Noctes Atticae

Gellius, Aulus

Gellius, Aulus. The Attic Nights of Aulus Gellius. Rolfe, John C., translator. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, 1927 (printing).

That by the poets the sons of Jupiter are represented as most wise and refined, but those of Neptune as very haughty and rude.

THE poets have called the sons of Jupiter most excellent in worth, wisdom and strength, for example Aeacus, Minos and Sarpedon; the sons of Neptune, the Cyclops, Cercyon, Sciron, and the Laestrygonians, they said, were most haughty and cruel, and strangers to all refinement, as being sprung from the sea.

A story of the distinguished leader Sertorius; of his cunning, and of the clever devices which he used to control and conciliate his barbarian soldiers.

SERTORIUS, a brave man and a distinguished general, was skilled in using and commanding an army. In times of great difficulty he would lie to

v3.p.111
his soldiers, if a lie was advantageous, he would read forged letters for genuine ones, feign dreams, and resort to fictitious omens, if such devices helped him to keep up the spirits of his soldiers. the following story about Sertorius is particularly well known: A white hind of remarkable beauty, agility and swiftness was given him as a present by a man of Lusitania. He tried to convince everyone that the animal had been given him by the gods, and that inspired by the divine power of Diana, it talked with him, and showed and indicated what it was expedient to do; and if any command which he felt obliged to give his soldiers seemed unusually difficult, he declared that he had been advised by the hind. When he said that, all willingly rendered obedience, as if to a god. One day, when an advance of the enemy had been reported, the hind, alarmed by the hurry and confusion, took to flight and hid in a neighbouring marsh, and after being sought for in vain was believed to have perished. Not many days later, word was brought to Sertorius that the hind had been found. Then he bade the one who had brought the news to keep silence, threatening him with punishment in case he revealed the matter to anyone; and he ordered him suddenly on the following day to let the animal into the place where lie himself was with his friends. Then, next day, having called in his friends, he said that he had dreamed that the lost hind had returned to him, and after its usual manner had told him what ought to be done. Thereupoli he signed to the slave to do what he had ordered; the hind was let loose and burst into Sertorius' room, amid shouts of amazement.

v3.p.113

This credulity of the barbarians was very helpful to Sertorius in important matters. It is recorded that of those tribes which acted with Sertorius, although he was defeated in many battles, not one ever deserted him, although that race of men is most inconstant.

Of the age of the famous historians, Hellanicus, Herodotus and Thucydides.

HELLANICUS, Herodotus, and Thucydides, writers of history, enjoyed great glory at almost the same time, and did not differ very greatly in age. For Hellanicus seems to have been sixty-five years old at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, [*](In 413 B.C.) Herodotus fifty-three, Thucydides forty. This is stated in the eleventh book of Pamphila. [*](F.H.G. iii. 521. 7; cf. xv. 17. 3, above.)

Vulcacius Sedigitus' canon of the Latin writers of comedy, from the book which he wrote On Poets.

SEDIGITUS, in the book which he wrote On Poets, shows in the following verses of his [*](Frag. 1, Bährens.) what he thought of those who wrote comedies, which one he thinks surpasses all the rest, and then what rank and honour he gives to each of them:

  1. This question many doubtfully dispute,
  2. Which comic poet they'd award the palm.
  3. This doubt my judgment shall for you resolve;
  4. If any differ from me, senseless he.
  5. v3.p.115
  6. First place I give Caecilius Statius.
  7. Plautus holds second rank without a peer;
  8. Then Naevius third, for passion and for fire.
  9. If fourth there be, be he Licinius.
  10. I place Atilius next, after Licinius.
  11. These let Terentius follow, sixth in rank.
  12. Turpilius seventh, Trabea eighth place holds.
  13. Ninth palm I gladly give to Luscius,
  14. To Ennius tenth, as bard of long ago. [*](The principle on which the ranking was done is a disputed question—the amount of originality, that of pa/qos, and personal feeling have been suggested. Vulcacius lived about 130 B.C. He is cited by Suetonius, v. Ter. ii, iv, v (L.C.L. ii, pp. 456, 458, 462).)

Of certain new words which I had met in the Miimiambics of Gnaeus Matius.

GNAEUS MATIUS, a learned man, in his Mimiambics properly and fitly coined the word recentatur for the idea expressed by the Greek a)nai eou=tai, that is

it is born again and is again made new.
The lines in which the word occurs are these: [*](Frag. 9, Bährens.)
  1. E'en now doth Phoebus gleam, again is born (recentatur)
  2. The common light to joys of mortal men.
Matius too, in the same Mimiarmbics, says edulcare, meaning
to sweeten,
in these lines: [*](Frag. 10, Bährens.)

  1. And therefore it is fit to sweeten (edulcare) life,
  2. And bitter cares with wisdom to control.
v3.p.117

In what words the philosopher Aristotle defined a syllogism; and an interpretation of his definition in Latin terms.

ARISTOTLE defines a syllogism in these lines: [*](Topic. i. 1, p. 100. 25.)

A sentence in which, granted certain premises, something else than these premises necessarily follows as the result of these premises.
The following interpretation of this definition seemed to me fairly good:
A syllogism is a sentence in which, certain things being granted and accepted, something else than that which was granted is necessarily established through what was granted.

The meaning of comitia calata, curiata, centsriata, and tribulta, and of concilium, and other related matters of the same kind.

IN the first book of the work of Laelius Felix addressed To Quintus Mucius it is said [*](Frag. I ff., i. p. 70, Bremer.) that Labeo wrote [*](Frag. 22, Huschke; inc. 187, Bremer.) that the comitia calata, or

convoked assembly,
was held on behalf of the college of pontiffs for the purpose of installing the king [*](That is, the rex sacrorum; see note on x. 15. 21.) or the flames. Of these assemblies some were those
of the curies
, others those
of the centuries
; the former were called together (calari being used in the sense of
convoke
) by the curiate lictor, the latter by a horn blower.

v3.p.119

In that same assembly, which we have said was called calata, or

convoked,
wills were customarily made and sacrifices annulled. For we learn that there were three kinds of wills: one which was made in the
convoked assembly
before the collected people, a second on the battle-field, [*](See Mommsen, Staatsr. iii, p. 307, n. 2.) when the men were called into line for the purpose of fighting, a third the symbolic sale of a householder's property by means of the coin and balance. [*](See note on xv. 13. 11.)

In the same book of Laelius Felix this is written:

One who orders a part of the people to assemble, but not all the people, ought to announce a council rather than an assembly. Moreover, tribunes do not summon the patricians, nor may they refer any question to them. Therefore bills which are passed on the initiative of the tribunes of the commons are properly called plebiscita, or 'decrees of the commons,' rather than 'laws.' In former times the patricians were not bound by such decrees until the dictator Quintus Hortensius passed a law, providing that all the Quirites should be bound by whatever enactment the commons should pass.
[*](In 287 B.C.) It is also written in the same book:
When voting is done according to families of men, [*](The comitia curiata were organized on the basis of the thirty curiae of the three original Roman tribes. These curiae included the patrician gentes, which, before the time of the military assembly (comitia centuriata) attributed to Servius Tullius, alone had the full rights of citizenship.) the assembly is called 'curiate'; when it is according to property and age, ' centuriate'; when according to regions and localities, 'tribal.' Further it impious for the assembly of the centuries to be held within the pomerium, because the army must be summoned outside of the city, and it is not lawful for it to be summoned within the city. Therefore it was customary for the
v3.p.121
assembly of the centuries to be held in the field of Mars, and the army to be summoned there for purposes of defence while the people were busy casting their votes.

That Cornelius Nepos was in error when he wrote that Cicero defended Sextus Roscius at the age of twenty-three.

CORNELIUS NEPOS was a careful student of records and one of Marcus Cicero's most intimate friends. Yet in the first book of his Life of Cicero he seems to have erred in writing [*](Frag. 1, Peter2.) that Cicero made his first plea in a public trial at the age of twenty-three years, defending Sextus Roscius, who was charged with murder. For if we count the years from Quintus Caepio and Quintus Serranus, in whose consulship Cicero was born on the third day before the Nones of January, [*](January 3, 106 B.C.) to Marcus Tullius and Gnaeus Dolabella, in whose consulate he pleaded a private case In Defence of Quinctius before Aquilius Gallus as judge, the result is twenty-six years. And there is no doubt that he defended Sextus Roscius on a charge of murder the year after he spoke In Defence of Quinctius; that is, at the age of twenty-seven, in the consulship of Lucius Sulla Felix and Metellus Pius, the former for a second time.

Asconius Pedianus has noted [*](p. xv, Kiessling and Schöll.) that Fenestella also made a mistake in regard to this matter, in writing [*](Frag. 17, Peter2.) that he pleaded for Sextus Roscius in the twenty-sixth year of his age. But the mistake of Nepos is greater than that of Fenestella, unless anyone is inclined to believe that Nepos, led by a

v3.p.123
feeling of friendship and regard, suppressed four years in order to increase our admiration of Cicero, by making it appear that he delivered his brilliant speech In Defence of Roscius when he was a very young man.

This also has been noted and recorded by the admirers of both orators, that Demosthenes and Cicero delivered their first brilliant speeches in the courts at the same age, the former Against Androtion and Against Timocrates at the age of twenty-seven, the latter when a year younger In Defence of Quinctius and at twenty-seven In Defence of Sextus Roscius. Also, the number of years which they lived did not differ very greatly; Cicero died at sixty-three, Demosthenes at sixty. [*](In 322 B.C.)

A new form of expression used by Lucius Piso, the writer of annals.

THE two following modes of saying

my name is Julius
are common and familiar: mihi nomen est Iulius and mihi nomen est Iulio. I have actually found a third, and new, form in Piso, in the second book of his Annals. His words are these: [*](Frag. 19, Peter2.)
They feared his colleague, Lucius Tarquinius, because he had the Tarquinian name; and he begged him to leave Rome of his own free will.
[*](Cf. Livy, ii. 2. 3.)
Because,
says he,
he had the Tarquinian name
; this is as if I should say mihi nomen est Iulium, or
I have the Julian name.

v3.p.125

Whether the word petorritum, applied to a vehicle, is Greek or Gallic.

THOSE who approach the study of letters late in life, after they are worn out and exhausted by some other occupation, particularly if they are garrulous and of only moderate keenness, make themselves exceedingly ridiculous and silly by displaying their would-be knowledge. To this class that man surely belongs, who lately talked fine-spun nonsense about petorrita, or

four-wheeled wagons.
For when the question was asked, what form of vehicle the petorritum was, and from what language the word came, he falsely described a form of vehicle very unlike the real one; he also declared that the name was Greek and interpreted it as meaning
flying wheels,
[*](Making a hybrid word, from pe/tomai, fly, and rota. See crit. note 1.) maintaining that pelorritum was formed by the change of a single letter from pelorrotum, and that this form was actually used by Valerius Probus.

When I had got together many copies of the Commentaries of Probus, I did not find that spelling in them, and I do not believe that Probus used it anywhere else. For petorritum is not a hybrid word derived in part from the Greek, but the entire word belongs to the people across the Alps; for it is a Gallic word. It is found in the fourteenth book of Marcus Varro's Divine Antiquities, where Varro, speaking of petorritum, says [*](Frag. 108, Agahd.) that it is a Gallic term. [*](Gellius is right; petorrita, like several other words connected with horses and carriages, is borrowed from the Gallic. In Celtic, as also in Oscan and Umbrian, Latin qu is represented by p; hence petor or petora = quattuor.) He also says that lancea, or

lance,
is not a Latin, but a Spanish word.

v3.p.127

A message sent by the Rhodians about the celebrated picture of Ialysus to Demetrius, leader of the enemy, at the time when they were besieged by him.

THE island of Rhodes, of ancient fame, and the fairest and richest town in it were besieged and assaulted by Demetrius, a famous general of his time, who was surnamed Poliorkhth/s, or

the taker of cities,
from his skill and training in conducting sieges and the cleverness of the engines which he devised for the capture of towns. On that occasion he was preparing in the course of the siege to attack, pillage and burn a public building without the walls of the town, which had only a weak garrison.

In this building was that famous picture of Ialysus, [*](Grandson of Helios, the Sungod, and brother of Lindus and Cameirus, with whom he possessed the island of Rhodes. The city of Ialysus on that island was named from him as its founder.) the work of Protogenes, [*](A famous painter of Caunus in Caria, a contemporary of Apelles, flourished about 332 B.C. See Pliny, N. H. xxxv. 101 ff.) the distinguished painter; and incited by anger against them, Demetrius begrudged the Rhodians the beauty and fame of that work of art. The Rhodians sent envoys to Demetrius with this message:

What on earth is your reason for wishing to set fire to that building and destroy our painting? For if you overcome all of us and take this whole town, through your victory you will gain possession also of that painting, uninjured and entire; but if you are unable to overcome us by your siege, we beg you to take thought lest it bring shame upon you, because you could not conquer the Rhodians in war, to have waged war with the dead Protogenes.
Upon hearing this message from the envoys, Demetrius abandoned the siege and spared both the picture and the city.

v3.p.131

A saying of Musonius, the Greek philosopher, which is of practical value and worth hearing and bearing in mind; and a remark of equal value made by Marcus Cato many years before to the knights at Numantia.

WHEN I was still young and a schoolboy, I heard that this Greek sentiment which I have subjoined was uttered by the philosopher Musonius, and since it is a true and brilliant saying, expressed briefly and roundly, I very willingly committed it to memory: [*](p. 273, Peerlkamp.) "If you accomplish anything noble with toil, the toil passes, but the noble deed endures. If you do anything shameful with pleasure, the pleasure passes, but the shame endures."

Later, I read that same sentiment in the speech of Marcus Cato which he delivered At Numantia to the Knights. Although it is expressed somewhat loosely and diffusely compared with the Greek which I have given, yet, since it is prior in time and more ancient, it ought to seem worthy of greater respect. The words in the speech are as follows: [*](p. 38, 11, Jordan.)

Bear in mind, that if through toil you accomplish a good deed, that toil will quickly pass from you, the good deed will not leave you so long as you live; but if through pleasure you do anything dishonourable, the pleasure will quickly pass away, that dishonourable act will remain with you for ever.

v3.p.133

The nature of the rule of the logicians in disputation and declamation, and the defect of that rule.

THEY say that it is a rule of the dialectic art, that if there is inquiry and discussion of any subject, and you are called upon to answer a question which is asked, you should answer the question by a simple

yes
or
no.
And those who do not observe that rule, but answer more than they were asked, or differently, are thought to be both uneducated and unobservant of the customs and laws of debate. As a matter of fact this dictum undoubtedly ought to be followed in very many debates. For a discussion will become endless and hopelessly involved, unless it is confined to simple questions and answers. But there seem to be some discussions in which, if you answer what you are asked briefly and directly, you are caught in a trap. For if anyone should put a question in these words:
I ask you to tell me whether you have given up committing adultery or not,
whichever way you answer according to this rule of debate, whether you say
yes
or
no,
you will be caught in a dilemma, equally if you should say that you are an adulterer, or should deny it; for one who has not given up a thing has not of necessity ever done it. That then is a deceptive kind of catch-question, and can by no means lead to the inference and conclusion that he commits adultery who says that he has not given up doing it. But what will the defenders of that rule do in that dilemma, in which they must necessarily be caught, if they give a simple answer to the question? For
v3.p.135
if I should ask any one of them:
Do you, or do you not, have what you have not lost? I demand the answer 'yes' or no,'
whichever way he replies briefly, he will be caught. For if he says that he does not have what he has not lost, the conclusion will be drawn that he has no eyes, since he has not lost them; but if he says that he has it, it will be concluded that he has horns, because he has not lost them. Therefore it will be more cautious and more correct to reply as follows:
I have whatever I had, if I have not lost it.
But an answer of that kind is not made in accordance with the rule which we have mentioned; for more is answered than was asked. Therefore this proviso also is commonly added to the rule, that one need not answer catchquestions.

By what means Erasistratus, the physician, said that one could do for a time without eating, if food chanced to be lacking, and endure hunger; and his own words on that subject.

I OFTEN spent whole days in Rome with Favorinus. His delightful conversation held my mind enthralled, and I attended him wherever he went, as if actually taken prisoner by his eloquence; to such a degree did he constantly delight me with his most agreeable discourse. Once when he had gone to visit a sick man, and I had entered with him, having conversed for some time in Greek about the man's illness with the physicians who chanced to be there at the time, he said:

This ought not to seem surprising either, that although previously he was always
v3.p.137
eager for food, now after an enforced fast of three days all his former appetite is lost. For what Erasistratus has written is pretty nearly true,
said he,
that the empty and open fibres of the intestines, the hollowness of the belly within and the empty and yawning cavity of the stomach, cause hunger; but when these are either filled with food or are contracted and brought together by continued fasting, then, since the place into which the food is received is either filled or made smaller, the impulse to take food, or to crave it, is destroyed.
He declared that Erasistratus also said that the Scythians too, when it was necessary for them to endure protracted hunger, bound a very tight bandage around their bellies. That by such compression of the belly it was believed that hunger could be prevented.

These things and many others of the kind Favorinus said most entertainingly on that occasion; but later, when I chanced to be reading the first book of Erasistratus' Distinctions, I found in that book the very passage which 1 had heard Favorinus quote. [*](p. 193, Fuchs.) The words of Erasistratus on the subject are as follows:

I reasoned therefore that the ability to fast for a long time is caused by strong compression of the belly; for with those who voluntarily fast for a long time, at first hunger ensues, but later it passes away.
Then a little later:
And the Scythians also are accustomed, when on any occasion it is necessary to fast, to bind up the belly with broad belts, in the belief that the hunger thus troubles them less; and one may almost say too that when the stomach is full, men feel no hunger for the reason that there is no vacuity in it, and likewise when it is greatly compressed there is no vacuity.

v3.p.139

In the same book Erasistratus declares that a kind of irresistibly violent hunger, which the Greeks call bou/limos, or

ox-hunger,
is much more apt to be felt on very cold days than when tile weather is calm and pleasant, and that the reasons why this disorder prevails especially at such times have not yet become clear to him. The words which he uses are these:
It is unknown and requires investigation, both in reference to the case in question and in that of others who suffer from 'ox-hunger,' why this symptom appears rather on cold days than in warm weather.

In what fashion and in what language the war-herald of the Roman people was accustomed to declare war upon those against whom the people had voted that war should be made; also in what words the oath relating to the prohibition and punishment of theft by the soldiers was couched; and how the soldiers that were enrolled were to appear at an appointed time and place, with some exceptional cases in which they might properly be freed from that oath.

CINCIUS writes in his third book On Military Science [*](Frag. 12, Huschke; 2, Bermer.) that the war-herald of the Roman people, when he declared war on the enemy and hurled a spear into their territory, used the following words:

Whereas the Hermundulan people and the men of the Hermundulam people have made war against the Roman people and have transgressed against them, and whereas the Roman people has ordered war with the Hermundulan people and the men of the Hermundulans, therefore I and the Roman people declare and make war with the Hermundulan people and with the men of the Hermundulans.

Also in the fifth book of the same Cincius On

v3.p.141
Military Science we read the following: [*](Frag. 13, Huschke; 2, Bremer.) "When a levy was made in ancient times and soldiers were enrolled, the tribune of the soldiers compelled them to take an oath in the following words dictated by the magistrate: 'In the army of the consuls Gaius Laelius, son of Gaius, and Lucius Cornelius, son of Publius, and for ten miles around it, you will not with malice aforethought commit a theft, either alone or with others, of more than the value of a silver sesterce in any one day. And except for one spear, a spear shaft, wood, fruit, fodder, a bladder, a purse and a torch, if you find or carry off anything there which is not your own and is worth more than one silver sesterce, you will bring it to the consul Gaius Laelius, son of Gaius, or to the consul Lucius Cornelius, son of Publius, or to whomsoever either of them shall appoint, or you will make known within the next three days whatever you have found or wrongfully carried off, or you will restore it to him whom you suppose to be its rightful owner, as you wish to do what is right."

Moreover, when soldiers had been enrolled, a day was appointed on which they should appear and should answer to the consul's summons; then an oath was taken, binding them to appear, with the addition of the following exceptions: 'Unless there be any of the following excuses: a funeral in his family or purification from a dead body [*](feriae denicales (from de and nex) are thus described by Paul. Fest. p. 61, Linds.: colebantur cum hominis mortui causa familia purgatur. Graeci enim ne/kun mortuum dicunt.) (provided these were not appointed for that day in order that he might not appear on that day), a dangerous disease, [*](See xx. 1. 27. It refers especially to epilepsy, also called morbus comitialis, or election disease, because if anyone present was attacked by it, elections, or other public business, might be postponed; cf. Suetonius, Jul. xlv. 1.) or an omen which could not be passed by without expiatory rites, or an anniversary sacrifice which could not
v3.p.143
be properly celebrated unless he himself were present on that day, violence or the attack of enemies, a stated and appointed day with a foreigners; [*](Stranger or foreigner was the original meaning of hostis.) if anyone shall have any of these excuses, then on the day following that on which he is excused for these reasons he shall come and render service to the one who held the levy in that district, village or town.'

Also in the same book are these words: [*](Frag. 14, Huschke; 3, Bremer.)

'When a soldier was absent on the appointed day and had not been excused, he was branded as a deserter.

Also in the sixth book we find this: [*](Id. 15 and 4.)

The columns of cavalry were called the wings of the army, because they were placed around the legions on the right and on the left, as wings are on tile bodies of birds. In a legion there are sixty centuries, thirty maniples, and ten cohorts.

The meaning of vestibulum and the various derivations proposed for the word.

THERE are numerous words which we use commonly, without however clearly knowing what their proper and exact meaning is; but following an uncertain and vulgar tradition without investigating the matter, we seem to say what we mean rather than say it; an example is vestibulum or

vestibule,
a word frequently met in conversation, yet not wholly clear to all who readily make use of it. For I have observed that some men who are by
v3.p.145
no means without learning think that the vestibule is the front part of the house, which is commonly known as the atrium. Gaius Aelius Gallus, in the second book of his work On the Meaning of Words relating to the Civil Law, says [*](Frag. 5, Huschke; 23, Bremer.) that the vestibule is not in the house itself, nor is it a part of the house, but is an open place before the door of the house, through which there is approach and access to the house from the street, while on the right and left the door is hemmed in by buildings extended to the street and the door itself is at a distance from the street, separated from it by this vacant space. Furthermore, it is often inquired what the derivation of this word is; but nearly everything that I have read on the subject has seemed awkward and absurd. But what I recall hearing from Sulpicius Apollinaris, a man of choice learning, is as follows:
The particle ve, like some others, is now intensive and now the reverse; for of vetis and vehenens, the former is made by intensifying the idea of age, with elision, [*](Properly syncope; from ve + actas! On vehemens see note on v. 12. 10 (i, p. 414).) and the latter from the power and force of the mind. But vescus, which is formed from the particle ve and esca, assumes the force of both opposite meanings. For Lucretius [*](i. 326; see v. 12. 10 and note.) uses vescum salem, or ' devouring salt,' in one sense, indicating a strong propensity to eat, Lucilius [*](v. 602, Marx.) in the other sense, of fastidiousness in eating. [*](Munro, on Lucr. i. 326, takes vescus in the sense of slowly eating away which would correspond with Lucilius' use of the word.) Those then in early times who made spacious houses left a vacant place before the entrance, midway between the door of the house and the street. There those who had come to pay their respects to the master of
v3.p.147
the house took their places before they were admitted, standing neither in the street nor within the house. Therefore from that standing in a large space, and as it were from a kind of 'standing place,' the name vestibule was given to the great places left, as I have said, before the doors of houses, in which those who had come to call stood, before they were admitted to the house. [*](This derivation is correct, but re- is used in the sense of apart.) But we shall have to bear in mind that this word was not always used literally by the early writers, but in various figurative senses, which however are so formed as not to differ widely from that proper meaning which we have mentioned, as for example in the sixth book of Vergil: [*](Aen. vi. 273.)
  1. Before the vestibule, e'en in Hell's very jaws,
  2. Avenging Cares and Grief have made their beds.
For he does not call the front part of the infernal dwelling the 'vestibule,' although one might be misled into thinking it so called, but he designates two places outside the doors of Orcus, the ' vestibule' and the fauces, of which 'vestibule' is applied to the part as it were before the house itself and before the private rooms of Orcus, while fauces designates the narrow passage through which the vestibule was approached.
[*](In the Roman house the term faces was applied to the passageway leading from the front door into the atrium. The fauces and the vestibulum formed one continuous passageway, separated by the door, the fauces being inside and the vesti. bulum outside; see Harv. Stud. Class. Phil. i. 1 ff. and most modern handbooks. In § 10 vestibulum is correctly defined; in § 12 the relative positions of fauces and vestibulum are inverted, and both are put outside the door. The vestibulum can properly be said to be approached by the fauces only from within. Virgil probably used fauces in its ordinary sense of jaws.)

v3.p.149

What the victims are which are called bidentes, and why they were so called; and the opinions of Publius Nigidius and Julius Hyginus on that subject.

ON my return from Greece I put in at Brundisium. There a dabbler in the Latin language, who had been called from Rome by the people of Brundisium, was offering himself generally to be tested. I also went to him for the sake of amusement, for my mind was weary and languid [*](The result of seasickness; cf. Plaut. Rud. 510, animo male fit. Contine, quaeso, caput.) from the tossing of the sea. He was reading in a barbarous and ignorant manner from the seventh book of Vergil, in which this verse occurs: [*](vii. 93.)

  1. An hundred woolly sheep (bidentes) he duly slew,
and he invited anyone to ask him anything whatever which one wished to learn. Then I, marvelling at the assurance of the ignorant fellow, said:
Will you tell us, master, why bidentes are so called?
Bidentes,
said he,
means sheep, and he called them 'woolly,' to show more clearly that they are sheep.
I replied:
We will see later whether only sheep are called bidentes, as you say, and whether Pomponius, the writer of Atellanae, [*](An early farce, of Oscan origin, named from the town of Atella. The Atellanae were first given literary form by L. Pomponius of Bononia (Bologna) and Novius, in the time of Sulla.) was in error in his Transalpine Gauls, when he wrote this: [*](v. 51, Ribbeck3.)
  1. O Mars, if ever I return, I vow
  2. To sacrifice to thee with two-toothed (bidenti) boar.
v3.p.151
But now I asked you whether you know the reason for this name.
And he, without a moment's hesitation, but with the greatest possible assurance, said:
Sheep are called bidentes, because they have only two teeth.
Where on earth, pray,
said I,
have you seen a sheep that by nature had only two teeth? For that is a portent and ought to be met with expiatory offerings.
Then he, greatly disturbed and angry with me, cried:
Ask rather such questions as ought to be put to a grammarian; for one inquires of shepherds about the teeth of sheep.
I laughed at the wit of the blockhead and left him.

Now Publius Nigidius, in the book which he wrote On Sacrificial Meats, says [*](Frag. 81, Swoboda.) that not sheep alone are called bidentes, but all victims that are two years old; yet he has not explained clearly why they are called bidentes. But I find written in some Notes on the Pontifical Law [*](iii, p. 566, Bremer.) what I had myself thought, that they were first called bidennes, that is biennes with the insertion of the letter d; then by long use in speech the word became changed and from bidennes was formed bidentes, because the latter seemed easier and less harsh to pronounce.

However, Julius Hyginus, who seems not to have been ignorant of pontifical law, in the fourth book of his work On Virgil, wrote [*](Fr. 3, Fun.) that those victims were called bidentes which were of such an age that they had two prominent teeth. I quote his own words:

The victim called bidens should have eight teeth, but of these two should be more prominent than the rest, to make it plain that they have passed from
v3.p.153
infancy to a less tender age.
Whether this opinion of Hyginus is true or not may be determined by observation without resort to argument. [*](Hyginus' explanation is the accepted one.)

That Laberius formed many words freely and boldly, and that he even uses numerous words whose Latinity is often questioned.

LABERIUS, in the mimes which he wrote, coined words with the greatest possible freedom. For he said [*](v. 150, Ribbeck3.) mendicimonium for

beggary,
moechimonium, adulterio or adulteritas for
adultery,
depudicavit for
dishonoured,
and abluvium for diluvium, or
deluge
; in the farce which he entitled The Basket [*](Id. v. 39.) he uses manuatus est for
he stole,
and in The Fuller [*](Id. v. 46.) he calls a thief manuarius, [*](manuarius, an adj. from manus, hand (e.g. manuaria mola, a hand-mill). The transition, in the substantive, to the meaning thief is made easier by manuarium aes, money won at dice, Gell. xviii. 13. 4.) saying: Thief (manuari), you have lost your shame, and he makes many other innovations of the same kind. He also used obsolete and obscene words, such as are spoken only by the dregs of the people, as in the Spinners' Shop: [*](v. 87, Ribbeck3.)
  1. Orcus, in truth, will bear you on his shoulders (catomum) [*](catomum = kat' w)=mon, Thes. Ling. Lat. s.v.) nude.
He uses [*](v. 151, Ribbeck3.) elutriare for
washing out
linen, and lavandaria, or
wash,
of those things which are sent to be washed.
v3.p.155
He says: [*](Id. v. 147. With fullonicam, sc. artem and see Archiv für lat. Lex. u. Gram. x, p. 240.)
  1. Into the fulling business I am hurled (coicior), [*](There is nothing unusual in the word fullonica; hence the unusual word must be conicior (in this connection).)
and [*](Id. v. 148. Ribbeck's Calidoniam, would'st outstrip the Calidonian maid? i.e. Atalanta, makes excellent sense; but with that reading we have no odd or unusual word at all. caldonia, as a common noun, might mean heater, or bath attendant (so Weiss), or it might be derived from calidus in the sense of quick, hasty. There is nothing to indicate that it is a proper name, as Hosius takes it to be.)
  1. O heater ( ), what's your haste? Would'st aught outstrip?
Also in the Ropemaker [*](Id. v. 79.) he applies the term talabarriunculi to those whom the general public call talabarriones. [*](The meaning is not known.) He writes in the Compitlia: [*](Id. v. 37; malaxavi, from the Greek malaki/zw. It is clear that the choice of the word is due to the assonance, or jingle, of mala malaxavi.)
  1. My jaws I've tamed (malaxavi),
and in The Forgetful Man, [*](Id. v. 13.)
  1. This is that dolt (gurdus) who, when two months ago
  2. From Africa I came, did meet me here,
  3. As I did say.
Also in the farce entitled Natalicius he uses [*](Id. vv. 60 and 61.) cippus for a small column, obba for a cup, camella for a bowl, [*](Literally, a little room, a diminutive of camera.) pittacim for a flap [*](The T.L.L. defines capitium as foramen tunicae capiti aptum, which seems meaningless with induis. The Forcellini-De Vit makes capitium a breast-band (= strophium?) and pittacium, plagula, segmentum, quod vesti assuitur, with the explanation: quod, tamquam pittacium, tunicae adsutum et adfixum est.) and capitium for a breast band; the last-named passage reads:

  1. A breast-band (capitium) you put on, the tunic's flap (pittacium).
v3.p.157

Further, in his Anna Peranna he uses [*](v. 3, Ribbeck3.) gubernius for pilot, and plans [*](Greek pla/nos.) for sycophant, and nanus for dwarf; but Marcus Cicero also wrote planus for sycophant in the speech which he delivered In Defence of Cluentius. [*](§ 72.) Moreover Laberius in the farce entitled The Saturnalia [*](v. 80, Ribbeck3.) calls a sausage bolulus and says homo levanna instead of levis or

slight.
In the Necyomantia too he uses the very vulgar expression cocio for what our forefathers called arillator or
haggler.
His words are these: [*](Id. v. 63.)

  1. Two wives? More trouble this, the haggler (cocio) says;
  2. Six aediles he had seen. [*](Referring to the addition by Caesar of two aediles cereales to the two plebei and two curules; see note on x. 6. 3.)

However, in the farce which he called Alexandrea, he used [*](Id. v. 1.) the same Greek word which is in common use, but correctly and in good Latin form; for he put emplastrum in the neuter, not in the feminine gender, as those half-educated innovators of ours do. I quote the words of that farce:

  1. What is an oath? A plaster (emplastrum) for a debt.

The meaning of what the logicians call

an axiom,
and what it is called by our countrymen; and some other things which belong to the elements of the dialectic art.

WHEN I wished to be introduced to the science of logic and instructed in it, it was necessary to take up and learn what the dialecticians call ei)sagwgai/ or

introductory exercises.
[*](II. 194, Arn.) Then because at first
v3.p.159
I had to learn about axioms, which Marcus Varro calls, [*](Fr. 29, G. and S.) now proposita, or
propositions,
and now proloquia, or
preliminary statements,
I sought diligently for the Commentary on Proloquia of Lucius Aelius, a learned man, who was the teacher of Varro; and finding it in the library of Peace, [*](Vespasian's Temple of Peace in the Forum Pacis.) I read it. But I found in it nothing that was written to instruct or to make the matter clear, but Aelius [*](p. 54. 19. Fun.) seems to have made that book rather as suggestions for his own use than for the purpose of teaching others.

I therefore of necessity returned to my Greek books. From these I obtained this definition of an axiom: lekto\n au)totele\s a)po/fanton o(/son a)f' au(tw=|. [*](An absolute and self-evident proposition.) This I forbore to turn into Latin, since it would have been necessary to use new and as yet uncoined words, such as, from their strangeness, the ear could hardly endure. But Marcus Varro in the twenty-fourth book of his Latin Language, dedicated to Cicero, thus defines the word very briefly: [*](Fr. 29, G. and S.)

A proloquium is a statement in which nothing is lacking.

But his definition will be clearer if I give an example. An axiom, then, or a preliminary proposition, if you prefer, is of this kind:

Hannibal was a Carthaginian
;
Scipio destroyed Numantia
;
Milo was found guilty of murder
;
pleasure is neither a good nor an evil
; and in general any saying which is a full and perfect thought, so expressed in words that it is necessarily either true or false, is called by the logicians an
axiom,
by Marcus Varro, as I have said, a
proposition,
but by Marcus Cicero [*](Tusc. Disp. i. 14.) a pronuntiatum, or
pronouncement,
v3.p.161
a word however which he declared that he used
only until I can find a better one.

But what the Greeks call sunhmme/non a)ci/wma, or

a hypothetical syllogism,
[*](Literally, a connected axiom. See II. 213. Arn.) some of our countrymen [*](Aelius Stilo, Fr. 74, p. 75 Fun.) call adiunctum, others conexum. [*](Two connected sentences of which the second follows as the result of the first. 4 II. 218. Arn.) The following are examples of this:
If Plato is walking, Plato is moving
;
if it is day, the sun is above the earth.
Also what they call sumpeplegme/non, or
a compound proposition,
we call coniunctum or copulatum; for example:
Publius Scipio, son of Paulus, was twice consul and celebrated a triumph, and held the censorship, and was the colleague of Lucius Mummius in his censorship.
But in the whole of a proposition of this kind, if one member is false, even if the rest are true, the whole is said to be false. For if to all those true statements which I have made about that Scipio I add
and he worsted Hannibal in Africa,
which is false, all those other statements which are made in conjunction will not be true, because of this one false statement which is made with them.

There is also another form, which the Greeks call diezeugme/non a)ci/wma, or

a disjunctive proposition,
and we call disiunctum. For example:
Pleasure is either good or evil, or it is neither good nor evil.
[*](aut s.d. sum, added by Hertz; aut s.d. est, Skutsch.) Now all statements which are contrasted ought to be opposed to each other, and their opposites, which the Greeks call a)ntikei/mena, ought also to be opposed. Of all statements which are contrasted, one ought to be true and the rest false. But if none at all of them is true, or if all, or more than one, are true, or if the contrasted things are not at odds, or if those which are opposed to each other are not contrary, then that is a false contrast and is called
v3.p.163
paradiezeugme/non. For instance, this case, in which the things which are opposed are not contraries:
Either you run or you walk or you stand.
These acts are indeed contrasted, but when opposed they are not contrary; for
not to walk
and
not to stand
and
not to run
are not contrary to one another, since those things are called
contraries
which cannot be true at the same time. But you may at once and at the same time neither walk, stand, nor run.

But for the present it will be enough to have given this little taste of logic, and I need only add by way of advice, that the study and knowledge of this science in its rudiments does indeed, as a rule, seem forbidding and contemptible, as well as disagreeable and useless. But when you have made some progress, then finally its advantages will become clear to you, and a kind of insatiable desire for acquiring it will arise; so much so, that if you do not set bounds to it, there will be great danger lest, as many others have done, you should reach a second childhood amid those mazes and meanders of logic, as if among the rocks of the Sirens.

The meaning of the expression susque deque, which occurs frequently in the books of early writers.

SUSQUE dequefero, susque deque sum, or susque deque habeo [*](Susque deque, both up and down, is an expression denoting indifference. It occurs without a verb in Cic. ad Att. xiv. 6. 1, de Octavio susque deque. See Paul. Fest. p. 271 Linds., susque deque significat plus minusve.) —for all these forms occur, meaning

it's all
v3.p.165
one to me
—is an expression used in the everyday language of cultivated men. It occurs frequently in poems too and in the letters of the early writers; but you will more readily find persons who flaunt the phrase than who understand it. So true is it that many of us hasten to use out-of-the-way words that we have stumbled upon, but not to learn their meaning. Now susque deque ferre means to be indifferent and not to lay much stress upon anything that happens; sometimes it means to neglect and despise, having about the force of the Greek word a)diaforei=n. Laberius says in his Compitalia: [*](v. 29, Ribbeck3.)
  1. Now you are dull, now 'tis all one to you (susque deque fers);
  2. Your wife sits by you on the marriage bed, [*](The marriage bed in the early Roman house stood in the atrium, opposite the door, whence it was called lectus adversus; in later times a symbolic bed stood in the sane place.)
  3. A penny slave unseemly language dares.
Marcus Varro in his Sisenna, or On History says: [*](256, Riese.)
But if all these things did not have similar beginnings and sequels, it would be all one (susque deque esset).
So Lucilius in his third book writes: [*](110 ff., Marx.)
  1. All this was sport, to us it was all one (susque deque fierunt),
  2. All one it was, I say, all sport and play;
  3. That was hard toil, when we gained Setia's bourne:
  4. Goat-traversed heights, Aetnas, rough Athoses.

v3.p.167