Res Gestae

Ammianus Marcellinus

Ammianus Marcellinus. Ammianus Marcellinus, with an English translation, Vols. I-III. Rolfe, John C., translator. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press; W. Heinemann, 1935-1940 (printing).

Its first colour, so far as mortal eye can discern, is yellow, the second

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golden or tawny, the third red, the fourth violet,[*](Purple varied from scarlet to violet.) and the last blue verging upon green.

It shows this combination of beautiful colours, as earthborn minds conceive, for the reason that its first part, corresponding in colour with the surrounding air, appears paler; the second is tawny, that is, somewhat more vivid than yellow; the third is red, because it is exposed to the brightness of the sun, and in proportion to alternation in the air absorbs its brilliance most purely, being just opposite;[*](I.e. the air is so affected by contact with the first two bands that it becomes more receptive of the effect of the sun’s rays.) the fourth is violet, because receiving the brightness of the sun’s rays with a thick rain of spray glittering between, through which it rises, it shows an appearance more like fire; and that colour, the more it spreads, passes over into blue and green.

Others think that the form of the rainbow appears to earthly sight when the rays of the sun penetrate a thick and lofty cloud and fill it with clear light. Since this does not find an outlet, it forms itself into a mass and glows from the intense friction; and it takes the colours nearest to white from the sun higher up, but the greenish shades from resemblance to the cloud just above it. The same thing usually happens with the sea, where the waters that dash upon the shore are white, and those further out without any admixture are blue.

And since the rainbow is an indication of a change of weather (as I have said), from sunny skies bringing up masses of clouds, or on the contrary changing an overcast sky to one that is calm and

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pleasant, we often read in the poets that Iris is sent from heaven when it is necessary to change the present condition of affairs. There are many other different opinions, which it would be superfluous to enumerate at present, since my narrative is in haste to return to the point from which it digressed.

For these and similar reasons the emperor wavered between hope and fear, since the severity of winter was drawing near and attacks were to be looked for in that trackless region, while also he feared mutiny of the exasperated soldiers. Besides this, his anxious mind was tormented by the thought that when, so to speak, the door of a rich house was open before him, he was returning without success.

Therefore abandoning his fruitless attempt, he returned to Syria, purposing to winter in Antioch, having suffered severely and grievously; for the losses which the Persians had inflicted upon him were not slight but terrible and long to be lamented. For it had happened, as if some fateful constellation so controlled the several events, that when Constantius in person warred with the Persians, adverse fortune always attended him. Therefore he wished to conquer at least through his generals, which, as we recall, did sometimes happen.

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While Constantius was involved in this hard fortune of wars beyond the river Euphrates, Julian passed the time at Vienne, spending days and nights in making secure plans for the future, so far as his narrow means allowed, constantly gaining greater confidence, but always in doubt whether to try every means for inducing Constantius to come to an understanding, or to strike him with terror by attacking him first.

Anxiously weighing these alternatives, he feared Constantius both as a cruel friend and as frequently victor in civil troubles; and in particular his mind was made anxious and uncertain by the example of his brother Gallus, whom his own negligence and the combined deceit and perjury of certain men had betrayed.

Sometimes, however, he took courage to meet many urgent affairs, thinking it far safer to show himself an open enemy to one whose conduct he, as a sagacious prince, could infer from the past, for fear of being deceived by secret plots under cover of a feigned friendship.

Therefore, making light of the letter that Constantius had sent through Leonas,[*](See xx. 9, 4.) and recognising the authority of none of those whom his rival had promoted except Nebridius, being now an Augustus he celebrated quinquennial

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games; and he wore a magnificent diadem,[*](Cf. Suet., Dom. 4, 4, Certamini praesedit crepidatus, purpuraque amictus toga Graecanica, capite gestans coronam auream, etc.) set with gleaming gems, whereas at the beginning of his principate he had assumed and worn a cheap crown, like that of the director of a gymnasium attired in purple.[*](As usual in Greece.)

While these games were going on he had sent to Rome the remains of his deceased wife Helena, to be laid to rest in his villa near the city on the via Nomentana, where also her sister Constantina,[*](Wrongly, here and elsewhere for Constantia; see vol. i, p. 4, n. 1.) formerly the wife of Gallus, was buried.

Moreover, now that Gaul was quieted, his desire of first attacking Constantius was sharpened and fired, since he inferred from many prophetic signs (in which he was an adept) and from dreams, that Constantius would shortly depart from life.

And since to an emperor both learned and devoted to all knowledge malicious folk attribute evil arts for divining future events, we must briefly consider how this important kind of learning also may form part of a philosopher’s equipment.

The spirit pervading all the elements, seeing that they are eternal bodies, is always and everywhere strong in the power of prescience, and as the result of the knowledge which we acquire through varied studies makes us also sharers in the gifts of divina- tion; and the elemental powers,[*](Demons, in the Greek sense of the word δαίμονες; of. xiv. 11, 25, substantialis tutela. ) when propitiated by divers rites, supply mortals with words of prophecy, as if from the veins of inexhaustible founts. These prophecies are said to be under the control of the divine Themis, so named because she reveals in advance

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decrees determined for the future by the law of the fates, which the Greeks call τεθειμένα;[*](Things fixed and immutable.) and therefore the ancient theologians gave her a share in the bed and throne of Jupiter, the life-giving power.

Auguries and auspices are not gained from the will of the fowls of the air which have no knowledge of future events (for that not even a fool will maintain), but a god so directs the flight of birds that the sound of their bills or the passing flight of their wings in disturbed or in gentle passage foretells future events. For the goodness of the deity, either because men deserve it, or moved by his affection for them, loves by these arts also to reveal impending events.

Those, too, who give attention to the prophetic entrails of beasts, which are wont to assume innumerable forms, know of impending events. And the teacher of this branch of learning is one named Tages, who (as the story goes) was seen suddenly to spring from the earth in the regions of Etruria.[*](See xvii. 10, 2, note.)

Future events are further revealed when men’s hearts are in commotion, but speak divine words. For (as the natural philosophers say) the Sun, the soul of the universe, sending out our minds from himself after the manner of sparks, when he has fired men mightily, makes them aware of the future. And it is for this reason that the Sibyls often say that they are burning, since they are fired by the mighty power of the flames. Besides these, the loud sounds of voices give many signs, as well as the phenomena which meet our eyes, thunder even and lightning, and the gleam of a star’s train of light.

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The faith in dreams, too, would be sure and indubitable, were it not that their interpreters are sometimes deceived in their conjectures. And dreams (as Aristotle declares) are certain and trustworthy, when the person is in a deep sleep and the pupil of his eye is inclined to neither side but looks directly forward.

And because the silly commons oftentimes object, ignorantly muttering such things as these: If there were a science of prophecy, why did one man not know that he would fall in battle, or another that he would suffer this or that: it will be enough to say, that a grammarian has sometimes spoken ungrammatically, a musician sung out of tune, and a physician been ignorant of a remedy, but for all that grammar, music, and the medical art have not come to a stop.

Wherefore Cicero has this fine saying, among others: The gods, says he, show signs of coming events. With regard to these if one err, it is not the nature of the gods that is at fault, but man’s interpretation.[*](Cic., De Nat. Deorum, ii. 4, 12; De Div. i. 52, 118.) Therefore, that my discourse may not run beyond the mark (as the saying is) and weary my future reader, let us return and unfold the events that were foreseen.