Historia Ecclesiastica

Eusebius

Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica, Lake, Loeb, 1926

CONTENTS ΟF BOOK VI

The Sixth Book of the Ecclesiastical History contains the following:

I. On the persecution under Severus.

II. Οn Οrigen’s training from boyhood.

ΙII. How he set forth the word of Christ when quite young.

IV. How many of those insructed by him were elevated to the rank of martyrs.

V. Οn Potamiaena.

VI. On Clement the Alexandrian.

VII. Οn Judas, a writer.

VIII. On Origen's rash act.

IX. On the miraeles of Narcissus.

X. On the bishops at Jerusalem.

XI. Οn Alexander.

XII. Οn Serapion and his extant works.

XIII. On the treatises Of Clement.

XIV. What Scriptures he mentioned.

XV. Οn Heraclas.

XVI. How Origen laboured at the divine Scriptures.

XVII. Οn symmaehus the translator.

XVIII. Οn Αmbrose.

XIX. What things are mentioned concerning Origen.

XX. What books of the mcn of that day are extant.

XXI. What bishops were well known in the time of these persons.

XXII. What works of Hippolytus have reached us.

XXIII. Οn Origen's zeal, and how he was deemed worthy of the presbyterate in the Church.

XXIV. The commentaries he wrote at Alexandria.

XXV. Ηow he mentioned the Canonical Scriptures.

XXVI. Ηow the bishops regarded him.

XXVII. Ηow Ηeraelas succeeded to the episcopate of the Alexandrians.

XXVIII. Οn the persecution under Maximin.

XXIX. Οn Fabian, how he was miraculously designated bishop of the Romans by God.

XXX. What pupils of Origen there have been.

XXXI. On Africanus.

XXXII. The commentaries that Origen wrote at Caesarea in Ρalertine.

XXXIII. Οn the error or Beryllus.

XXXIV. What happened under Philopl.

XXXV. How Dionysius succeeded Ηeraclas in the episcopate.

XXXVI. Οther works composed by Οrigen.

XXXVII. Οn the dissension of the Arabians.

XXXVIII. Οn the heresy of the Helkesaites.

XXIX. Οn what happened under Decius.

XL. Οn what befell Dionysius.

XLI. On those that suffered martyrdom Alexandira itself.

XLII. On the other martyrdoms which Dionysius relates.

XLIII. Οn Novatus, his manner of life, and his heresy.

XLIV. Α story of Dionysius about Serapion.

XLV. Letter of Dionysius to Novatus.

XLVI. Οn the other letters of Dionysius.

THΕ ECCLESIASTICAL ΙSTΟRV ΟF EUSEBIUS

BΟΟΚ VII

1. Νow when Severus also was stirring up persecution against the churches, in every place splendid martyrdoms of the champions of piety were accomplished, but with especial frequency at Alexandria. Thither, as to some great arena, were escorted from Εgypt and the whole Thebais God's champions, who, through their most stedfast endurance in divers tortures and modes of death, were wreathed with the crowns laid up with God. Αmong these was Leonides, known as “the father of Οrigen,’’ who was beheaded, leaving his son behind him quite young. It will not be out of place to deseribe briefly how deliberately the mind was set on the Divine Word from that early age, especially as the story about him has received exceedingly widespread notoriety.

II. Μany indeed, would there be to say, if one were to attempt at leisure to hand down in writing the man's life, and the narrative concerning him would require also a work of its own. Nevertheless, on the present occasion abridging most things as briefly as may be, we shall state some few of the facts concerning him,

gathering what we set forth from certain letters and information derived from pupils of his, whose lives have been preserved even to our day.

In the case of Origen I think that even the facts from his very cradle,1 so to speak, are worthy mention. For Severus was in the tenth year of his reigh,2 and Laetus was governor of Alexandria the rest of Εgypt, and Demetrius had just then received the episcopate οf the communities there in succession to Julian. When, therefore, the flame οf persecution was kindled to a fierce blaze, and countless numbers were being wreathed with the crowns οf martyrdom, Origen's soul was with such a passion for martyrdom, while he was still quite a boy, that he was all eagerness to come to close quarters with danger, and to leap forward and rush into the conflict. In fact, it were but a very little step and the end of his life was at hand, had not the divine and heavenly providence, acting for the general good through his mother, stood in the way of his zeal. She, at all events, at first had recourse to verbal entreaties, bidding him spare a mother's feelings; then, when he learnt that his father had been captured and was kept in prison, and his whole being was set on the desire for martyrdom, perceiving that his purpose was more resolute than ever, she hid all his clothes, and so laid upon him the necessity of remaining at home. Αnd since nothing else remained for him to do, and a zeal, intense beyond his years, suffered him not to be quiet, he sent to his father a letter on martyrdom most strongly urging him οn, in which he advises him in these very words, saying : “Take care to to change [*](1 Lit. “swaddling-clothes.” 2 Α. D. 203.)

thy mind on account.’’ Let this be recorded as the first proof of Origen's boyish readiness of mind and genuine love of godliness. For indeed in the study of the faith also he had already laid down a good foundation, having been trained in the divine Scriptures from the from the time that he was still a boy. Certainly it was no ordinary amount of labour that he bestowed on these, since his father, in addition to the customary curriculum, took pains that these also should be for him no secondary matter. On all occasions, for example, he kept urging him before beginning his secular1 lessons to train himself in the sacred studies, exacting from him each day learning by heart and repetition. Αnd this the boy did with no lack of willingness, nay, he worked with even excessive zeal at these studies, so that he was not satisfied with reading the sacred words in a simple and literal manner, but sought something further, and busied himself, even at that age, with deeper speculations, troubling his father by his questions as to what could be the inner meaning of the inspired Scripture. Αnd his father would rebuke him ostensibly to his face, counselling him to seek nothing beyond his years nor anything further than the manifest meaning; but secretly in himself he rejoiced greatly, and gave profound thanks to God, the Αuthor of all good things, that Ηe had deemed him worthy to be the father of such a boy. Αnd it is said that many a time he would stand over the sleeping boy and uncover his breast, as if a divine spirit were enshrined therein, and kissing it with reverence count himself happy in his goodly offspring. [*](1 Ἑλληνικῶν, “pagan’’; cf. the use of the word in 2 Mace. iv. 10)

These are the stories, and others akin to these, that they tell about Origen's boyhood.

But when his father had been perfected by martyrdom, he was left destitute with his mother and six smaller brothers, when he was not quite seventeen. His father's property was confiscated for the imperial treasury, and he found himself, along with his ralatives, in want of the necessaries of life. Yet he was deemed worthy of divine aid, and met with welcome and refreshment from a certain lady, very rich in this world's goods, and otherwise distinguished, who nevertheless was treating with honour a wellknown person, one of the heretics at Alexandria at that time Ηe was an Antiochene by race, but the lady we have mentioned kept him at her house as her adopted son, and treated him with especial honour. But although Origen of necessity had to consort with him, he used to give clear proofs of his orthodoxy, at that age, in the faith. For though very great numbers, not only of heretics but also of our own people, were gathered together with Ρaul (for that was the man's name), attracted by his apparent skilfulness in speech, Origen could never be persuaded to associate with him in prayer, keeping the rule οf the Church, even from boyhood, and “loathing’’ — the very word he himself uses somewhere— teachings of the heresies. Ηis father had brought him forward in secular studies, and after his death he applied himself wholly with renewed zeal to a literary training, so that he had a tolerable amount οf pronciency in letters; and, not not after his father's perfecting, by dint of application to these

studies, he was abundantly supplied, for a person of his years, with the necessaries of of life.

III. Αnd while he was devoting himself to teaching, as he himself informs us somewhere in writing, since there was no one at Alexandria set apart for catechetical instruction (for all had been driven away by the threat of the persecution), some of the heathen approached him to hear the word of God. Of these Plutrach is pointed out as being the first, who after a noble life was adorned also with a divine martyrdom; and the second, Heraclas, Plutarch's brother. Ηe also, in his own person, afforded a noteworthy example of a philosophic life and of discipline, and was deemed worthy of the bishopric of Αlexandrians in succession to Demetrius. Origen was in his eighteenth year 1 when he came to preside over the catechetical school, and at this time also he came into prominence when the persecutions were going on under Aquila, the governor of Alexandria.2 Then also he won himself an exceedingly wide reputation among all those who were οf the faith, by the kindly help and goodwill that he displayed towards all the holy martyrs, unknown and known alike. For he was present not only with the holy martyrs who were in prison, not only with those who were under examination right up to the final sentence, but also when they were being led away afterwards to their death, using great boldness and coming to close quarters with danger; so that, as he courageously drew near and with great boldness greeted the martyrs with a kiss, many a time the heathen multitude round about in its fury went near to stoning him, but for the fact that time after time he found the divine right hand to help him, and so

escaped marvellously; and this same divine and heavenly grace οn other occasions again and — it is impossible to say how οften—Ρreserved him safely, when plots were laid against him at that time because of his excessive Ζeal and boldness for the word of Christ. Αnd so great, then, was the war of unbelievers against him, that soldiers were placed in groups for his protection 1 round the house where he abode, because of the number of those who were receiving instruction from him in the sacred faith. Thus day by day the persecution against him blazed, so that there was no longer any place for him in the whole city; from house to house he passed, but was driven from all sides, on account of the numbers who through him came οver to the divine teaching. For in his practical conduct were to be found to a truly marvellous degree the right actions of a most genuine philosophy (for—as the saying goes—“ as was his speech, so was the manner of life’’ 2 that he displayed, and “as his manner of life, so his speech’’), and it was especially for this reason that, with the co-operation of the divine power, he brought so very to share his zeal.

Αnd when he saw still more pupils coming to him (for the task of instruction had been entrusted by Demetrius, the president of the church, to him alone), considering that the teaching of letters3 was not consonant with training in the divine studies, without more ado he broke off the task of teaching letters,3 as being unprofitable and opposed to sacred study; and then, for the good reason that he might never be in need of others’ assistance, he disposed of all the [*](1 Or “with a view to capturing him.” 2 cf. Ρlato, Repub. 400 D. 3 Or “literature.” )

volumes οf ancient literature which formerly he so fondly cherished, content if he who purchased them brought him four obols a day. For a great number οf years he continued to live like a philosopher in this wise, putting aside everything that might lead to youthful lusts; all day long his discipline was to perform labours of no light character, and the greater part of the night he devoted himself to studying the divine Scriptures; and he persevered, as far as possible, in the most philosophic manner of life, at οne time disciplining himself by fasting, at another measuring οut the time for sleep, which he was careful to take, never on a couch, but οn the floor. Αnd above all he considered that those sayings οf the Saviour in the Gospel οught to he kept which exhort us not [to provide] two coats nor to use shoes, nor, indeed, to be worn οut with thoughts about the future. Yea, he was possessed οf a zeal beyond his years, and by persevering in cold and nakedness and going to the extremest limit οf poverty, he greatly astounded his followers, causing grief to numbers who besought him to share their goods, when they saw the labour that he bestowed οn teaching divine things. But he was not one to slacken enduranee. Ηe is said, for example, to have walked ror many years without using a shoe οf any description, yea more, to have refrained for a great many years from the use of wine and all except necessary food, so that he actually incurred the risk of upsetting and injuring his stomach.1

[*](1 So the translation of Rufinus; but no exact parallel can be adduced for the meaning here given to θώραξ.)

Αnd by displaying proofs such as these οf a philosophic life to those who saw him, he naturally stimulated a large number of his pupils to a like zeal, so that, even among the unbelieving Gentiles and those from the ranks of learning and philosophy, some persons of no small account were won by his instruction. By his ageney these very persons received the faith of the divine Word truly in the depths of the soul, and were conspicuous at the persecution then taking place; insomuch that even some οf them were arrested and perfected by martyrdom.

IV. The first of these, then, was Plutarch, he whom we mentioned a little while ago.1 As this man was being led οn the way to death, he οf whom we have been speaking, being present with him to the very end of his life, was again almost killed by his fellow- citizens, as being clearly responsible for his death. But οn that occasion also he was kept by the will of God.2 Αnd, after Plutarch, Serenus was the second οf Origen's pupils to show himself a martyr, having through fire given the proof of the faith he had received. From the same school Heraclides was the third martyr, and after him Ηero, the fourth; the former of these was still a eatechumen, the latter lately baptized. Both were beheaded. Further, in addition to these, from the same school was proclaimed a fifth champion of piety, one serenus, a different person from the first-mentioned of that name. It is recorded that after very great endurance of torture his head was taken off. Αnd, among the women, Ηerais, who was still under instruction for baptism, as Οrigen himself sayssomewhere, “received the baptism by fire,” and so ended her life.

v. Seventh among them must be numbered Basilides, who led away the famous Potamiaena. The praise οf this woman is to this day still loudly sung by her fellow-countrymen, as of one who on of the chastity and virginity of her body, in which excelled, contended much with lovers (for assuredly her body, as well as her mind, was in the full bloom of its youthful beauty); as of one who endured much, and at the end, after tortures that were terrible and fearful to relate, was perfected by fire, along with her mother Marcella. Ιt is said, in fact, that the judge, whose name was Aquila, after inflicting severe tortures upon her entire body, at last threatened to hand her over to the gladiators for bodily insult, and that, when after a brief period of reflection she was asked what her decision was, she made a reply which involved from their point of view something profane. No sooner had she spoken than she received the sentence, and Basilides, being one of those serving in the army, took her and led her away to death. And as the crowed tried to annoy her, and insult her with shameful words, he kept restraining them and driving away the insulters, displaying the greatest pity and kindness towards her. She on her part accepted his fellow-feeling for her and bade him be of cheer, for that she would ask him from her Lord, when she departed, and before long would requite him for what he had done for her. Thus speaking [it is said], she right nobly endured the end, boiling pitch being poured slowly and little by little over different parts of her body from head to toe. Such was the contest waged by this maiden celebrated in

song. Αnd not long afterwards, when Basilides was ked by his felleow-soldiers to swear for some reason οther, he stoutly affirmed that swearing was οlutely forbidden in his case, for that he was a ristian and acknowledged it openly. Αt first, deed, for a time they thought he was jesting, but hen he continued stedfastly to affirm it, they ought him to the judge. Αnd when he admitted e constancy [of his profession] in his presence, he as committed to prison. when his brethren in God e to and inquired the reason of this sudden d incredible impulse, it is said that he stated that ee days after her martyrdom Potamiaena appeared him by night, wreathing his head with a crown and saying that she had called upon the Lord for him, and obtained what she requerted, and that before ng she would take him to herself. Thereupon the brethren imparted to him the seal in the Lord, and n the day afterwards he gave notable testimony for the Lord and was beheaded. Αnd it is related that many others of those at Alexandria came over all at οnce to the word of Christ in the time of the persons mentioned, because Ρotamiaena appeared to them in dreams and invited thern. But this must suffice.

VI. Ρantaenus was succeeded by Clement, who directed the instruction at Alexandria up to such a date that Origen also was one of his pupils. In fact lement, when compiling his Stromateis, in the first k displays a chronological table, using the death of Commodus as a terminus in measuring his dates 1; so that it is clear that the work was composed by him [*](1 clem. Strom. i. 21 (139, 140, 144).)

under Severus, whose time this present account is describing.

VII. Αt this time Judas also, another writer, composed a written discourse on the seventy weeks in the book of Daniel; he stops his record of time at the tenth year of the reign of Severus. Ηe also was of the opinion that the much talked of coming of the antichrist was then already near. So strongly did the persecution which was then stirred up against us disturb the minds of the many.

VIII. Αt that time, while Οrigen was performing the work of instruction at Alexandria, he did a thing which gave abundant proof of an immature and youthful mind, yet withal of faith and self-control. For he took the saying, “There are eunuchs which made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven’s sake,” in too literal and extreme a sense, and both to fulfil the Saviour’s saying, and also that might prevent all suspicion of shameful slander on the part of unbelievers (for, young as he was, he used to discourse on divine things with women as well as men), he hastened to put into effect the Saviour's Saying, taking care to escape the notice of the greater number of his pupils. But, wishful though he might be, it was not possible to hide a deed of this nature. In fact Demetrius got to know of it later, since he was presiding over the community at that place; and while he marvelled exceedingly at him for his rash act, he approved the zeal and the sinceriry of his faith, bade him be of good cheer, and urged him to attach himself now all the more to the work of instruction.

Such indeed was his attitude at that time. But not Iong afterwards, when the same person saw that he was prospering and a great man and distinguished and famous in the sight of all, overcome by a human weakness, he attempted to describe the deed as monstrous to the bishops throughout the world, when the most highly approved and distinguished bishops in Palestine, namely those of Caesarea and Jerusalem,1 deeming Origen worthy of privilege and the highest honour, ordained him to the presbyterate by laying on of hands.2 So, as he had then advanced to a position of great esteem, and had aequired no small reputation and fame for his virtue and wisdom in the eyes of all men everywhere, through lack of any other ground οf aceusation Demetrius spread grave scandal about the deed that he had committed long ago when a boy, and had the temerity to include in his accusations those who raised him to the presbyterate.

This happened a little while afterwards. Αt that time, however, Origen was engaged at Αlexandria in the work or divine instruction for all, without reserve, who came to him by night and in the course of the day, devoting his whole time untiringly to the divine studies and his pupils.

When Severus had held the principate for eighteen years, he was succeeded by his son Antoninus.3 this time Αlexander (being one of those who Ρlayed the man during the persecution and after contending for the faith by their confessions were preserved by the Providence of God), whom we have mentioned lately4 as bishop of the church at Jerusalem, deemed worthy of the said bishopric, distinguished [*](1 i.e. Theoctistus and Αlexander: cf. 19. 17; 27. 2 See 23. 4. 3 Α.D. 211. 4 § 4.)

he was for his confessions on behalf of Christ; issus his predecessor being still alive.1

IX. Many οther miracles, indeed, of Νarcissus do e citizens of the community call to mind, as handed wn by the brethren in succession, and among these ey relate that the following wonder was performed him. Once at the great all-night vigil of the ascha it is said that the oil failed the deacons, and at when deep despondency seized the whole ultitude, thereupon Narcissus commanded those ho were preparing the lights to draw water and ring it to him; that when this was no sooner said an done, he then prayed οver the water, and bade em pour it down into the lamps with unfeigned ith in the Lord. Αnd that when they did this, contrary to all reason by miraculous and divine power nature was changed in quality from water into il; and that for a very long time, from that day even ours, a little was preserved as a οf that wonder former days by very many οf the brethren there.

Αnd they enumerate a great many other things about the life of this man worthy of mention, among which is the following. Certain miserable creatures, not being able to endure his energy and the firmness of his conduct, and fearing lest they should be taken and put on their trial (for they were conscious of many evil deeds), anticipated the event by devising an intrigue agrinst him and spreading a certain grave slander to his hurt. Then, with a view to securing the belief οf their hearers, they strove to confirm their accusations by oaths; one swore, “[if this is not true] ay I be destroyed by fire”; another, “may y be wasted by an untoward diseasse”; and [*](1 For the reason οf this see c. 11. VOL. II c )

third, “may my eyes be blinded.” But, swear ey might, none of the faithful gave heed to them, the the fame of Narcissus's sobriety and virtuous nner of life was always well known to all. Ηe, vertheless, could not brook the wickedness of what been said, and, besides, had for a long time been uing the philosophic life,; so he escaped the οle company of the church, and spent many years cretly in deserts and obscure parts οf the country. et the great eye of Justice did not remain quiet at ese deeds, but with untmost speed visited upon those ess men the curses with which in their perjury ey had bound themselves. So the first was burnt death with all his family, the house in which he as staying being wholly set on fire one night from solutely no other cause than a small spark which ppened to fall οn it; as for the second, his body as convered, all at once, from head to toe with the isease that he had assigned to himself as a penalty; d the third, perceiving the hap of the οther o, and fearing the ineritable judgement of God who seeth all, made public confession of what they plotted together in common. Yet, in the act of repentance, so great were the lamentations by hich he was wasted, so many were the tears that me unceasingly poured forth, that both eyes were troyed.

such were the punishments that these men suffered their falsehood.

X. But as Narcissus had retired no one knew where he might be, it seemed good those presiding over the neighbouring churches to eed to the appointment οf another bishop. Ηis e was Dius. Αfter a brief presidency he was cceeded by Germanion, and he in turn by Gordius.

In his day Narcissus appeared from somewhere, as if come to life again, and was onee more summoned to the presideney by the brethren, for all admired him to a still greater degree because of his retirement and philosophic life, and especially because οf the punishment with which God had deemed it meet to avenge him.

XI. Αnd when he was no longer able to perform the ministry on account of ripe old age, the abovementioned1 Alexander, being bishop of another community, was called by a dispensarion of God to a joint ministry with Narcissus, by a revelation which appeared to him in a vision at night. Whereupon, as if in obedience to some oraele, he made the journey rom the land of the Cappadocians, where he was rst deemed worthy of the episeopate, to Jerusalem, for the purpose of prayer and investigation οf the sacred] places. The people there gave him the most ordial welcome, and suffered him not to return home gain, in accordance with another revelation which as seen by them also at night, and which vouchsafed n identieal utterance of the clearest kind to those f them who were peculiarly zealous. For it indieated o them to go forth outside the gates and welcome as heir bishop him who was fore-ordained of God. Αnd oing this, with the common consent of the bishops ho were administering the churches round about, hey compelled him of necessity to remain. Αnd in fact Alexander himself in a personal letter to the ntinoites,2 which is still to this day preserved , mentions Narcissus as holding the chief place long with him, writing as follows, in these very words,

the close of the letter: “Narcissus greets you, who before me was holding the position of bishop here, and now is associated with me in the prayers, aving completed 116 years; and exhorts you, as I likewise, to be of one mind.”

So was it with these matters. But when Serapion tered upon his rest, Asclepiades succeeded to the ishopric of the chureh at Antioch, and he was self distinguished for his confessions in the (??)ersecution. Αlexander also his his appointent, writing thus to the Antiochenes: “Αlexander, slave and prisoner οf Jesus Christ, to the blessed urch of the Antioehenes, greeting in the Lord. Light and easy did the Lord make my bonds, when learnt at the time οf my imprisonment that by the vine Ρrovidence Αsclepiades, whose worthy faith es him most suitable, had been entrusted with the ishopric of your holy church of the Antiochenes.”

This epistle he indicates had been sent by the hand f Clement,1 writing at the close in this is letter I send unto you, my dear brethren, by the and of Clement the blessed presbyter, a man irtuous and approved, of whom ye yourselves also ve heard, and with whom ye will become acquainted; o also, when he was present here in accordance h the providence and overseership of the Master, th stablished and increased the Church of the rd.”

XII. Νοw it is likely, indeed, that other memoirs , the fruit of Serapion's literary studies, are reserved by other persons, but there have come wn to us only those addressed To Domnus, οne ho had fallen away from the faith of Christ, at the [*](1 i.e. Clement οf Alexandria.)

time of the persecution, to Jewish will-worship; and those To Pontius and Caricus, churchmen, and other letters to other persons; and another book has been composed by him Concerning what is known as the Gospel of Peter,1 which he has written refuting false statements in it, because of certain in the community of Rhossus, who οn the ground of the said writing turned aside into heterodox teaehings. It will not be unreasonable to quote a short passage from this work, in which he puts forward the view he held about the book, writing as follows: “For οur part, brethren, we receive both Peter and the οther apostles as Christ, but the writings which falsely bear their names we reject, as men of experience, knowing that such were not handed down to us. For I myself, when I eame among you, imagined that all οf you clung to the true faith; and, without going through the Gospel put forward by them in the name f Peter, I said: If this is the only thing that seemingly causes captious feelings among you, let it be read. But since I have now learnt, from what has been told me, that their mind was lurking in some hole οf hersey,2 I shall give diligence to come again to you; wherefore, brethren, expect me quikly. ut we, brethren, gathering to what what of heresy arcianus3 belonged (who4 used to contradict himself, not knowing what he was saying, as ye will learn [*](date of this Gospel: Swete put it at A.D. 165, others forty. even more years earlier. 2 Schwartz supposes that Serapion Wrote: “was halting reason of some heresy,” reading 3 The Armenian version has Marcion. But the person re mentioned was probably not the well-known heretic οf ntus, but a leader οf the Docetac at Rhossus. 4 Reading ὅς, with Schwartz. )

from what has been written to you), were enabled1 by οthers who studied this very Gospel, that is, by the successors of those who began it, whom we call Docetae2 (for most of the ideas belong to their teaching)—using [the material supplied] by were enabled to go through it and discover that the most part indeed was in accordance with the true teaching of the Saviour, but that some things were added, which also we place below for your benefit.”

XIII. Such are the writings of Serapion. But of Clement the Stromateis, all the eight books, are preserved with us, upon whieh he bestowed the following title: “Titus Flavius Clement's Stromateis3 of Gnostic Memoirs according to the True Philosophy”; and οf equal number with these are his books entitled Hypotyposeis,4 in which he mentions Ρantaenus by name as his teaeher, and has set forth his interpretations of the scriptures and his traditons. There is also a book of his, the Exhorlalion to the Greeks,5 and the three books of the work entitled Paedagogus, and Who is the Rich Man that is being Saved?5 (such is the title of another book of his), and the treatise Οn the Pascha, and discourses Οn Fasting and Οn Slander, and the Exhortation to Endurance, or To the Recently Baptized,5 and the [book] entitled the Ecclesiastical Cannon, or Against the Judaizers,6 which he has dedicated to Alexander, the bishop mentioned above.7 the bedelothes. Hence works of a miscellaneous character were thus entitled, not οnly by Clement, but also by Plutarch and Origen (see 24. 3).

[*](4 i.e. “Sketches.” 5 Translated in Loeb Classical Library, vol. 92. 6 Or “To the Judaizers.” 7 8. 7 ; 11)

Νow in the Stromateis he has composed a patchwork, not only of the divine Scripture, but of the writings of the Greeks as well, if he thought that they also had said anything useful, and he mentions opinions from many sources, explaining Greek and barbarian alike, and moreover sifts the false opinions οf the heresiarchs; and unfolding much history he gives us a work of great erudition. With all these he mingles also the opinions of philosophers, and so he has suitably made the title of the Stromateis to correspond to the work itself. Αnd in them he has also made use of testimonies from the disputed writings, the known known as the Wisdom of Solomon, and the Wisdom of Jesus the Son of sirach, and the Epistle to the Hebrews, and those of Barnabas, and Clement, and Jude; and he mentions Tatian's book Against the Greeks, and Cassian, sinee he also had composed a chronography,1 and moreover Philo and Aristobulus and Josephus and Demetrius and Eupolemus, Jewish writers, in that they would show, all of them, in writing, that Moses and the Jewish race went back further in their origins than the Greeks.2 Αnd the books of Clement, of which we are speaking, are full of much other useful learning. Ιn the first of these he shows with reference to himself that he came very near to the successors of the Αpostles3; and he promises in them also to write a commentary on Genesis.4

Αnd in his book Οn the Pascha he professes that he was compelled by his companions to commit to [*](2 Ibid. 15 (72. 4), 22 (150. 1), 21 (147. 2; 141. 1 ff.), 23 (153. 4). 3 Lit. “the succession from the apostles.” Ibid. quoted v. 11. 5 4 Clem. Strom. iii. 14 (95. 2) ; iv. 1 (3. 3) ; vi. 18 (168. 4). )

writing traditions that he had heard from the elders οf olden time, for the benefit or those that should come after; and he mentions in it Melito and Irenaeus and some others, Whose accounts also of the matter he has set down.

XIV. Αnd in the Hypotyposeis, to speak briefly, he has given concise explanations of all the Canonical scriptures, not passing over even the disputed writings, Ι mean the Epistle of Jude and the remaining Catholic Εpistles, and the Epistle of Barnabas, the Apocalypse known as Peter's. Αnd as for Εpistle to the Hebrews, he says indeed that it is Paul's, but that it was written for Hebrews in the Ηebrew tongue, and that Luke, having carefully translated it, published it for the Greeks; hence, as a result of this translation, the same complexion of style is found in this Epistle and in the Acts: but that the [words] “Paul an apostle” were not prefixed. For, says he, “in writing to Ηebrews who had conceived a prejudice against him and were suspicious of him, he very wisely did not repel them at the beginning by putting his name.”

Then lower down he adds: “But now, as the blessed elder used to say, since the Lord, being the apostle of the Αlmighty, was sent to the Hebrews, ΡauΙ, through modesty, since he had been sent to the Gentiles, does not inscribe himself as an apostle οf the Hebrews, both to give due deference to the Lord and because he wrote to the Ηebrews also out of his abundance, being a preacher and apostle of the Gentiles.”

Αnd again in the same books Clement has inserted a tradition of the primitive elders with regard to the οrder οf the Gospels, as follows. Ηe Said that those

Gospels were first written which include the genealogies, but that the Gospel according to Mark came into being in this manner1: When Ρeter had preached the word at Rome, and by the Spirit Ρroclaimed the Gospel, that those present, who were many, exhorted Mark, as one who had followed him for a long time and remembered what had been spoken, to make a record of what was said; and that he did this, and distributed the Gospel among those that asked him. Αnd that when the matter came to Ρeter’s knowledge he neither strongly forbade it nor urged it forward. But that John, last οf all, conscious that the outward2 facts had been forth in the Gospels, was urged οn by his disciples, and, divinely moved by the Spirit, composed a spiritual Gospel. This is Clement's account.

Αnd again Αlexander, of whom we spoke before,3 mentions Clement, and at the same time also Pantaenus, in a certain letter to Origen, as men who had been known to him. Ηe writes as follows: “For this also has proved to be the will of God, as thou knowest, that the friendship that comes to us from οur forefathers should remain unshaken, nay rather grow warmer and more stedfast. For we know as fathers those blessed ones who went before us, with whom we shall be ere long: Pantaenus, truly blessed and my master, and the holy Clement, who was my master and profited me, and all others like them. Through these I came to know thee, who art the best in all things, and my master and brother.” do these matters stand.

Now Αdamantius (for this also was Origen's name), when Zephyrinus was at that time ruling the church [*](2 Lit. “bodily.” 3 c. 11, etc.)

of the Romans, himself states in writing somewhere that he stayed at Rome. Ηis words are: “Desiring to see the most ancient church of the Romans.”

Αfter spending a short time there, he returned to Αlexandria, and indeed continued to fulfil in that city his customary work οf instruction with all Ζeal, Demetrius, the bishop of the people there, still exhorting and wellnigh entreating him to ply diligently his task of usefulness for the brethren.

XV. But when he saw that he was becoming unable for the deeper study of diving things, namely, the examination and translation of the sacred writings, and in addition for the instruction of those who were coming to him and did not give him time to breathe (for one batch of pupils after another kept frequenting from morn to night his lecture-room), he made a division of the numbers. seleeting Heraclas from among his pupils, a man who was Ζealous of divine things, and, as well, a very learned person and no tyro in philosophy, he gave him a share in the task of instruction, assigning to him the preliminary studies οf those who were just learning their elements, and reserving for himself the teaching of the experienced pupils.

XVI. Αnd so accurate was the examination that Origen brought to bear upon the divine books, that he even made a thorough study of the Ηebrew tongue, and got into his own Ρossession the original writings in the actual Ηebrew characters, which were extant among the Jews. Thus, too, he traced the editions οf the other translators οf the sacred writings besides the Seventy; and besides the beaten track of translations, that of Αquila and Symmachus and Theodotion, he discovered certain others, which were used

in turn, which, after lying hidden for a long time, he traced and brought to light, Ι know not from what recesses. With regard to these, on account of their obscurity (not knowing whose in the World they were) he merely indicated this: that the one he found at Nicopolis, near Αetium, and the other in such another ρlace. Αt any rate, in the Hexapla1 of the after the four well-known editions, he placed beside them not only a fifth but also a sixth and a seventh translation; and in the case of one of these he has indicated again that it was found at Jericho in a jar in the time of Antoninus the son of Severus. Αll these he brought together, dividing them into clauses and placing them one over against the other, together with the actual Hebrew text; and so he has left us the copies of the Hexapla, as it is called. He made a further separate arrangement of the edition Οf Aquila and Symmachus and Theodotion together with that of the Seventy, in the Tetrapla.2

XVII. Now as regards these same translators it is to be noted that Symmachus was an Ebionite. Those who belong to the heresy of the Ebionites, as it is called, affirm that the Christ was born of Joseph and Μary, and suppose Him to be a mere man, and strongly maintain that the law ought to be kept in a more strictly Jewish fashion, as also we saw somewhere from the foregoing history.3 Αnd too of Symmachus are still extant, in which, by his opposition to the Gospel according to Matthew, he seems to hold the above-mentioned heresy. These, along with other interpretations of the Scriptures by [*](the Hebrew into Greek letters, (3) Aquila, (4) symmachus, (5) Septuagint, (6) theodotion. 5 i.e. the Hexapla with columns (1) and (2) omitted. 3 iii. 27. 2)

Symmachus, Οrigen indicates that he had received from a certain Juliana, who, he says, inherited in her turn the books from Symmachus himself.

XVIII. Αt this time also Ambrose, who held the views of the heresy of Valentinus,1 was refuted truth as presented by Origen, and, as if his mind were illuminated by light, gave his adhesion to the true doctrine as taught by the Church. And many other cultured persons, since Origen's fame was noised abroad everywhere, came to him to make trial οf the man's sufficiency in the sacred books. Αnd numbers of the heretics, and not a few of the most distinguished philosophers, gave earnest heed to him, and, one might almost say, were instructed by him in secular philosophy as well as in divine things. For he used to introduce also to the study of philosophy as many as he saw were naturally gifted, imparting geometry and arithmetic and the οther preliminary subjects, and then leading them on to the systems which are found among philosophers, giving a detailed account of their treatises commenting upon and examining into each, so that the man was proclaimed as a great philosopher even among the Greeks themselves. Αnd many persons also of a more ignorant character he urged to take up the ordinary elementary studies, declaring that they would derive no small advantage from these when they came to examine and study the drvine Scriptures. For this reason he deemed especially necessary even for himself a training in secular and philosophic studies.

XIX. Νow, as witnesses also to his achievements in this direction, we have the Greek philosophers themselves who flourished in his day, in whose treatises [*](1 Α Gnostic of the 2nd century: see iv. 11. 1.)

we find frequent mention οf the man. sometimes they would dedicate their books to him, sometimes submit their οwn labours to him for judgement, as to a master. But why need one say this, when even Porphry,1 who settled in our day in Sicily, treatises against us, attempting in them to slander the sacred Scriptures, and mentioned those who had given their interpretations of them? Αnd since he could not by any means bring any base charge against our opinions, for lack of argument he turned to deride and slander their interpreters also, and among these origen especially. Ηe says that in his early manhood he had known him; and he tries to slander the man, but unknown to himself really commends him, telling the truth in some cases, where he could not speak otherwise, in οthers telling lies, where he thought he could escape detection; and at one time accusing him as a Christian, at another describing his devotion to the study οf philosophy.

But hear the very words that he uses: “Some, in their eagerness to find an explanation of the wickedness of the Jewish writings rather than give them up, had recourse to interpretations that are incompatible and do not harmonize with what has been offering not so much a defence of what was outlandish as commendation and praise of their own work. For they boast that the things said plainly by Moses are riddles, treating them as divine oracles full of hidden mysteries, and bewitching the mental judgement by their own pretentious obscurity; and so they put forward their interpretations.”

Then, after other remarks, he says: “But this [*](who composed a lengthy treatise against Christianity, which was answered by Εusebius himself. )

kind οf absurdity must be traced to a man whom I met when I was still quite young, who had a great reputation, and still holds it, because of the writings he has left behind him, I mean Oregen, whose fame has been widespread among the teachers of this kind of learning. For this man was a hearer of Ammonius,1 who had the greatest proficiency in philosophy in our day; and so far as a grasp οf knowledge was concerned he owed much to his master, but as regards the right choice in life he took the opposite road to him. For Αnnnonius was a Christian, brought up in Christian doctrine by his parents, yet, when he began to think and study philosophy, he immediately changed his way οf life conformably to the laws; but Origen, a Greek educated in Greek learning, drove headlong towards barbarian recklessness; and making straight for this he hawked himself and his literary skill about; and while his manner of life was christian and contrary to the law, in his opinions about material things and the Deity he played the Greek, and introduced Greek ideas into foreign fables. For he was always consorting with Ρlatο, and was conversant with the writings οf Numenius and Cronius, Apollophanes and Longinus and Moderatus, Nicomachus and the distinguished men among the Pythagoreans; and he used also the books of Chaeremon the Stoic and Cornutus, from whom he learnt the fingurative interpretation, as employed in the Greek mysteries, and applied it to the Jewish writings.”

These statements were made by Porphyry in the third treatise of his writings against Christians. Αnd while he tells the truth about the man's training and [*](1 Ammonius Saccas, an Αlexandrian philosopher, the teacher of Longinus and Plotinus, who is said to have died in A.D. 243.)

erudition, he cleariy lies (for what is the opponent of Christians not prepared to do ?) where he says that Origen came over from the Greeks, and that Ammonius lapsed from a godly life into paganism. For Οrigen kept safely the Christian teaching which he had from his parents, as the hitory above made clear1; and Ammonius maintained his inspired philosophy pure and unshaken right up to the very end of his life.2 To this fact the man's works witness to the present day, and the widespread fame that he owes to the writings he left behind him, as, for example, that entitled on the Harmony of Moses and Jesus, and all the other works that are to be found in the possession of lovers of literature.

Let these things be stated to prove at once the false one's calumny and Origen's great knowledge of Greek learning. With regard to such learning also he writes as follows in a certain epistle, defending himself against those who found fault with him for his zeal in that direction: “But as Ι was devoted to the word, and the fame of οur proficiency was spreading abroad, there approached me sometimes heretics, sometimes those conversant with Greek learning, and especially philosophy, and I thought it right to examine both the opinions of the heretics, and also the elaim that the philosophers make to speak concerning truth. Αnd in doing this we followed the example of Pantaenus, who, before us, was of assistance to many, and had acquired no small attainments in these matters, and also Heraclas, who now has a seat in the presbytery of the Alexandrians, whom Ι [*](1 2. 7 ff. 2 Eusebius is mistaken here. Ammonius Saccas was certainly not a Christian in Ιater life. )

und with the teacher οf philosophy, and who had emained five years with him before I began to ttend his lectures. Αnd though he formerly wore dinary dress, on his teacher's account he put it off and assumed a philosophic garb,1 which he keeps to this day, all the while studying Greek books as much as possible. ”

This, indeed, is what he wrote in defence οf his Greek training. But at this time, while he was living at Alexandria, one of the militray appeared οn the scene and delivered letters to Demetrius, the bishop οf the community, and to the then governor of the province οf Egypt, from the ruler of Αrabia, to the intent that he should send Origen with all peed for an interview with him. Ηe duly arrived in Arabia, but soon accomplished the object οf his journey thither, and returned again to Αlexandria. But after the lapse of some time no small warfare 2 broke out again in the city, and leaving Alexandria secretly he went to Ρalestine and abode at Caesarea. And although he had not yet received ordination to the presbyterate, the bishops there requested him to discourse and expound the divine Scriptures publicly the church. That this is so is clear from what lexander, the bishop οf Jerusalem, and Theotistus, the bishop of Caesarea, write with reference Demetrius. They make their defence somewhat follows : “ Αnd he added to his letter that such a ing had never been heard οf, nor taken plaee itherto, that laymen should preach in the presence f bishops ; though I do not know how he comes to [*](1 The reference is to the distinctive mantle of the Greek philosophers, called in Latin pallium. Cf. iv. 11. 8 2 This was no doubt the massacre οf the inhbitants of Alexandria by Caracalla in Α. D. 215. )

say what is evidently not true. For instance, where ere are found persons suited to help the brethren, ey also are invited to preach to the people by the οly bishops, as, for example, in Laranda Εuelpis by eon, and in Iconium Paulinus by Celsus, and in ynnada Theodore by Αttieus, our brother ishops. Αnd it is likely that this thing happens in ther places also without οur knowing it. ”

In this way honour was paid to the man of whom we are speaking, while he was still young, not only y his fellow-countrymen but also by the bishops in a foreign land. But since Demetrius once again ecalled him by letter, and by men who were deacons f the Church urged him to come back with speed Alexandria, he retumed and continued to labour ith his accustomed zeal.