Res Gestae

And also it was almost unbearable that in the municipal towns he unjustly allowed persons to be made members of the councils, who, either as foreigners, or because of personal privileges or birth, were wholly Exempt from such assemblies.[*](It must be remembered that such offices were a burden which many sought to avoid; cf. xxii. 9, 12.)

The figure and proportion of his body were as follows. He was of medium stature. His hair lay smooth as if it had been combed, his beard was shaggy and trimmed so as to end in a point, his eyes were fine and full of fire, an indication of the acuteness of his mind. His eyebrows were handsome, his nose very straight, his mouth somewhat large with a pendulous lower lip. His neck was thick and somewhat bent, his shoulders large and broad. Moreover, right from top to toe he was a man of straight

And since his detractors alleged that he had stirred up the storms of war anew, to the ruin of his country, they should know clearly through the teachings of truth, that it was not Julian, but Constantine, who kindled the Parthian fires, when he confided too greedily in the lies of Metrodorus,[*](Metrodorus, a philosopher, in the time of Constantine the Great, is said to have made his way to farthest India with the intention of going around the world. Winning the favour of the Brachmanae and being admitted to their shrines, he stole many pearls and other gems. The king of the Indi also gave him many jewels of great price, which he was to offer to Constantine in the name of the king. When Metrodorus returned to Byzantium, he presented these to Constantine as his own gift, and said that he had sent many more to him by the land route, but that they had all been seized by the Persians. When Constantine demanded their return from Sapor, he received no reply, and thus the peace between the Romans and the Persians was broken. This story is told by Georgius Cedrenus in his Chron. anno xxi Constantini (p. 295A f.), but it is regarded as apocryphal.) as I explained fully some time ago.[*](In a lost book.)

This it was that caused the annihilation of our armies, the capture so often of whole companies of soldiers, the destruction of cities, the seizure or overthrow of fortresses, the exhaustion of our provinces by heavy expenses, and the threats of the Persians which were soon brought into effect, as they claimed everything as far as Bithynia and the shores of the Propontis.

But in Gaul, where barbarian arrogance grew apace, as the Germans swarmed through our territories, and the Alps were on the point of being forced with the resulting devastation of Italy, after the inhabitants had suffered many unspeakable woes, nothing was left save tears and fears, since the recollection of the past was bitter and the anticipation of what threatened was sadder still: all this that young man, sent to the western region, a Caesar in name

And in order to restore the Orient with similar energy, he attacked the Persians, and he would have won from them a triumph and a surname, if the decrees of heaven had been in accord with his plans and his splendid deeds.

And although we know that some men thoughtlessly laugh at experience to such an extent that they sometimes renew wars when defeated, and go to sea again after shipwreck,[*](Cf. Sen., De Benef. i. 1, 10; adeoque adversus experimenta pertinaces sumus, ut bella victi et naufragi maria repetamus. ) and return to meet difficulties to which they have often yielded, there are some who blame a prince who had been everywhere victorious for trying to equal his past exploits.

After this there was no time for laments or tears. For after caring for Julian’s body as well as the means at hand and the circumstances allowed, in order that he might be laid to rest in the place which he had previously chosen,[*](At Tarsus; see xxiii. 2, 5; and 10, 5, below.) at dawn of the following day, which was the twenty-seventh of June, with the enemy swarming about us on every side, the generals of the army assembled, and having called in the commanders of the legions and of the squadrons of cavalry, they consulted about choosing an emperor.

They were divided into turbulent

After some discussion, all by general agreement united on Salutius, and when he pleaded illness and old age, one of the soldiers[*](Gibbon thinks this was Ammianus himself.) of higher rank, perceiving Salutius’ determined opposition, said: What would you do if the emperor (as often happens) had in his absence committed to you the conduct of this war? Would you not put aside everything else and save the soldiers from the threatening dangers? Do that now, and if we are permitted to see Mesopotamia, the united votes of both armies[*](The eastern and the western army.) will decide upon a lawful emperor.

During this delay, which was slight considering the importance of the matter, before the various opinions had been weighed, a few hot-headed soldiers (as often happens in an extreme crisis) chose an emperor in the person of Jovianus, commander[*](According to Hieronymus’ Chron. he was primicerius, ranking after the comes and the tribunus. Cf. xxvii. 10, 16, domesticorum omnium primus.) of the household troops, who had claims for some slight consideration because of the services of his father. For he was the son of Varronianus, a well- known count,[*](As the context shows, he was a general; see vol. i, Introd., p. xxix, and § 8, below.) who not long since, after ending his military career, had retired to a quieter life.

Now Jovian, as soon as he had been clothed in the imperial robes and suddenly brought out from his tent, already hastening through the ranks of the soldiers, who were getting ready to march.

And since the army extended for four miles, those in the

But if any onlooker of strict justice with undue haste blames such a step taken in a moment of extreme danger, he will, with even more justice, reproach sailors, if after the loss of a skilled pilot, amid the raging winds and seas, they committed the guidance of the helm of their ship to any companion in their peril, whoever he might be.

When this had been done as described, as if by the blind decree of fortune, the standard-bearer of the Joviani,[*](Legions so named by Diocletian, who was called Jovius.) formerly commanded by Varronianus, who was at odds with the new emperor even when he was still a private citizen, just as he had been a persistent critic of his father, fearing danger from an enemy who had now risen above the ordinary rank, deserted to the Persians. And as soon as he had the opportunity of telling what he knew to Sapor, who was already drawing near, he informed the king that the man whom he feared was dead, and that an excited throng of camp-followers had chosen a mere shadow of imperial power in the person of Jovian, up to that time one of the bodyguard, and a slothful, weak man. On hearing this news, for which he had always longed with anxious prayers, the king, elated by the unexpected good fortune, added a corps of the royal cavalry to

While these arrangements were being made on both sides, in Jovian’s behalf[*](The Church Fathers call Jovian a Christian. Gibbon, because of this passage, thinks not; but the sacrifice may not have been made by Jovian’s order.) victims were killed, and when the entrails were inspected it was announced that he would ruin everything, if he remained within the rampart of his camp (as he thought of doing), but would be victor if he marched out.

But when we accordingly were just beginning to leave, the Persians attacked us, with the elephants in front. By the unapproachable and frightful stench of these brutes horses and men were at first thrown into confusion, but the Joviani and Herculiani,[*](Legions named from the colleague of Diocletian, called Herculius.) after killing a few of the beasts, bravely resisted the mail clad horsemen.

Then the legions of the Jovii and the Victores came to the aid of their struggling companions and slew two elephants, along with a considerable number of the enemy. On our left wing some valiant warriors fell, Julianus, Macrobius and Maximus, tribunes of the legions which then held first place in our army.

Having buried these men as well as the pressing conditions allowed, when towards nightfall we were coming at rapid pace to a fortress called Sumere, we recognized the corpse of Anatolius[*](Cf. 3, 14, above.) lying in the road, and it was

On the next day we pitched our camp in the best place we could find, a broad plain in a valley; it was surrounded as if by a natural wall, and had only one exit, which was a wide one, and all about it we set stakes with sharp ends like the points of swords.