Res Gestae

And as he sat in the carriage that bore the remains, samples of the soldiers’ rations (probae, as they themselves call them) were presented to him, as they commonly are to emperors,[*](The emperors took pains to see that the soldiers were well fed. Cf. Spartianus, Hadr. 11, 1; Lampridius, Alex. Sev. xv. 5.) and the public courier-horses were shown to him, and the people thronged about him in the customary manner. These and similar things foretold imperial power for the said Jovianus, but of an empty and shadowy kind, since he was merely the director of a funeral procession.

While Fortune’s mutable phases were causing these occurrences in a different part of the world, Julian in the midst of his many occupations in Illyricum was constantly prying into the entrails of victims and watching the flight of birds, in his eagerness to foreknow the result of events; but he was perplexed by ambiguous and obscure predictions and continued to be uncertain of the future.

At length, however, Aprunculus, a Gallic orator skilled in soothsaying, afterwards advanced to be governor of Gallia Narbonensis, told him what would happen, having learned it (as he himself declared) from the inspection of a liver which he had seen covered with a double lobe.[*](Cf. Pliny, N.H. xi. 190; Suet. Aug. 96.) And although Julian feared that it might be a fiction conformable to his own desire, and was therefore troubled, he himself saw a much more evident sign which clearly foretold the death of Constantius. For at the very moment when that emperor died in Cilicia, a soldier who lifted Julian with his right hand to mount his horse slipped and fell to the ground; and Julian at once cried in the hearing of many: The man has fallen who raised me to my high estate.

But although he knew that these were favourable signs, yet as if standing fast upon his guard he remained within the confines of Dacia, and even so was troubled with many fears. For he

Amid this state of suspense the envoys Theolaifus and Aligildus, who had been sent to him,[*](Cf. xxi. 15, 4.) suddenly appeared and reported the death of Constantius, adding that with his last words he had made Julian the successor to his power.

On learning this, and being now saved from the fret of dangers and the throes of war’s anxieties, he was hugely elated. And now believing in the prophecies, and knowing by experience that speed had often been helpful to his enterprises, he ordered a march into Thrace, quickly broke camp, and passing the slope of Succi,[*](Cf. xxi. 10, 2.) made for Philippopolis,[*](See xxi. 10, 3, note.) the ancient Eumolpias, followed with eager step by all who were under his command.

For they perceived that the throne, which they were on their way to usurp in the face of the greatest dangers, had beyond their hope been granted to him by the ordinary course of law. And as rumour is wont to exaggerate all novelties, he hastened on from there, now raised still higher, as though in some chariot of Triptolemus,[*](It was drawn by winged dragons and given to him by Ceres, to carry a knowledge of agriculture through the world. See Hygin. Fab. 147; Ovid, Metam. v. 641 ff.) which the poets of old, because of its swift turnings, represented as drawn through the air by winged

When this was presently known at Constantinople, all ages and sexes poured forth, as if to look upon someone sent down from heaven. And so he was met on the eleventh of December with the respectful attendance of the senate and the unanimous applause of the people, and surrounded by troups of soldiers and citizens he was escorted as if by an army in line of battle, while all eyes were turned upon him, not only with a fixed gaze, but also with great admiration.

For it seemed almost like a dream that this young man, just come to his growth,[*](He was 31 years old.) of small stature but conspicuous for great deeds, after the bloodstained destruction of kings and nations had passed from city to city with unlooked-for speed; that increasing in power and strength wherever he went, he had easily seized upon all places as swiftly as rumour flies, and finally had received the imperial power, bestowed upon him by Heaven’s nod without any loss to the state.

Shortly after this Salutius Secundus was raised to the rank of praetorian prefect,[*](Of the Orient.) and given, as a trustworthy official, the chief oversight of the inquisitions that were to be set on foot; and with him were associated Mamertinus,[*](xxi. 10, 8.) Arbitio,[*](xvi. 6, 1; xx. 2, 2.) Agilo,[*](xx. 2, 5.) and Nevitta,[*](xxi. 10, 8.) and also Jovinus,[*](xxi. 8, 3; 12, 2.) lately advanced to be commander of the cavalry in Illyricum.

These

At first they banished to Britain Palladius, formerly chief marshal of the court, who was brought before them merely on the suspicion of having made certain charges to Constantius against Gallus, when he held the same office under the said Gallus, who was at the time Caesar.

Then Taurus,[*](xxi. 6, 5.) who had been praetorian prefect, was exiled to Vercellum,[*](Perhaps for Vercellae.) although before judges who could distinguish justice from injustice his action might have appeared deserving of pardon. For what sin did he commit, if in fear of a storm that had arisen he fled to the protection of his emperor? And the decisions that were passed upon him were read not without great horror in the public protocol, which contained this beginning: In the consulate of Taurus and Florentius, when Taurus was summoned to court by the criers.

Pentadius also was threatened with the same fate, against whom the charge was made, that, being sent by Constantius he took down in shorthand the answers that Gallus had made to the many questions put to him when his ruin was approaching. But since he justified himself, he finally got off unpunished.

With like injustice Florentius (son of Nigrinianus), then chief marshal of the court, was imprisoned in[*](Lit. thrust off to. ) the

In like manner Euagrius, count of the privy purse, and Saturninus, former steward of the Household, and Cyrinus, a former secretary, were all exiled. But for the death of Ursulus, count of the sacred largesses, Justice herself seems to me to have wept, and to have accused the emperor of ingratitude. For when Julian was sent as Caesar to the western regions, to be treated with extreme niggardliness, being granted no power of making any donative to the soldiers to the end that he might be exposed to more serious mutinies of the army, this very Ursulus wrote to the man in charge of the Gallic treasury, ordering that whatever the Caesar asked for should be given him without hesitation.

After Ursulus’ death Julian found himself the object of the reproaches and curses of many men, and thinking that he could excuse himself for the unpardonable crime, he declared that the man had been put to death without his knowledge, alleging that his taking off was due to the anger of the soldiers, who remembered his words (which we have reported before[*](xx. 11, 6.) ) when he saw the ruins of Amida.

From this it was clear that Julian was timorous, or that he did not know what was fitting, when he put Arbitio, who was always untrustworthy and excessively haughty, in charge of these inquisitions, while the others, including the officers of the legions, were

But, although these acts which I have mentioned displeased even Julian’s supporters, yet those which follow were executed with proper vigour and severity.

For Apodemius, of the imperial secret service, who, as we have said,[*](Cf. xv. 5, 8; xiv. 11, 19.) showed unbridled eagerness for the death of Silvanus and Gallus, was burned alive, as well as Paulus the notary, surnamed Catena,[*](The Chain, or Fetter; cf. xiv. 5, 6.) a man to be mentioned by many with groans, who thus met the fate which was to have been hoped for.