Bellum Iugurthinum

Metellus, hearing from some deserters of the fate of Bomilcar, and the discovery of the conspiracy, made fresh preparations for action, and with the utmost dispatch, as if entering upon an entirely new war. Marius, who was still importuning him for leave of absence, he allowed to go home; thinking that as he served with reluctance, and bore him personal enmity, he was not likely to prove a very useful officer.

The common people at Rome, having learned the contents of the letters written from Africa concerning Metellus and Marius, had listened to the accounts given of both with eagerness. But the noble birth of Metellus, which had previously been a motive for paying him honor, had now become a cause of unpopularity; while the obscurity of Marius's origin had procured him favor. In regard to both, however, party feeling had more influence than the good or bad qualities of either. The factious tribunes,[*](LXXIII. The factious tribunes] Seditiosi magistratus.) too, inflamed the populace, charging Metellus, in their harangues, with offenses worthy of death, and exaggerating the excellent qualities of Marius. At length the people were so excited that all the artisans and rustics, whose whole subsistence and credit depended on their labor, quitting their several employments, attended Marius in crowds, and thought less of their own wants than of his exaltation. Thus the nobility being borne down, the consulship, after the lapse of many years,[*](After the lapse of many years] Post multas tempestates. Apparently the period since A.U.C. 611, when Quintus Pompeius, who, as Cicero says (in Verr. ii. 5). was humile atque obscuro loco natus, obtained the consulship; that is, a term of forty-three or forty-four years.) was once more given to a man of humble birth. And afterward, when the people were asked by Manilius Mancinus, one of their tribunes, whom they would appoint to carry on the war against Jugurtha, they, in a full assembly, voted it to Marius. The

During this period, Jugurtha, as he was bereft of his friends (of whom he had put to death the greater number, while the rest, under the influence of terror, had fled partly to the Romans, and partly to Bocchus), as the war, too, could not be carried on without officers, and as he thought it dangerous to try the faith of new ones after such perfidy among the old, was involved in doubt and perplexity; no scheme, no counsel, no person could satisfy him; he changed his route and his captains daily; he hurried sometimes against the enemy, and some-times toward the deserts; depended at one time on flight, and at another on resistance; and was unable to decide whether he could less trust the courage or the fidelity of his subjects. Thus, in whatever direction he turned his thoughts, the prospect was equally disheartening.

In the midst of his irresolution, Metellus suddenly made his appearance with his army. The Numidians were assembled and drawn up by Jugurtha, as well as time permitted; and a battle was at once commenced. Where the king commanded in person, the struggle was maintained for some time; but the rest of his force was routed and put to flight at the first onset. The Romans took a considerable number of standards and arms, but not many prisoners; for, in almost every battle, their feet afforded more security to the Numidians than their swords.

In consequence of this defeat, Jugurtha, feeling less confidence in the state of his affairs than ever, retreated with the deserters, and part of his cavalry, first into the deserts, and afterward to Thala,[*](LXXV. Thala] The river on which this town stood is not named by Sallust, but it appears to have been the Bagrada. It seems to have been nearly destroyed by the Romans, after the defeat of Juba, in the time of Julius Cæsar; though Tacitus, Ann. iii. 21, mentions it as having afforded a refuge to the Romans in the insurrection of the Numidian chief, Tacfarinas. D'Anville and Dr, Shaw, Travels in Bombay, vol. i. pt. 2, ch. 5, think it the same with Telepte, now Ferre-anah; but this is very doubtful. See Cellar. iv. 5. It was in ruins in the time of Strabo.) a large and opulent city, where lay the

When he came to the place at which he had desired the Numidians to meet him, and had pitched and fortified his camp, so copious a fall of rain is said to have happened, as would have furnished more than sufficient water for his whole army. Provisions, too, were brought him far beyond his expectations; for the Numidians, like most people after a recent surrender, had done more than was required of them.[*](Had done more than was required of them] Officia intenderant. "Auxit intenditque sævitiam exacerbatus indicio filii sui Drusi." Suet. Tib. 62.) The men, however, from a religious feeling, preferred using the rain-water; the fall of which greatly increased their courage, for they thought themselves the peculiar care of the gods. On the next day, to the surprise of Jugurtha, they arrived at Thala. The inhabitants, who thought themselves secured by the difficulties of the approach to them, were astonished at so strange and unexpected a sight, but, nevertheless, prepared for their defense. Our men showed equal alacrity on their side.

But Jugurtha himself, believing that to Metellus, who, by his exertions, had triumphed over every obstacle, over arms, deserts, seasons, and finally over Nature herself that controls all, nothing was impossible, fled with his children, and a

Metellus, seeing that the people of Thala were determined on resistance, and that the town was defended both by art and situation, surrounded the walls with a rampart and a trench. He then directed his machines against the most eligible points, threw up a mound, and erected towers upon it to protect[*](And erected towns upon it to protect, etc.] Et super aggerem impositis turribus opus et administros tutari. "And protected the work and the workmen with towers placed on the mound." Impositis turribus is not the ablative absolute, but the ablative of the instrument.) the works and the workmen. The townsmen, on the other hand, were exceedingly active and diligent; and nothing was neglected on either side. At last the Romans, though exhausted with much previous fatigue and fighting, got possession, forty days after their arrival, of the town, and the town only; for all the spoil had been destroyed by the deserters; who, when they saw the walls shaken by the battering-ram, and their own situation desperate, had conveyed the gold and silver, and whatever else is esteemed valuable, to the royal palace, where, after being sated with wine and luxuries, they destroyed the treasures, the building, and themselves, by fire, and thus voluntarily submitted to the sufferings which, in case of being conquered, they dreaded at the hands of the enemy.

At the very time that Thala was taken, there came to Metellus embassadors from the city of Leptis,[*](LXXVII. Leptis] Leptis Major, now Lebida. In c. 19, Leptis Minor is meant.) requesting him to send them a garrison and a governor; saying "that a certain Hamilcar, a man of rank, and of a factious disposition, against whom the magistrates and the laws were alike powerless, was trying to induce them to change sides; and that unless he attended to the matter promptly, their own safety,"[*](Their own safety] Suam salutem: i.e. the safety of the people of Leptis.) and the allies of Rome, would be in the utmost danger." For the people at Leptis, at the very commencement of the war

This city was built by a party of Sidonians, who, as I have understood, being driven from their country through civil dissensions, came by sea into those parts of Africa. It is situated between the two Syrtes, which take their name from their nature.[*](LXXVIII. Which take their name from their nature] Quibus nomen ex re inditum. From σύρειν, to draw, because the stones and sand were drawn to and fro by the force of the wind and tide. But it has been suggested that this etymology is probably false; it is less likely that their name should be from the Greek than from the Arabic, in which sert signifies a desert tract or region, a term still applied to the desert country bordering on the Syrtes. See Ritter, Allgem. vergleich, Geog. vol. i. p. 929. The words which, in Havercamp, close this description of the Syrtes, " Syrtes ab tractu nominate," and which Gruter and Putschius suspected not to be Sallust's, Cortius omitted; and his example has been followed by Müller and Burnouf; Gerlach, Kritzius, and Dietsch, have retained them. Gerlach, however, thinks them a gloss, though they are found in every manuscript but one.) These are two gulfs almost at the extremity of Africa,[*](Almost at the extremity of Africa] Prope in extremâ Africâ. "By extremâ Africa Gerlach rightly understands the eastern part of Africa, bordering on Egypt, and at a great distance from Numidia."Kritzius.) of unequal size, but of similar character. Those parts of them next to the land are very deep; the other parts some-times deep and sometimes shallow, as chance may direct; for when the sea swells, and is agitated by the winds, the waves roll along with them mud, sand, and huge stones; and thus the appearance of the gulfs changes with the direction of the wind.

Of this people, the language alone[*](The language alone] Lingua modò.) has been altered by their intermarriages with the Numidians; their laws and customs continue for the most part Sidonian; which they have preserved with the greater case, through living at so great a distance from the king's dominions.[*](From the king's dominions] Ab imperio regis, "Understand Masinissa's, Micipsa's, or Jugurtha's."Bernouf.) Between them and the populous parts of Numidia lie vast and uncultivated deserts.

Since the affairs of Leptis have led me into these regions, it will not be foreign to my subject to relate the noble

At the time when the Carthaginians were masters of the greater part of Africa, the Cyrenians were also a great and powerful people. The territory that lay betweem them was sandy, and of a uniform appearance, without a stream or a hill to determine their respective boundaries; a circumstance which involved them in a severe and protracted war. After armies and fleets had been routed and put to flight on both sides, and each people had greatly weakened their opponents, fearing lest some third party should attack both victors and vanquished in a state of exhaustion, they came to an agreement, during a short cessation of arms, "that on a certain day deputies should leave home on either side, and that the spot where they should meet should be the common boundary between the two states." From Carthage, accordingly, were dispatched two brothers, who were named Philæni,[*](LXXIX. Philæni] The account of these Carthaginian brothers with a Greek name, φίλαινοι, praise-loving, is probably a fable. Cortius thinks that the inhabitants, observing two mounds rising above the surrounding level, fancied they must have been raised, not by nature, but by human labor, and invented a story to account for their existence. " The altars," according to Mr. Rennell (Geog. of Herod., p. 640), " were situated about seven ninths of the way from Carthage to Cyrene; and the deception," he adds, "would have been too gross, had it been pretended that the Carthaginian party had traveled seven parts in nine, while the Cyrenians had traveled no more than two such parts of the way." Pliny (H. N. v. 4) says that the altars were of sand; Strabo (lib. iii.) says that in his time they had vanished. Pomponius Mela and Valerius Maximus repeat the story, but without adding any thing to render it more probable.) and who traveled with great expedition. The deputies of the Cyrenians proceeded more slowly; but whether from indolence or accident I have not been informed. However, a storm of wind in these deserts will cause obstruction to passengers not less than at sea; for when a violent blast, sweeping over a level surface devoid of vegetation,[*](Devoid of vegetation] Nuda gignentium. So c. 93, cuncta gignentium natura. Kritzius justly observes that gignentia is not to be taken in the sense of genita, as Cortius and others interpret, but in its own active sense; the ground was bare of all that was productive, or of whatever generates any thing. This interpretation is suggested by Perizonius ad Sanctü Minerv. i. 15.) raises the sand from the ground, it is driven onward with great force, and fills the mouth and eyes of the traveler, and thus, by hindering his view, retards his progress. The Cyranian deputies, finding that they had lost ground, and dreading punishment at home for their mismanagement, accused the

After the loss of Thala, Jugurtha, thinking no place sufficiently secure against Metellus, fled with a few followers into the country of the Getulians, a people savage and uncivilized, and, at that period, unacquainted with even the name of Rome. Of these barbarians he collected a great multitude, and trained them by degrees to march in ranks, to follow standards, to obey the word of command, and to perform other military exercises. He also gained over to his interest, by large presents and larger promises, the intimate friends of king Bocchus, and working upon the king by their means, induced him to commence war against the Romans. This was the more practicable and easy, because Bocchus, at the commencement of hostilities with Jugurtha, had sent an embassy to Rome to solicit friendship and allliance; but a faction, blinded by avarice, and accustomed to sell their votes on every question honorable or dishonorable,[*](LXXX. Sell—honorable or dishonorable] Omnia honesta atque inhonesta vendere. See Cat. c. 30. They had been bribed by Jugurtha to use their influence against Bocchus.) had caused his advances to be rejected, though they were of the highest consequence to the war recently begun. A daughter of Bocchus, too, was married to Jugurtha,[*](A daughter of Bocchus, too, was married to Jugurtha] Jugurthœ filia Bocchi nupserat. Several manuscripts and old editions have Boccho, making Bocchus the son-in-law of Jugurtha. But Plutarch (Vit. Mar. c. 10, Sull. c. 3) and Florus (iii. 1) agree in speaking of him as Jugurtha's father-in-law. Bocchus was doubtless an older man than Jugurtha, having a grown up son, Volux, c. 105. Castilioneus and Cortius, therefore, saw the necessity of reading Bocchi, and other editors have followed them, except Gerlach, "who,"' says Kritzius, " has given Bocchi in his larger, and Boccho in his smaller and more recent edition, in order that readers using both may have an opportunity of making a choice.") but such a connection, among the Numidians and

The two kings, with their armies,[*](LXXXI. The two kings, with their armies] The text has only exercitus.) met in a place settled by mutual agreement, where, after pledges of amity were given and received, Jugurtha inflamed the mind of Bocchus by observing " that the Romans were a lawless people, of insatiable covetousness, and the common enemies of mankind; that they had the same motive for making war on Bocchus as on himself and other nations, the lust of dominion; that all independent states were objects of hatred to them; at present, for instance, himself; a little before, the Carthaginians had been so, as well as king Perses; and that, in future, as any sovereign became conspicuous for his power, so would he assuredly be treated as an enemy by the Romans."

Induced by these and similar considerations, they determined to march against Cirta, where Metellus had deposited his plunder, prisoners, and baggage. Jugurtha supposed that, if he took the city, there would be ample recompense for his exertions; or that, if the Roman general came to succor his adherents, he would have the opportunity of engaging him in the field. He also hastened this movement from policy, to lessen Bocchus's chance of peace;[*](To lessen Bocchus's chance of peace] Bocchi pacem imminuere. He wished to engage Bocchus in some act of hostility against the Romans, so as to render any coalition between them impossible.) lest, if delay should be allowed, he should decide upon something different from war.

Metellus, when he heard of the confederacy of the kings, did not rashly, or in every place, give opportunities of fighting, as he had been used to do since Jugurtha had been so

In the mean time he was informed, by letters from Rome, that the province of Numidia was assigned to Marius, of whose election to the consulship he had already heard.

Being affected at these occurrences beyond what was proper and decorous, he could neither restrain his tears nor govern his tongue; for though he was a man eminent in other respects, he had too little firmness in bearing trouble of mind. His irritation was by some imputed to pride; others said that a noble spirit was wounded by insult; many thought him chagrined because victory, just attained, was snatched from his grasp. But to me it is well known that he was more troubled at the honor bestowed on Marius than at the injustice done to himself; and that he would have shown much less uneasiness if the province of which he was deprived had been given to any other than Marius.

Discouraged, therefore, by such a mortification, and thinking it folly to promote another man's success at his own hazard, he sent deputies to Bocchus, entreating him " not to become an enemy to the Romans without cause ;" and observing " that he had a fine opportunity of entering into friendship and alliance with them, which were far preferable to war; that though he might have confidence in his resources, he ought not to change certainties for uncertainties; that a war was easily begun, but discontinued with difficulty; that its commencement and conclusion were not dependent on the same party; that any one, even a coward, might commence hostilities, but that they could be broken off only when the conqueror thought proper; and that he should therefore consult for his interest and that of his kingdom, and not connect his own prosperous circumstances with the ruined fortunes of Jugurtha." To these representations the king mildly answered, "that he desired peace, but felt compassion for the condition of Jugurtha, to whom if similar proposals were made, all would easily be arranged." Metellus, in reply to this request of

Marius, who, as I said before, had been made consul with great eagerness on the part of the populace, began, though he had always been hostile to the patricians, to inveigh against them, after the people gave him the province of Numidia, with great frequency and violence; he attacked them sometimes individually and sometimes in a body; he said that he had snatched from them the consulship as spoils from vanquished enemies; and uttered other remarks laudatory to himself and offensive to them. Meanwhile he made the provision for the war his chief object; he asked for reinforcements for the legions; he sent for auxiliaries from foreign states, kings, and allies; he also enlisted all the bravest men from Latium, most of whom were known to him by actual service, some few only by report, and induced, by earnest solicitation, even discharged veterans[*](LXXXIV. Discharged veterans] Homines emeritis stipendiis. Soldiers who had completed their term of service.) to accompany him. Nor did the senate, though adverse to him, dare to refuse him any thing; the additions to the legions they had voted even with eagerness, because military service was thought to be unpopular with the multitude, and Marius seemed likely to lose either the means of warfare,[*](Means of warfare] Usum belli. That is ea quœ belli usus posceret, troops and supplies.) or the favor of the people. But such expectations were entertained in vain, so ardent was the desire of going with Marius that had seized on almost all. Every one cherished the fancy[*](Cherished the fancy] Animis trahebant. "Trahere animo is always to revolve in the mind, not to let the thought of a thing escape from the mind."Kritzius.) that he should return home laden with spoil, crowned with victory, or attended with some similar good fortune. Marius himself, too, had excited them in no small degree by a speech; for, when all that he required was granted, and he was anxious to commence a levy, he called an assembly of the people, as well to encourage them to enlist, as to inveigh, according to his practice, against the nobility. He spoke, on the occasion, as follows:

"I am aware, my fellow-citizens, that most men

"I am sensible, too, my fellow-citizens, that the eyes of all men are turned upon me; that the just and good favor me, as my services are beneficial to the state, but that the nobility seek occasion to attack me. I must therefore use the greater exertion, that you may not be deceived in me,[*](That you may not be deceived in me] Ut neque vos capiamini. "This verb is undoubtedly used in this passage for decipere. Compare Tibull. Eleg. iii. 6, 45: Nec vos aut capiant pendentia brachia collo, Aut fallat blandâ sordida tingua piece. Cic. Acad. iv. 20: Sapientis vim maximam esse cavere, ne capiatur."Gerlach.) and that their views may be rendered abortive. I have led such a life, indeed, from my boyhood to the present hour, that I am familiar with every kind of toil and danger; and that exertion, which, before your kindness to me, I practiced gratuitously, it is not my intention to relax after having received my reward. For those who have pretended to be men of worth only to secure their election,[*](To secure their election] Per ambitionem. Ambire is to canvass for votes; to court the favor of the people.) it may be difficult to conduct themselves properly in

" You have commanded me to carry on the war against Jugurtha; a commission at which the nobility are highly offended. Consider with yourselves, I pray you, whether it would be a change for the better, if you were to send to this, or to any other such appointment, one of yonder crowd of nobles,[*](Of yonder crowd of nobles] Ex illo globo nobilitatis. Illo, δεικτικῶς.) a man of ancient family, of innumerable statues, and of no military experience; in order, forsooth, that in so important an office, and being ignorant of every thing connected with it, he may exhibit hurry and trepidation, and select one of the people to instruct him in his duty. For so it generally happens, that he whom you have chosen to direct, seeks another to direct him. I know some, my fellow-citizens, who, after they have been elected[*](I know some—who after they have been elected, etc.] "At whom Marius directs this observation, it is impossible to tell. Gerlach, referring to Cic. Quæst. Acad. ii. 1, 2, thinks that Lucullus is meant. But if he supposes that Lucullus was present to the mind of Marius when he spoke, he is egregiously deceived, for Marius was forty years antecedent to Lucullus. It is possible, however, that Sallust, thinking of Lucullus when he wrote Marius's speech, may have fallen into an anachronism, and have attributed to Marius, whose character he had assumed, an observation which might justly have been made in his own day."Kritzius.) consuls, have begun to read the acts of their ancestors, and the military precepts of the Greeks; persons who invert the order of things ;[*](Persons who invert the order of things] Homines prœposteri. Men who do that last which should be done first.) for though to discharge the duties of the office"[*](For though to discharge the duties of the office, etc.] Nam gerere, quam fieri, tempore posterius, re atque usu prius est. With gerere is to be understood consulatum ; with fieri, consulem. This is imitated from Demosthenes, Olynth. iii.: Τὸ γὰρ πράττειν το "Acting is posterior in order to speaking and voting, but prior and superior in effect.") is posterior, in point of time, to election, it is, in reality and practical importance, prior to it.

" Compare now, my fellow-citizens, me, who am a new man, with those haughty nobles.[*](With those haughty nobles] Cum illorum superbiâ. Virtus Scipiados et mitis sapientia Lœlî.) What they have but heard or read, I have witnessed or performed. What they have learned from books, I have acquired in the field; and whether deeds or words are of greater estimation, it is for you to consider.

" When they speak before you, or in the senate, they occupy the greatest part of their orations in extolling their ancestors;[*](They occupy the greatest part of their orations in extolling their ancestors] Plerâque oratione majores suos extollunt. "They extol their ancestors in the greatest part of their speech.")

"I am not ignorant, that, if they were inclined to reply to me, they would make an abundant display of eloquent and artful language. Yet, since they attack both you and myself, on occasion of the great favor which you have conferred upon me, I did not think proper to be silent before them, lest any one should construe my forbearance into a consciousness of demerit. As for myself, indeed, nothing that is said of me, I feel assured,[*](I feel assured] Ex animi sententiâ. "It was a common form of strong asseveration."Gerlach) can do me injury; for what is true, must of necessity speak in my favor; what is false, my life and character will refute. But since your judgment, in bestowing on me so distinguished an honor and so important a trust, is called in question, consider, I beseech you, again and again, whether you are likely to repent of what you have done. I can not, to raise your confidence in me, boast of the statues, or triumphs, or consulships of my ancestors; but, if it be thought necessary,

"My speech, they say, is inelegant; but that I have ever thought of little importance. Worth sufficiently displays itself; it is for my detractors to use studied language, that they may palliate base conduct by plausible words. Nor have I learned Greek; for I had no wish to acquire a tongue that adds nothing to the valor[*](Valor] Virtutem. "The Greeks, those illustrious instructors of the world, had not been able to preserve their liberty; their learning therefore had not added to their valor. Virtus, in this passage, is evidently fortitudo bellica, which, in the opinion of Marius, was the only virtue."Bernouf. See Plutarch, Vit. Mar. c. 2.) of those who teach it. But I have gained other accomplishments, such as are of the utmost benefit to a state; I have learned to strike down an enemy; to be vigilant at my post;[*](To be vigilant at my post] Prœsidia agitare. Or "to keep guard at my post." "Prœsidia agitare signifies nothing more than to protect a party of foragers or the baggage, or to keep guard round a besieged city."Cortius.) to fear nothing but dishonor; to bear cold and heat with equal endurance; to sleep on the ground;

"It was by conduct such as this, my fellow-citizens, that your ancestors made themselves and the republic renowned. Our nobility, relying on their forefathers' merits, though totally different from them in conduct, disparage us who emulate their virtues; and demand of you every public honor, as due, not to their personal merit, but to their high rank. Arrogant pretenders, and utterly unreasonable ! For though their ancestors left them all that was at their disposal, their riches, their statues, and their glorious names, they left them not, nor could leave them, their virtue; which alone, of all their possessions, could neither be communicated nor received.

" They reproach me as being mean, and of unpolished manners, because, forsooth, I have but little skill in arranging an entertainment, and keep no actor,[*](Keep no actor] Histrionem nullum—habeo. "Luxuriæ peregrinæ origo ab exercitu Asiatico (Manlii sc. Vulsonis, A.U.C. 568) invecta in urbem est. * * * Tum psaltriæ sambucistriæque, et convivalia ludionum oblectamenta, addita epulis." Liv. xxxix. 6. "By this army returning from Asia was the origin of foreign luxury imported into the city. * * * At entertainments-were introduced players on the harp and timbrel, with buffoons for the diversion of the guests."Baker. Professor Anthon, who quotes this passage, says that histrio " here denotes a buffoon kept for the amusement of the company." But such is not the meaning of the word histrio. It signifies one who in some way acted, either by dancing and gesticulation, or by reciting perhaps to the music of the sambucistriœ or other minstrels. See Smith's Dict. of Gr. and Rom. Ant. Art. Histrio, sect. 2. Scheller's Lex. sub. vv. Histrio, Ludio, and Salto. The emperors had whole companies of actors, histriones aulici, for their private amusement. Suetonius says of Augustus (c. 74) that at feasts he introduced acroamata et histriones. See also Spartian. Had. c. 19; Jul. Capitol. Verus, c. 8.) nor give my cook[*](My cook] Coquum. Livy, in the passage just cited from him, adds tum coquus vilissimum antiquis mancipium, et œstimatione et usu in pretio esse ; et quod ministerium fuerat, ars haberi cœpta. "The cook, whom the ancients considered as the meanest of their slaves both in estimation and use, became highly valuable."Baker.) higher wages than my steward; all which charges I must, indeed, acknowledge to be just; for I learned from my father, and other venerable characters, that vain indulgences belong to women, and labor to men; that glory, rather than wealth,

"As I have now replied to my calumniators, as far as my own character required, though not so fully as their flagitiousness deserved, I shall add a few words on the state of public affairs. In the first place, my fellow-citizens, be of good courage with regard to Numidia; for all that hitherto protected Jugurtha, avarice, inexperience, and arrogance,[*](Avarice, inexperience, and arrogance] Avaritiam, imperitiam, superbiam. "The President De Brosses and Dotteville have observed, that Marius, in these words, makes an allusion to the characters of all the generals that had preceded him, noticing at once the avarice of Calpurnius, the inexperience of Albinus, and the pride of Metellus."Le Brun.) you have entirely removed. There is an army in it, too, which is well acquainted with the country, though, assuredly, more brave than fortunate; for a great part of it has been destroyed by the avarice or rashness of its commanders. Such of you, then, as are of military age, co-operate with me, and support the cause of your country; and let no discouragement, from the ill-fortune of others, or the arrogance of the late commanders, affect any one of you. I myself shall be with you, both on the march and in the battle, both to direct your movements and to share your dangers. I shall treat you and myself on every occasion alike; and, doubtless, with the aid of the gods, all good things, victory, spoil, and glory, are ready to our hands; though, even if they were doubtful or distant, it would still become every able citizen to act in defense of his country. For no man, by slothful timidity, has escaped the lot of mortals;[*](For no man, by slothful timidity, has escaped the lot of mortals] Etenim ignaviâ nemo immortalis factus. The English translators have rendered this phrase as if they supposed the sense to be, " No man has gained immortal renown by inaction." But this is not the signification. What Marius means, is, that no man, however cautiously and timidly he may avoid danger, has prolonged his life to immortality. Taken in this sense, the words have their proper connection with what immediately follows: neque quisquam parens liberis, uti œterni forent, optavit. The sentiment is the same as in the verse of Horace: Mors et fugacem persequitur virum: or in these lines of Tyrtæus:)Ὀυ γάρ κως θάνατόν γε φυγεἶν ἐιμαρμένον ἐστὶν ʼ ́Ανδρʼ, ὀυδʼ ἠ`ν μρογόνων ἦ γένος ἀθανάτων· Πολλάκι δηϊότητα φυγῶν καὶ δοῦπον ἀκόντων ʽ ́Ερχεται, ἐν δ' ὄικῳ μοῖρα κίχεν θανάτου. To none, 'mong men, escape from death is giv'n,Though sprung from deathless habitants of heav'n:Him that has led the battle's threatening sound,The silent foot of fate at home has found. The French translator, Le Brun, has given the right sense: "Jamais la lâcheté n'a préservé de la mort ;" and Dureau Delamalle: "Pour être un lâche, on n'en serait pas plus immortel." Ignavia is properly inaction; but here signifies a timid shrinking from danger.)

After having spoken to this effect, Marius, when he found that the minds of the populace were excited, immediately freighted vessels with provisions, pay, arms, and other necessaries, and ordered Aulus Manlius, his lieutenant-general, to set sail with them. He himself, in the mean time, proceeded to enlist soldiers, not after the ancient method, or from the classes,[*](LXXXVI. Not after the ancient method, or from the classes] Non more majorum, neque ex classibus. By the regulation of Servius Tullius, who divided the Roman people into six classes, the highest class consisting of the wealthiest, and the others decreasing downward in regular gradation, none of the sixth class, who were not considered as having any fortune, but were capite censi, "rated by the head," were allowed to enlist in the army. The enlistment of the lower order, commenced, it is said, by Marius, tended to debase the army, and to render it a fitter tool for the purposes of unprincipled commanders. See Aul. Gell., xvi. 10.) but taking all that were willing