

And from here, having completed a march of thirty stadia, on the first of July we reached a city called Dura.[*](On the far side of the Tigris; different from the city of the same name in Mesopotamia (xxiii. 5, 8; xxiv. 1, 5), where excavations have lately been made.) Our horses were tired, and their riders, who marched on foot and fell to the rear,

We found these Saracens hostile for the reason that they had been prevented by Julian’s order from receiving pay and numerous gifts,[*](To buy peace from them and prevent their raids.) as in times past, and when they complained to him, had received the simple reply that a warlike and watchful emperor had steel and not gold.

In this place the persistence of the Persians delayed us for four days. For when we began to march, they followed us, and by frequent onsets forced us to turn back; if we halted to do battle with them, they little by little retired and harassed us by continual delays. But now (since to those who are in fear of the worst even false reports are commonly welcome) the rumour was circulated that the frontiers of our possessions were not far distant; whereupon the army, with mutinous bluster, demanded that they be allowed to cross the Tigris.