Catilinae Coniuratio

Sallust

Sallust. Sallust, Florus, and Velleius Paterculus. Watson, J. S. (John Selby), translator. London: Harper and Brothers, 1899.

When Catiline saw those, whom I have just above mentioned,[*](XX. Just above mentioned] In c. 17.) assembled, though he had often discussed many points with them singly, yet thinking it would be to his purpose to address and exhort them in a body, retired with them into a private apartment of his house, where, when all witnesses were withdrawn, he harangued them to the following effect:

" If your courage and fidelity had not been sufficiently proved by me, this favorable opportunity[*](Favorable opportunity] Opportuna res. See the latter part of c. 16.) would have occurred to no purpose; mighty hopes, absolute power, would in vain be within our grasp; nor should I, depending on irresolution or ficklemindedness, pursue contingencies instead of certainties. But as I have, on many remarkable occasions, experienced your bravery and attachment to me, I have ventured to engage in a most important and glorious enterprise. I am aware, too, that whatever advantages or evils affect you, the same affect me; and to have the same desires and the same aversions, is assuredly a firm bond of friendship.

"What I have been meditating you have already heard separately. But my ardor for action is daily more and more excited, when I consider what our future condition of life must be, unless we ourselves assert our claims to liberty.[*](Assert our claims to liberty] Nosmet ipsi vindicamus in libertatem. Unless we vindicate ourselves into liberty. See below,"En illa, illa, quam sæpe optâstis, libertas," etc.) For since the government has fallen under the power and jurisdiction of a few, kings and princes[*](Kings and princes] Reges tetrarchæ. Tetrarchs were properly those who had the government of the fourth part of the country; but at length, the signification of the word being extended, it was applied to any governors of any country who were possessed of supreme authority, and yet were not acknowledged as kings by the Romans. See Hirt. Bell. Alex. c. 67: Deiotarus, at that time tetrarch of almost all Gallogræcia, a supremacy which the other tetrarchs would not allow to be granted him either by the laws or by custom, but indisputably acknowledged as king of Armenia Minor by the senate," etc. Dietsch. "Cicero, Phil. II., speaks of Reges Tetrarchas Dynastasque. And Lucan has (vii. 46) Tretrarchæ regesque tenent, magnique tyranni." Wasse. Horace also says, — Modo reges atque tetrarchas,Omnia magna loquens. I have, with Rose, rendered the word princes, as being the most eligible term. ) have constantly been their tributaries;

nations and states have paid them taxes; but all the rest of us, however brave and worthy, whether noble or plebeian, have been regarded as a mere mob, without interest or authority, and subject to those, to whom, if the state were in a sound condition, we should be a terror. Hence, all influence, power, honor, and wealth, are in their hands, or where they dispose of them; to us they have left only insults,[*](Insults] Repulsas. Repulses in standing for office.) dangers, persecutions, and poverty. To such indignities, O bravest of men, how long will you submit? Is it not better to die in a glorious attempt, than, after having been the sport of other men's insolence, to resign a wretched and degraded existence with ignominy?

"But success (I call gods and men to witness!) is in our own hands. Our years are fresh, our spirit is unbroken; among our oppressors, on the contrary, through age and wealth a general debility has been produced. We have therefore only to make a beginning; the course of events[*](The course of events, etc.] Cætera res expediet.—" Of. Cic. Ep. Div. xiii. 26: explicare et expedire negotia." Gerlach.) will accomplish the rest.

"Who in the world, indeed, that has the feelings of a man, can endure that they should have a superfluity of riches, to squander in building over seas[*](Building over seas] See c. 13.) and leveling mountains, and that means should be wanting to us even for the necessaries of life; that they should join together two houses or more, and and that we should not have a hearth to call our own ? They, though they purchase pictures, statues, and embossed plate ;[*](Embossed plate] Toreumata. The same as vasa cælata, sculptured vases, c. 11. Vessels ornamented in bas-relief; from τορεύειν, scuolere; see Bentley ad Hor. A. P., 441. "Perbona toreumata, in his pocula duo," etc. Cic. in Verr. iv. 18.) though they pull down new buildings and erect others, and lavish and abuse their wealth in every possible method, yet can not, with the utmost efforts of caprice, exhaust it. But for us there is poverty at home, debts abroad; our present circumstances

are bad, our prospects much worse; and what, in a word, have we left, but a miserable existence ?

"Will you not, then, awake to action? Behold that liberty, that liberty for which you have so often wished, with wealth, honor, and glory, are set before your eyes. All these prizes fortune offers to the victorious. Let the enterprise itself, then, let the opportunity, let your poverty, your dangers, and the glorious spoils of war, animate you far more than my words. Use me either as your leader or your fellow-soldier; neither my heart nor my hand shall be wanting to you. These objects I hope to effect, in concert with you, in the character of consul; unless, iudeed, my expectation deceives me, and you prefer to be slaves rather than masters."

When these men, surrounded with numberless evils, but without any resources or hopes of good, had heard this address, though they thought it much for their advantage to disturb the public tranquillity, yet most of them called on Catiline to state on what terms they were to engage in the contest; what benefits they were to expect from taking up arms; and what support and encouragement they had, and in what quarters.[*](XXI. What support or encouragement they had, and in what quarters] Quid ubique opis aut spei haberent; i.e. quid opis aut spei, et ubi, haberent. So c. 27, init. Quem ubique opportunum credebat, i.e., says Cortius, "quem, et ubi illum, opportunum credebat.") Catiline then promised them the abolition of their debts;[*](Abolition of their debts] Tabulas novas. Debts were registered on tablets; and, when the debts were paid, the score was effaced, and the tablets were ready to be used as new. See Ernesti's Clav. in Cic. sub voce. ) a proscription of the wealthy citizens;[*](Proscription of the wealthy citizens] Proscriptionem locupletium. The practice of proscription was commenced by Sylla, who posted up, in public places of the city, the names of those whom he doomed to death, offering rewards to such as should bring him their heads. Their money and estates he divided among his adherents, and Catiline excited his adherents with hopes of similar plunder. ) offices, sacerdotal dignities, plunder, and all other gratifications which war, and the license of conquerors, can afford. He added that Piso was in Hither Spain, and Publius Sittius Nucerinus with an army in Mauritania, both of whom were privy to his plans; that Caius Antonius, whom he hoped to have for a colleague, was canvassing for the consulship, a man with whom he was intimate, and who was involved in all manner of embarrassments; and that, in conjunction with him, he himself, when consul, would commence operations. He, moreover, assailed

all the respectable citizens with reproaches, commended each of his associates by name, reminded one of his poverty, another of his ruling passion,[*](Another of his ruling passion] Admonebat—alium cupiditatis secæ. Rose renders this passage, " Some he put in mind of their poverty, others of their amours." De Brosses renders it, "Il remontre à l'un sa pauvreté, à l'autre son ambition." Ruling passion, however, seems to be the proper sense of cupiditatis; as it is said, in c. 14, " As the passions of each, according to his years, appeared excited, he furnished mistresses to some, bought horses and dogs for others," etc. ) several others of their danger or disgrace, and many of the spoils which they had obtained by the victory of Sylla. When he saw their spirits sufficiently elevated, he charged them to attend to his interest at the election of consuls, and dismissed the assembly.

There were some, at that time, who said that Catiline, having ended his speech, and wishing to bind his accomplices in guilt by an oath, handed round among them, in goblets, the blood of a human body mixed with wine; and that when all, after an imprecation, had tasted of it, as is usual in sacred rites, he disclosed his design; and they asserted[*](XXII. They asserted] Dictitare. In referring this word to the circulators of the report, I follow Cortius, Gerlach, Kritzius, and Bernouf. Wasse, with less discrimination, refers it to Catiline. This story of the drinking of human blood is copied by Florus, iv. 1, and by Plutarch in his Life of Cicero. Dio Cassius (lib. xxxvii.) says that the conspirators were reported to have killed a child on the occasion.) that he did this, in order that they might be the more closely attached to one another, by being mutually conscious of such an atrocity. But so some thought that this report, and many others, were invented by persons who supposed that the odium against Cicero, which afterward arose, might be lessened by imputing an enormity of guilt to the conspirators who had suffered death. The evidence which I have obtained, in support of this charge, is not at all in proportion to its magnitude.

Among those present at this meeting was Quintus Curius,[*](XXIII. Quintus Curius] The same that is mentioned in c. 17.) a man of no mean family, but immersed in vices and crimes, and whom the censors had ignominiously expelled from the senate. In this person there was not less levity than impudence; he could neither keep secret what he heard, nor conceal his own crimes; he was altogether heedless what he said or what he did. He had long had a criminal intercourse with Fulvia, a woman of high birth; but growing less acceptable to her, because, in his reduced circumstances, he had less means

of being liberal, he began, on a sudden, to boast, and to promise her seas and mountains;[*](To promise her seas and mountains] Maria montesque polliceri. A proverbial expression. Ter. Phorm., i. 2, 18: Modò non montes auri pollicens. Pers., iii. 65: Et quid opus Cratero magnos promittere emontes.) threatening her, at times, with the sword, if she were not submissive to his will; and acting, in his general conduct, with greater arrogance than ever.[*](With greater arrogance than ever] Ferociùs quàm solitus erat.) Fulvia, having learned the cause of his extravagant behavior, did not keep such danger to the state a secret; but, without naming her informant, communicated to several persons what she had heard and under what circumstances, concerning Catiline's conspiracy. This intelligence it was that incited the feelings of the citizens to give the consulship to Marcus Tullius Cicero.[*](To Marcus Tullius Cicero] Cicero was now in his forty-third year, and had filled the office of quæstor, edile, and prætor.) For before this period, most of the nobility were moved with jealousy, and thought the consulship in some degree sullied, if a man of no family,[*](A man of no family] Novus homo. A term applied to such as could not boast of any ancestor that had held any curule magistracy, that is, had been consul, prætor, censor, or chief edile.) however meritorious, obtained it. But when danger showed itself, envy and pride were laid aside.

Accordingly, when the comitia were held, Marcus Tullius and Caius Antonius were declared consuls; an event which gave the first shock to the conspirators. The ardor of Catiline, however, was not at all diminished; he formed every day new schemes; he deposited arms, in convenient places, throughout Italy; he sent sums of money borrowed on his own credit, or that of his friends, to a certain Manlius,[*](XXIV. Manlius] He had been an officer in the army of Sylla, and, having been distinguished for his services, had been placed at the head of a colony of veterans settled about Fæsulæ; but he had squandered his property in extravagance. See Plutarch, Vit. Cic., Dio Cassius, and Appian.) at Fæsulæ,[*](Fæsulæ] A town of Etruria, at the foot of the Appennines, not far from Florence. It is the Fesole of Milton: At evening from the top of Fesole, Or in Valdarno to desery new lands, etc. Par. L. i. 289. ) who was subsequently the first to engage in hostilities. At this period, too, he is said to have attached to his cause great numbers of men of all classes, and some women, who had, in their earlier days, supported an expensive life by the price of their beauty, but who, when age had lessened their gains but not their extravagance, had contracted heavy debts. By the influence

of these females, Catiline hoped to gain over the slaves in Rome, to get the city set on fire, and either to secure the support of their husbands or take away their lives.

In the number of those ladies was Sempronia,[*](XXV. Sempronia] Of the same gens as the two Gracchi. She was the wife of Decimus Brutus.) a woman who had committed many crimes with the spirit of a man. In birth and beauty, in her husband and her children, she was extremely fortunate; she was skilled in Greek and Roman literature; she could sing, play, and dance,[*](Sing, play, and dance] Psallere, saltare. As psallo signifies both to play on a musical instrument, and to sing to it while playing, I have thought it necessary to give both senses in the translation.) with greater elegance than became a woman of virtue, and possessed many other accomplishments that tend to excite the passions. But nothing was ever less valued by her than honor or chastity. Whether she was more prodigal of her money or her reputation, it would have been difficult to decide. Her desires were so ardent that she oftener made advances to the other sex than waited for solicitation. She had frequently, before this period, forfeited her word, forsworn debts, been privy to murder, and hurried into the utmost excesses by her extravagance and poverty. But her abilities were by no means despicable;[*](By no means despicable] Haud absurdum. Compare, Bene dicere haud absurdum est, c. 3.) she could compose verses, jest, and join in conversation either modest, tender, or licentious. In a word, she was distinguished[*](She was distinguished, etc.] Multæ facetiæ, multusque lepos inerat. Both facetiæ and lepos mean "agreeableness, humor, pleasantry;" but lepos here seems to refer to diction, as in Cic. Orat. i. 7: Magnus in jocando lepos.) by much refinement of wit, and much grace of expression.

Catiline, having made these arrangements, still canvassed for the consulship for the following year; hoping that, if he should be elected, he would easily manage Antonius according to his pleasure. Nor did he, in the mean time remain inactive, but devised schemes, in every possible way, against Cicero, who, however, did not want skill or policy to guard against them. For, at the very beginning of his consulship, he had, by making many promises through Fulvia, prevailed on Quintus Curius, whom I have already mentioned, to give him secret information of Catiline's proceedings. He had also persuaded his colleague, Antonius, by an arrangement respecting

their provinces,[*](XXVI. By an arrangement respecting their provinces] Pactione provinciæ. This passage has been absurdly misrepresented by most translators, except De Brosses. Even Rose, who was a scholar, translated pactione provinciæ, "by promising a province to his colleague." Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that the two provinces, which Cicero and his colleague Antonius shared between them, were Gaul and Macedonia, and that Cicero, in order to retain Antonius in the interest of the senate, exchanged with him Macedonia, which had fallen to himself, for the inferior province of Gaul. See Jug., c. 27.) to entertain no sentiment of disaffection toward the state; and he kept around him, though without ostentation, a guard of his friends and dependents.

When the day of the comitia came, and neither Catiline's efforts for the consulship, nor the plots which he had laid for the consuls in the Campus Martius,[*](Plots which he had laid for the consuls in the Campus Martius] Insidiæ quas consuli in campo fecerat. I have here departed from the text of Cortius, who reads consulibus, thinking that Catiline, in his rage, might have extended his plots even to the consuls-elect. But consuli, there is little doubt, is the right reading, as it is favored by what is said at the beginning of the chapter, insidias parabat Ciceroni, by what follows in the next chapter, consuli insidias tendere, and by the words, sperans, si designatus foret, facilè se ex voluntate Antonio usurum; for if Catiline trusted that he should be able to use his pleasure with Antonius, he could hardly think it necessary to form plots against his life. I have De Brosses on my side, who translates the phrase, les pièges où il comptait faire pèrir le consul. The words in campo, which look extremely like an intruded gloss, I wonder that Cortius should have retained. " Consuli ," says Gerlach, "appears the more eligible, not only on account of consuli insidias tendere, c. 27, but because nothing but the death of Cicero was necessary to make everything favorable for Catiline." Kritzius, Bernouf, Dietsch, Pappaur, Allen, and all the modern editors, read Consuli. See also the end of c. 27: Si priùs Ciceronem oppressisset. ) were attended with success, he determined to proceed to war, and resort to the utmost extremities, since what he had attempted secretly had ended in confusion and disgrace.[*](Had ended in confusion and disgrace] Aspera fædaque evenerant. I have borrowed from Murphy.)

He accordingly dispatched Caius Manlius to Fæsulæ, and the adjacent parts of Etruria; one Septimius, of Camerinum,[*](XXVI. Of Camnerinum] Camertem. "' That is, a native of Camerinum, a town on the confines of Umbria and Picenum. Hence the noun Camers, as Cic. Pro. Syll., c. 19, in agro Camerti." Cortius.) into the Picenian territory; Caius Julius into Apulia; and others to various places, wherever he thought each would be most serviceable.[*](Wherever he thought each would be most serviceable] Ubi quemque opportunum credebat. "Propriè reddas: quem, et ubi ilium, opportunum credebat." Cortius. See c. 23.) He himself, in the mean time, was making many simultaneous efforts at Rome; he laid plots for the consul; he arranged schemes for burning the city; he

occupied suitable posts with armed men; he went constantly armed himself, and ordered his followers to do the same; he exhorted them to be always on their guard and prepared for action; he was active and vigilant by day and by night, and was exhausted neither by sleeplessness nor by toil. At last, however, when none of his numerous projects succeeded,[*](When none of his numerous projects succeeded] Ubi multa agitanti nihil procedit.) he again, with the aid of Marcus Porcius Læca, convoked the leaders of the conspiracy in the dead of night, when, after many complaints of their apathy, he informed them that he had sent forward Manlius to that body of men whom he had prepared to take up arms; and others of the confederates into other eligible places, to make a commencement of hostilities; and that he himself was eager to set out to the army, if he could but first cut off Cicero, who was the chief obstruction to his measures.

While, therefore, the rest were in alarm and hesitation, Caius Cornelius, a Roman knight, who offered his services, and Lucius Vargunteius, a senator, in company with him, agreed to go with an armed force, on that very night, and with but little delay,[*](XXVIII. On that very night, and with but little delay] Eâ nocte, paulo post. They resolved on going soon after the meeting broke up, so that they might reach Cicero's house early in the morning, which was the usual time for waiting on great men. Ingentem foribus domus alta superbis mane salutantûm totis vomit ædibus undam. Virg. Georg., ii. 461.) to the house of Cicero, under pretense of paying their respects to him, and to kill him unawares, and unprepared for defense, in his own residence. But Curius, when he heard of the imminent danger that threatened the consul, immediately gave him notice, by the agency of Fulvia, of the treachery which was contemplated. The assassins, in consequence, were refused admission, and found that they had undertaken such an attempt only to be disappointed.

In the mean time, Manlius was in Etruria, stirring up the populace, who, both from poverty, and from resentment for their injuries (for, under the tyranny of Sylla, they had lost their lands and other property), were eager for a revolution. He also attached to himself all sorts of marauders, who were numerous in those parts, and some of Sylla's colonists, whose dissipation and extravagance had exhausted their enormous plunder.

When these proceedings were reported to Cicero, he, being alarmed at the twofold danger, since he could no longer secure the city against treachery by his private efforts, nor could gain satisfactory intelligence of the magnitude or intentions of . the army of Manlius, laid the matter, which was already a subject of discussion among the people, before the senate. The senate, accordingly, as is usual in any perilous emergency, decreed that THE CONSULS SHOULD MAKE IT THEIR CARE THAT THE COMMONWEALTH SHOULD RECEIVE NO INJURY. This is the greatest power which, according to the practice at Rome, is granted[*](XXIX. This is the greatest power which—is granted, etc.] Ea potestas per senatum, more Romano, magistratui maxima permittitur. Cortius, mirâ judicii perversitate, as Kritzius observes, makes ea the ablative case, understanding "decretione," "formula," or some such word; but, happily, no one has followed him.) by the senate to the magistrate, and which authorizes him to raise troops; to make war; to assume unlimited control over the allies and the citizens; to take the chief command and jurisdiction at home and in the field; rights which, without an order of the people, the consul is not permitted to exercise.

A few days afterward, Lucius Sænius, a senator, read to the senate a letter, which, he said, he had received from Fæsulæ, and in which it was stated that Caius Manlius, with a large force, had taken the field by the 27th of October.[*](XXX. By the 27th of October] Ante diem VI. Kalendas Novembres. He means that they were in arms on or before that day.) Others at the same time, as is not uncommon in such a crisis, spread reports of omens and prodigies; others of meetings being held, of arms being transported, and of insurrections of the slaves at Capua and in Apulia. In consequence of these rumors, Quintus Marcius Rex[*](Quintus Marcius Rex] He had been proconsul in Cilicia, and was expecting a triumph for his successes.) was dispatched, by a decree of the senate, to Fæsulæ, and Quintus Metellus Creticus[*](Quintus Metellus Creticus] He had obtained the surname of Creticus from having reduced the island of Crete.) into Apulia and the parts adjacent; both which officers, with the title of commanders,[*](Both which officers, with the title of commanders, etc.] Ii utrique ad urbem imperatores erant ; impediti ne triumpharent calumniâ paucorum, quibus omnia, honesta atque inhonesta vendere mos erat. "Imperator" was a title given by the army, and confirmed by the senate, to a victorious general, who had slain a certain number of the enemy. What the number was is not known. The general bore this title as an addition to his name, until he obtained (if it were granted him) a triumph, for which be was obliged to wait ad urbem, near the city, since he was not allowed to enter the gates as long as he held any military command. These imperatores had been debarred from their expected honor by a party who would sell any thing honorable, as a triumph, or any thing dishonorable, as a license to violate the laws.) were waiting near the city, having been

prevented from entering in triumph, by the malice of a cabal, whose custom it was to ask a price for every thing, whether honorable or infamous. The prætors, too, Quintus Pompeius Rufus, and Quintus Metellus Celer, were sent off, the one to Capua, the other to Picenum, and power was given them to levy a force proportioned to the exigency and the danger. The senate also decreed, that if any one should give information of the conspiracy which had been formed against the state, his reward should be, if a slave, his freedom and a hundred sestertia; if a freeman, a complete pardon and two hundred sestertia[*](A hundred sestertia—two hundred sestertia] A hundred sestertia were about 807l. 5s. 10d. of our money.). They further appointed that the schools of gladiators[*](Schools of gladiators] Gladiatoriæ familiæ. Any number of gladiators under one teacher, or trainer (lanista), was called familia. They were to be distributed in different parts, and to be strictly watched, that they might not run off to join Catiline. See Graswinckelius, Rupertus, and Gerlach.) should be distributed in Capua and other municipal towns, according to the capacity of each; and that, at Rome, watches should be posted throughout the city, of which the inferior magistrates[*](The inferior magistrates] The ædiles, tribunes, qaæstors, and all others below the consuls, censors, and prætors. Aul. Gell., xiii. 15.) should have the charge.

By such proceedings as these the citizens were struck with alarm, and the appearance of the city was changed. In place of that extreme gayety and dissipation,[*](XXXI. Dissipation] Lascivia. "Devotion to public amusements and gayety. The word is used in the same sense as in Lucretius, v. 1398: Tum caput atquc humeros plexis redimire coronis.Floribus et foliis, lascivia læta monebat. Then sportive gayety promtped them to deck their heads and shoulders with garlands of flowers and leaves." Bernouf.) to which long tranquillity[*](Long tranquillity] Diuturna quies. "Since the victory of Sylla to the time of which Sallust is speaking, that is, for about twenty years, there had been a complete cessation from civil discord and disturbance." Bernouf.) had given rise, a sudden gloom spread over all classes; they became anxious and agitated; they felt secure neither in any place, nor with any person; they were not at war, yet enjoyed no peace; each measured the public danger by his own fear. The women, also, to whom, from the extent of the empire, the dread of war was new, gave way to lamentation, raised supplicating hands to heaven, mourned over their

infants, made constant inquiries, trembled at every thing, and, forgetting their pride and their pleasures, felt nothing but alarm for themselves and their country.

Yet the unrelenting spirit of Catiline persisted in the same purposes, notwithstanding the precautions that were adopted against him, and though he himself was accused by Lucius Paullus under the Plautian law.[*](The Plautian law] Lege Plautiâ. "This law was that of M. Plautius Silanus, a tribune of the people, which was directed against such as excited a sedition in the state, or formed plots against the life of any individual." Cyprianus Popma. See Dr. Smith's Dict. of Gr. and Rom. Antiquities, sub VIS.) At last, with a view to dissemble, and under pretense of clearing his character, as if he had been provoked by some attack, he went into the senatehouse. It was then that Marcus Tullius, the consul, whether alarmed at his presence, or fired with indignation against him, delivered that splendid speech, so beneficial to the republic, which he afterward wrote and published.[*](Which he afterward wrote and published] Quam posteà scriptam edidit. This was the first of Cicero's four Orations against Catiline. The epithet applied to it by Sallust, which I have rendered "splendid," is luculentam; that is, says Gerlach, "luminibus verborum et sententiarum ornatam," distinguished by much brilliancy of words and thoughts. And so say Kritzius, Bernouf, and Dietsch. Cortius, who is followed by Dahl, Langius, and Müller, makes the word equivalent merely to lucid, in the supposition that Sallust intended to bestow on the speech, as on other performances of Cicero, only very cool praise. Luculentus, however, seems certainly to mean something more than lucidus.)

When Cicero sat down, Catiline, being prepared to pretend ignorance of the whole matter, entreated, with downcast looks and suppliant voice, that "the Conscript Fathers would not too hastily believe any thing against him;" saying "that he was sprung from such a family, and had so ordered his life from his youth, as to have every happiness in prospect; and that they were not to suppose that he, a patrician, whose services to the Roman people, as well as those of his ancestors, had been so numerous, should want to ruin the state, when Marcus Tullius, a mere adopted citizen of Rome,[*](A mere adopted citizen of Rome] Inquilinus civis urbis Romæ. "Inquilinus" means properly a lodger, or tenant in the house of another. Cicero was born at Arpinum, and is therefore called by Catiline a citizen of Rome merely by adoption or by sufferance. Appian, in repeating this account (Bell. Civ., ii. 104), says, ) was eager to preserve it." When he was proceeding to add other invectives, they all raised an outcry against him, and called him an enemy and a

traitor.[*](Traitor] Parricidam. See c. 14. "An oppressor or betrayer of his country is justly called a parricide ; for our country is the common parent of all. Cic. ad Attic." Wasse.) Being thus exasperated, " Since I am encompassed by enemies," he exclaimed,[*](Since I am encompassed by enemies, he exclaimed, etc.] " It was not on this day, nor indeed to Cicero, that this answer was made by Catilina. It was a reply to Cato, uttered a few days before the comitia for electing consuls, which were held on the 22d day of October. See Cic. pro Muræne, c. 25. Cicero's speech was delivered on the 8th of November. Sallust is, therefore, in error on this point, as well as Florus and Valerius Maximus, who have followed him." Bernouf. From other accounts we may infer that no reply was made to Cicero by Catiline on this occasion. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that Catiline, before Cicero rose, seemed desirous to address the senate in defense of his proceedings, but that the senators refused to listen to him. Of any answer to Cicero's speech, on the part of Catiline, he makes no mention. Cicero himself, in his second Oration against Catiline, says that Catiline could not endure his voice, but, when he was ordered to go into exile, "paruit, quievit," obeyed and submitted in silence. And in his Oration, c. 37, he says, " That most audacious of men, Catiline, when he was accused by me in the senate, was dumb.") "and driven to desperation, I will extinguish the flame kindled around me in a general ruin."

He then hurried from the senate to his own house; and then, after much reflection with himself, thinking that, as his plots against the consul had been unsuccessful, and as he knew the city to be secured from fire by the watch, his best course would be to augment his army, and make provision for the war before the legions could be raised, he set out in the dead of night, and with a few attendants, to the camp of Manlius. But he left in charge to Lentulus and Cethegus, and others of whose prompt determination he was assured, to strengthen the interests of their party in every possible way, to forward the plots against the consul, and to make arrangements for a massacre, for firing the city, and for other destructive operations of war; promising that he himself would shortly advance on the city with a large army.

During the course of these proceedings at Rome, Caius Manlius dispatched some of his followers as deputies to Quintus Marcius Rex, with directions to address him[*](XXXII. With directions to address him, etc.] Cum mandatis hujuscemodi. The communication, as Cortius observes, was not an epistle, but a verbal message.) to the following effect:

"We call gods and men to witness, general, that we have taken up arms neither to injure our country, nor to occasion peril to any one, but to defend our own persons from harm; who, wretched and in want, have been deprived,

most of us, of our homes, and all of us of our character and property, by the oppression and cruelty of usurers; nor has any one of us been allowed, according to the usage of our ancestors, to have the benefit of the law,[*](XXXIII. To have the benefit of the law] Lege uti. The law here meant was the Papirian law, by which it was provided, contrary to the old law of the Twelve Tables, that no one should be confined in prison for debt, and that the property of the debtor only, not his person, should be liable for what he owed. Livy (viii. 28) relates the occurrence which gave rise to this law, and says that it ruptured one of the strongest bonds of credit.) or, when our property was lost to keep our persons free. Such has been the inhumanity of the usurers and of the prætor.[*](The prætor] The proætor urbanus, or city prætor, who decided all causes between citizens, and passed sentence on debtors.)

"Often have your forefathers, taking compassion on the commonalty at Rome, relieved their distress by decrees ;[*](Relieved their distress by decrees] Decretis suis inopiæ opitulati sunt. In allusion to the laws passed at various times for diminishing the rate of interest.) and very lately, within our, own memory, silver, by reason of the pressure of debt, and with the consent of all respectable citizens, was paid with brass.[*](Silver—was paid with brass] Agentum ære solutum est. Thus a sestertius, which was of silver, and was worth four asses, was paid with one as, which was of brass; or the fourth part only of the debt was paid. See Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 3; and Velleius Paterculus, ii. 23 ; who says, quadrantem solvi, that a quarter of their debts were paid by the debtors, by a law of Valerius Flaccus, when he became consul on the death of Marius.)

"Often too, we must own, have the commonalty themselves, driven by desire of power, or by the arrogance of their rulers, seceded[*](Often—have the commonalty—seceded, etc.] "This happened three times: 1. To the Mons Sacer, on account of debt; Liv. ii. 32. 2. To the Aventine, and thence to the Mons Sacer, through the tyranny of Appius Claudius, the decemvir; Liv. iii. 50. 3. To the Janiculum, on account of debt; Liv. Epist. xi." Bernouf.) under arms from the patricians. But at power or wealth, for the sake of which wars, and all kinds of strife, arise among mankind, we do not aim; we desire only our liberty, which no honorable man relinquishes but with life. We therefore conjure you and the senate to befriend your unhappy fellow-citizens; to restore us the protection of the law, which the injustice of the prætor has taken from us; and not to lay on us the necessity of considering how we may perish, so as best to avenge our blood."

To this address Quintus Marcius replied, that, "if they wished to make any petition to the senate, they

must lay down their arms, and proceed as suppliants to Rome;" adding, that "such had always been the kindness[*](XXXIV. That such had always been the kindness, etc.] Eâ mansuetudine atque misericordiâ senatum populumque Romanum semper fuisse. " That the senate, etc., had always been of such kindness." I have deserted the Latin for the English idiom.) and humanity of the Roman senate and people, that none had ever asked help of them in vain."

Catiline, on his march, sent letters to most men of consular dignity, and to all the most respectable citizens, stating that "as he was beset by false accusations, and unable to resist the combination of his enemies, he was submitting to the will of fortune, and going into exile at Marseilles; not that he was guilty of the great wickedness laid to his charge, but that the state might be undisturbed, and that no insurrection might arise from his defense of himself."

Quintus Catulus, however, read in the senate a letter of a very different character, which, he said, was delivered to him in he name of Catiline, and of which the following is a copy:

[*](XXXV. The commencement of this letter is different in different editions. In Havercamp it stands thus: Egregiatua fides, re cognita grata mihi, magnis in meis periculis, fiduciam commendationi meæ tribuit. Cortius corrected it as follows: Egregia tua fides, re cognita, gratam in magnis periculis fiduciam commendationi meæ tribuit. Cortius's reading has been adopted by Kritzius, Bernouf, and most other editors. Gerlach and Dietsch have recalled the old text. That Cortius's is the better, few will deny; for it can hardly be supposed that Sallust used mihi, meis, and meæ in such close succession. Some, however, as Rupertus and Gerlach, defend Havercamp's text, by asserting, from the phrase earum exemplam infra scriptum, that this is a true copy of the letter, and that the style is, therefore, not Sallust's, but Catiline's. But such an opinion is sufficiently refuted by Cortius, whose remarks I will transcribe: "Rupertus," says he, "quod in promptu erat, Catilinæ culpam tribuit, qui non eo, quo Crispus, stilo scripserit. Sed cur oratio ejus tam apta et composita suprà c. 20 refertur? At, inquis, hic ipsum litterarum exemplum exhibetur. At vide mihi exemplum litterarum Lentuli, c. 44; et lege Ciceronem, qui idem exhibet, et senties sensum magis quam verba referri. Quare inanis hæc quidem excusatio." Yet it is not to be denied that grata mihi is the reading of all the manuscripts.)XXXV. "Lucius Catiline to Quintus Catulus, wishing health. Your eminent integrity, known to me by experience,[*](Known—by experience] Re cognita. " Cognita" be it observed, tironum gratiâ, is the nominative case. "Catiline had experienced the friendship of Catulus in his affair with Fabia Terentia; for it was by his means that he escaped when he was brought to trial, as is related by Orosius."Bernouf.) gives a pleasing confidence, in the midst of great

perils, to my present recommendation.[*](Recommendation] Commendationi. His recommendation of his affairs, and of Orestilla, to the care of Catulus.) I have determined, therefore, to make no formal defense[*](Formal defense] Defensionem. Opposed to satisfactionem, which follows, and which means a private apology or explanation. "Defensio, a defense, was properly a statement or speech to be made against an adversary, or before judges; satisfactio was rather an excuse or apology made to a friend, or any other person, in a private communication." Cortius.) with regard to my new course of conduct; yet I was resolved, though conscious of no guilt,[*](Though conscious of no guilt] Ex nullâ conscientiâ de coldâ. This phrase is explained by Cortius as equivalent to "Propter conscientam de nullâ culpâ," or " inasmuch as I am conscious of no fault." " De culpâ," he adds, is the same as culpæ ; so in the ii. Epist. to Cæsar, c. 1: Neque de futuro quisquam satix callidus; and c. 9: de illis potissimum jactura fit.") to offer you some explanation,[*](To make no formal defense—to offer you some explanation] Defensionem—parare; satisfactionem—proponere. " Parare," says Cortius, "is applied to a defense which might require some study and premeditation; proponere to such a statement as it was easy to make at once.") which, on my word of honor,[*](On my word of honor] Me dius fidus, sc. juvet. So may the god of faith help me, as I speak truth. But who is the god of faith ? Dius, say some, is the same as Deus (Plautus has Deus fidius, Asin i. 1, 18); and the god here meant is probably Jupiter (sub dio being equivalent to sub Jove); so that Dius fidius (fidius being an adjective from fides) will be the Ζευζ πίστιοζ of the Greeks. Me dius fidius will therefore be, "May Jupiter help me !" This is the mode of explication adopted by Gerlach, Bernouf, and Dietsch. Others, with Festus (sub voce Medius fidius) make fidius equivalent to filius, because the ancients, according to Festus, often used D for L, and dius fidius will then be the same as Διὸσ or Jovis filius, or Hercules, and medius fidius will be the same as mehercules or mehercule. Varro de L. L. (v. 10, ed. Sprengel) mentions a certain Ælius who was of this opinion. Against this derivation there is the quantity of fidius, of which the first syllable is short: Quærebam Nonas Sanco fidone referrem, Ov. Fast. vi. 213. But if we consider dius the same as deus, we may as well consider dius fidius to be the god Hercules as the god Jupiter, and may thus make medius fidius identical with mehercules, as it probably is. " Tertullian, de Idol. 20, says that medius fidius is a form of swearing by Hercules." Schiller's Lex. sub Fidius. This point will be made tolerably clear if we consider (with Varro, v. 10, and Ovid, loc. cit.) Dius, Fidius to be the same with the Sabine Sancus, or Semo Sancus, and Semo Sancus to be the same with Hercules.) you may receive as true.[*](You may receive as true] Veram licet cognoscas. Some editions, before that of Cortius, have quæ—licet vera mecum recognoscas; which was adopted from a quotation of Servius ad Æn. iv. 204. But twenty of the best MSS., according to Certius, have veram licet cognoscas.) Provoked by injuries and indignities, since, being robbed of the fruit of my labor and exertion,[*](Robbed of the fruit of my labor and exertion] Fructu laboris industriæque meæ privatus. "The honors which he sought he elegantly calls the fruit of his labor, because the one is obtained by the other.'" Cortius.) I did not obtain the post of honor due to me,[*](Post of honor due to me] Statum dignitatis. The consulship.) I have undertaken, according to my custom, the public cause

of the distressed. Not but that I could have paid, out of my own property, the debts contracted on my own security ;[*](On my own security] Meis nominibus. "He uses the plural," says Herzogius, "because he had not borrowed once only, or from one person, but oftentimes, and from many." No other critic attempts to explain this point. For alienis nominibus, which follows, being in the plural, there is very good reason. My translation is in conformity with Bernouf's comment.) while the generosity of Orestilla, out of her own fortune and her daughter's, would discharge those incurred on the security of others. But because I saw unworthy men ennobled with honors, and myself proscribed[*](Proscribed] Alienatum. "Repulsed from all hope of the consulship."Bernouf.) on groundless suspicion, I have for this very reason, adopted a course,[*](Adopted a course] Spes—secutus sum. "Spem sequi is a phrase often used when the direction of the mind to any thing, action, or course of conduct, and the subsequent election and adoption of what appears advantageous, is signified." Cortius.) amply justifiable in my present circumstances, for preserving what honor is left to me. When I was proceeding to write more, intelligence was brought that violence is preparing against me. I now commend and intrust Orestilla to your protection ;[*](Protection] Fidei.) intreating you, by your love for your own children, to defend her from injury.[*](Intreating you, by your love for your own children, to defend her from injury] Eam ab injuriâ defendas, per liberos tuos rogatus. "Defend her from injury, being intreated [to do so] by [or for the sake of] your own children.") Farewell."

Catiline himself, having stayed a few days with Caius Flaminius Flamma in the neighborhood of Arretium,[*](XXXVI. In the neighborhood of Arretium] In agro Arretino. Havercamp, and many of the old editions, have Reatino; "but," says Cortius, "if Catiline went the direct road to Fæsulæ, as is rendered extremely probable by his pretense that he was going to Marseilles, and by the assertion of Cicero, made the day after his departure, that he was on his way to join Manlius, we must certainly read Arretino." Arretium (now Arezzo) lay in his road to Fæsulæ; Reate was many miles out of it.) while he was supplying the adjacent parts, already excited to insurrection, with arms, marched with his fasces, and -other ensigns of authority, to join Manlius in his camp.

When this was known at Rome, the senate declared Catiline and Manlius enemies to the state, and fixed a day as to the rest of their force, before which they might lay down their arms with impunity, except such as had been convicted of capital offenses. They also decreed that the consuls should

hold a levy; that Antonius, with an army, should hasten in pursuit of Catiline; and that Cicero should protect the city.

At this period the empire of Rome appears to me to have been in an extremely deplorable condition ;[*](In an extremely deplorable condition] Multo maximè miserabile. Multo is added to superlatives, like longè. So c. 52, multo pulcherrimam eam nos haberemus. Cortius gives several other instances.) for though every nation, from the rising to the setting of the sun, lay in subjection to her arms, and though peace and prosperity, which mankind think the greatest blessings, were hers in abundance, there yet were found, among her citizens, men who were bent with obstinate determination, to plunge themselves and their country into ruin; for, notwithstanding the two decrees of the senate,[*](Notwithstanding the two decrees of the senate] Duobus senati decretis. I have translated it "the two decrees," with Rose. One of the two was that respecting the rewards mentioned in c. 30 ; the other was that spoken of in c. 36, allowing the followers of Catiline to lay down their arms before a certain day.) not one individual, out of so vast a number, was induced by the offer of reward to give information of the conspiracy; nor was there a single deserter from the camp of Catiline. So strong a spirit of disaffection had, like a pestilence, pervaded the minds of most of the citizens.

Nor was this disaffected spirit confined to those who were actually concerned in the conspiracy; for the whole of the common people, from a desire of change, favored the projects of Catiline. This they seemed to do in accordance with their general character; for, in every state, they that are poor envy those of a better class, and endeavor to exalt the factious ;[*](XXXVII. Endeavor to exalt the factious] Malos extollunt. They strive to elevate into office those who resemble themselves.) they dislike the established condition of things, and long for something new; they are discontented with their own circumstances, and desire a general alteration; they can support themselves amid tumult and sedition, without anxiety, since poverty does not easily suffer loss.[*](Poverty does not easily suffer loss] Egestas facilè habetur sine damno He that has nothing, has nothing to lose. Petron. Sat., c. 119: Inops audacia tuta est.)

As for the populace of the city, they had become disaffected[*](Had become disaffected] Præceps abierat. Had grown demoralized, sunk in corruption, and ready to join in any plots against the state. So Sallust says of Sempronia, præceps abierat, c. 25.) from various causes. In the first place,[*](In the first place] Primum omnium. "These words refer, not to item and postremo in the same sentence, but to deinde at the commencement of the next." Bernouf.) such as every where

took the lead in crime and profligacy, with others who had squandered their fortunes in dissipation, and, in a word, all whom vice and villainy had driven from their homes, had flocked to Rome as a general receptacle of impurity. In the next place, many, who thought of the success of Sylla, when they had seen some raised from common soldiers into senators, and others so enriched as to live in regal luxury and pomp, hoped, each for himself, similar results from victory, if they should once take up arms. In addition to this, the youth, who, in the country, had earned a scanty livelihood by manual labor, tempted by public and private largesses, had preferred idleness in the city to unwelcome toil in the field. To these, and all others of similar character, public disorders would furnish subsistence. It is not at all surprising, therefore, that men in distress, of dissolute principles and extravagant expectations, should have consulted the interest of the state no further than as it was subservient to their own. Besides, those whose parents, by the victory of Sylla, had been proscribed, whose property had been confiscated, and whose civil rights had been curtailed,[*](Civil rights had been curtailed] Jus libertatis imminutum erat. " Sylla, by one of his laws, had rendered the children of proscribed persons incapable of holding any public office; a law unjust, indeed, but which, having been established and acted upon for more than twenty years, could not be rescinded without inconvenience to the government. Cicero, accordingly, opposed the attempts which were made, in his consulship, to remove this restriction, as he himself states in his Oration against Piso, c. 2." Bernouf. See Vell. Paterc., ii., 28; Plutarch, Vit. Syll.; Quintil., xi. 1, where a fragment of Cicero's speech, De Proscriptorum Liberis, is preserved. This law of Sylla was at length abrogated by Julius Cæsar, Suet. J. Cæs. 41; Plutarch Vit. Cæs.; Dio Cass., xli. 18.) looked forward to the event of a war with precisely the same feelings.

All those, too, who were of any party opposed to that of the senate, were desirous rather that the state should be embroiled, than that they themselves should be out of power. This was an evil, which, after many years, had returned upon the community to the extent to which it now prevailed.[*](This was an evil—to the extent to which it now prevailed] Id adeò malum multos post annos in civitatem reverterat. "Adeo," says Cortius, "is particular elegantissima." Allen makes it equivalent to eò usque.)

For after the powers of the tribunes, in the consulate of Cneius Pompey and Marcus Crassus, had been fully

restored,[*](XXXVIII. The powers of the tribunes—had been fully restored] Tribunicia potestas restituta. Before the time of Sylla, the power of the tribunes had grown immoderate, but Sylla diminished and almost annihilated it, by taking from them the privileges of holding any other magistracy after the tribunate, of publicly addressing the people, of proposing laws, and of listening to appeals. But in the consulship of Cotta, A.U.C. 679, the first of these privileges had been restored; and in that of Pompey and Crassus, A.U.C. 683, the tribunes were reinstated in all their former powers.) certain young men, of an ardent age and temper, having obtained that high office,[*](Having obtained that high office] Summam potestatem nacti. Cortius thinks these words spurious.) began to stir up the populace by inveighing against the senate, and proceeded, in course of time, by means of largesses and promises, to inflame them more and more; by which methods they became popular and powerful. On the other hand, the most of the nobility opposed their proceedings to the utmost; under pretense, indeed, of supporting the senate, but in reality for their own aggrandizement. For, to state the truth in few words, whatever parties, during that period, disturbed the republic under plausible pretexts, some, as if to defend the rights of the people, others, to make the authority of the senate as great as possible, all, though affecting concern for the public good, contended every one for his own interest. In such contests there was neither moderation nor limit; each party made a merciless use of its successes.

After Pompey, however, was sent to the maritime and Mithridatic wars, the power of the people was diminished, and the influence of the few increased. These few kept all public offices, the administration of the provinces, and every thing else, in their own hands; they themselves lived free from harm,[*](XXXIX. Free from harm] Innoxii. In a passive sense.) in flourishing circumstances, and without apprehension; overawing others, at the same time, with threats of impeachment,[*](Overawing others — with threats of impeachment] Cæteros judiciis errere. "Accusationibus et judiciorum periculis."Bernouf.) so that, when in office, they might be less inclined to inflame the people. But as soon as a prospect of change, in this dubious state of affairs, had presented itself, the old spirit of contention awakened their passions; and had Catiline, in his first battle, come off victorious, or left the struggle undecided, great distress and calamity must certainly have fallen upon the state, nor would those, who might at last have gained the ascendency, have been allowed to enjoy

it long, for some superior power would have wrested dominion and liberty from them when weary and exhausted.

There were some, however, unconnected with the conspiracy, who set out to join Catiline at an early period of his proceedings. Among these was Aulus Fulvius, the son of a senator, whom, being arrested on his journey, his father ordered to be put to death.[*](His father ordered to be put to death] Parens necari jussit. "His father put him to death, not by order of the consuls, but by his own private authority; nor was he the only one who, at the same period, exercised similar power." Dion. Cass., lib. xxxvii. The father observed on the occasion that, " he had begotten him, not for Catiline against his country, but for his country against Catiline." Val. Max., v. 8. The Roman laws allowed fathers absolute control over the lives of their children.) In Rome, at the same time, Lentulus, in pursuance of Catiline's directions, was endeavoring to gain over, by his own agency or that of others, all whom he thought adapted, either by principles or circumstances, to promote an insurrection; and not citizens only, but every description of men who could be of any service in war.

He accordingly commissioned one Publius Umbrenus to apply to certain deputies of the Allobroges,[*](XL. Certain deputies of the Allobroges] Legatos Allobrogum. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that there were then at Rome two deputies from this Gallic nation, sent to complain of oppression on the part of the Roman governors.) and to lead them, if he could, to a participation in the war; supposing that as they were nationally and individually involved in debt, and as the Gauls were naturally warlike, they might easily be drawn into such an enterprise. Umbrenus, as he had traded in Gaul, was known to most of the chief men there, and personally acquainted with them; and consequently, without loss of time, as soon as he noticed the deputies in the Forum, he asked them, after making a few inquiries about the state of their country, and affecting to commiserate its fallen condition, " what termination they expected to such calamities?" When he found that they complained of the rapacity of the magistrates, inveighed against the senate for not affording them relief, and looked to death as the only remedy for their sufferings, "Yet I," said he, "if you will but act as men, will show you a method by which you may escape these pressing difficulties." When he had said this, the Allobroges, animated with the highest hopes, besought Umbrenus to take compassion on them; saying that there was nothing so disagreeable or difficult,

which they would not most gladly perform, if it would but free their country from debt. He then conducted them to the house of Decimus Brutus, which was close to the Forum, and, on account of Sempronia, not unsuitable to his purpose, as Brutus was then absent from Rome.[*](As Brutus was then absent from Rome] Nam tum Brutus ab Româ aberat. From this remark, say Zanchius and Omnibonus, it is evident that Brutus was not privy to the conspiracy. "What sort of woman Sempronia was, has been told in c. 25. Some have thought that she was the wife of Decimus Brutus; but since Sallust speaks of her as being in the decay of her beauty at the time of the conspiracy, and since Brutus, as may be seen in Cæsar (B. G. vii., sub fin.), was then very young, it is probable that she had only an illicit connection with him, but had gained such an ascendency over his affections, by her arts of seduction, as to induce him to make her his mistress, and to allow her to reside in his house."Beauzée. I have, however, followed those who think that Brutus was the husband of Sempronia. Sallust (c. 24), speaking of the woman, of whom Sempronia was one, says that Catiline credebat posse—viros earum vel adjungere sibi, vel interficere. The truth, on such a point, is of little importance.) In order, too, to give greater weight to his representations, he sent for Gabinius, and, in his presence, explained the objects of the conspiracy, and mentioned the names of the confederates, as well as those of many other persons, of every sort, who were guiltless of it, for the purpose of inspiring the embassadors with greater confidence. At length, when they had promised their assistance, he let them depart.