Res Gestae

Ammianus Marcellinus

Ammianus Marcellinus. Ammianus Marcellinus, with an English translation, Vols. I-III. Rolfe, John C., translator. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press; W. Heinemann, 1935-1940 (printing).

At that same time Serenianus, a former general, through whose inefficiency Celse in Phoenicia had been pillaged, as we have described,[*](In a lost book.) was justly and legally tried for high treason, and it was doubtful by what favour he could be acquitted; for it was clearly proved that he had enchanted by forbidden arts a cap which he used to wear, and sent a friend of his with it to a prophetic shrine, to seek for omens as to whether the imperial power was destined to be firmly and safely his, as he desired.

At that time a twofold evil befell, in that an awful fate took off Theophilus, who was innocent, and Serenianus, who was deserving of universal execration, got off scotfree, almost without any strong public protest.

Constantius, hearing of these events from time to time, and being informed of some things by Thalassius,[*](See ch. i. 10, above.) who, as he had now learned, had died a natural death, wrote in flattering terms to the Caesar, but gradually withdrew from him his means of defence. He pretended to be anxious, since soldiers are apt to be disorderly in times of inaction, lest they might conspire for Gallus’ destruction, and bade him be satisfied with the palace troops only[*](The Scholae Palatinae were the divisions of the household or court troops, a corps of 3500 men: protectores, domestici, gentiles, scutarii and armaturae. The protectores, guards, were a body of troops with the rank of officers, also called domestici. The scutarii (targeteers) took their name from their equipment. The gentiles were a cavalry troop enlisted from foreigners: Scythians, Goths, Franks, Germans, etc.) and those of the guards, besides the Targeteers and the Household troops. He further ordered Domitianus, a former state treasurer,[*](See Introd., p. xl.) and now prefect, that when he came into Syria, he should politely and respectfully urge Gallus, whom he had frequently

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summoned, to hasten to return to Italy.

But when Domitianus had quickened his pace because of these instructions and had come to Antioch, passing by the gates of the palace in contempt of the Caesar, on whom he ought to have called, he went to the general’s quarters with the usual pomp, and having for a long time pleaded illness, he neither entered the palace nor appeared in public, but remaining in hiding he made many plots for Gallus’ ruin, adding some superfluous details to the reports which from time to time he sent to the emperor.

At last, being invited to the palace and admitted to the council,[*](I.e. the local consistorium of Gallus.) without any preliminary remarks he said inconsiderately and coolly: Depart, Caesar and know that, if you delay, I shall at once order your supplies and those of your palace to be cut off. Having said only this in an insolent tone, he went off in a passion, and although often sent for, he never afterwards came into Gallus’ presence.

Caesar, angered at this and feeling that such treatment was unjust and undeserved, ordered his faithful guards[*](See note, p. 56.) to arrest the prefect. When this became known, Montius, who was then quaestor,[*](Corresponding in the court of Gallus to the quaestor sacri palatii of the emperor.) a spirited man but somewhat inclined to moderate measures, having in view the public welfare, sent for the foremost members of the palace troops and addressed them in mild terms, pointing out that such conduct was neither seemly nor expedient and adding in a tone of reproof that if they approved of this course, it would be fitting

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first to overthrow the statues of Constantius and then plan with less anxiety for taking the life of the prefect.

On learning this, Gallus, like a serpent attacked by darts or stones, waiting now for a last expedient and trying to save his life by any possible means, ordered all his troops to be assembled under arms, and while they stood in amazement, he said, baring and gnashing his teeth, Stand by me, my brave men, who are like myself in danger.

Montius with a kind of strange and unprecedented arrogance in this loud harangue of his accuses us of being rebels and as resisting the majesty of Augustus, no doubt in anger because I ordered an insolent prefect, who presumes to ignore what proper conduct requires, to be imprisoned, merely to frighten him.

With no further delay the soldiers, as often eager for disturbance, first attacked Montius, who lodged close by, an old man frail of body and ill besides, bound coarse ropes to his legs, and dragged him spread-eagle fashion without any breathing-space all the way to Caesar’s headquarters.

And in the same access of rage they threw Domitianus down the steps, then bound him also with ropes, and tying the two together, dragged them at full speed through the broad streets of the city. And when finally their joints and limbs were torn asunder, leaping upon their dead bodies, they mutilated them in a horrible manner, and at last, as if glutted, threw them into the river.

Now these men, reckless to the point of madness, were roused to such atrocious deeds as they committed by a certain Luscus, curator of the city. He suddenly appeared and with repeated cries, like a bawling leader of porters, urged them to

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finish what they had begun. And for that not long afterwards he was burned alive.

And because Montius, when about to breathe his last in the hands of those who were rending him, cried out upon Epigonus and Eusebius, but without indicating their profession or rank, men of the same name were sought for with great diligence. And in order that the excitement might not cool, a philosopher Epigonus from Cilicia was arrested, and a Eusebius, surnamed Pittacas, a vehement orator, from Edessa, although it was not these that the quaestor had implicated, but some tribunes of forges,[*](I.e. in charge of workshops for making arms. Fabrica is applied to Vulcan’s forge in Cic., De Nat. Deo. iii. 22, 55.) who had promised arms in case a revolution should be set on foot.

In those same days Apollinaris, son-in-law of Domitianus, who a short time before had been in charge of Caesar’s palace, being sent to Mesopotamia by his father-in-law, inquired with excessive interest among the companies of soldiers whether they had received any secret messages from Gallus which indicated that he was aiming higher; but when he heard what had happened at Antioch, he slipped off through Lesser Armenia and made for Constantinople, but from there he was brought back by the guards and kept in close confinement.

Now, while these things were happening, attention was drawn at Tyre to a royal robe that had been made secretly, but it was uncertain who had ordered it or for whose use it was made. Consequently the governor of the province at that time, who was the father of Apollinaris and of the same name, was brought to trial as his accomplice; and many others

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were gathered together from various cities and were bowed down by the weight of charges of heinous crimes.

And now, when the clarions of internal disaster were sounding, the disordered mind of Caesar, turned from consideration of the truth, and not secretly as before, vented its rage; and since no one conducted the usual examination of the charges either made or invented, or distinguished the innocent from association with the guilty, all justice vanished from the courts as though driven out. And while the legitimate defence of cases was put to silence, the executioner (trustee of plunderings), hoodwinking for execution, and confiscation of property ranged everywhere throughout the eastern provinces. These I think it now a suitable time to review, excepting Mesopotamia, which has already been described in connection with the account of the Parthian wars,[*](In a lost book.) and Egypt, which we will necessarily postpone to another time.[*](See xxii. 15–16.)