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                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:base="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><body xml:lang="eng" n="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><div type="textpart" subtype="alphabetic_letter" n="Z"><div type="textpart" subtype="entry" xml:id="zenon-bio-5" n="zenon_5"><head><persName xml:lang="la" xml:id="tlg-0635"><surname full="yes">Zenon</surname></persName></head><p>(<label xml:lang="grc">Ζήνων</label>), philosophers.</p><p>1. Of <hi rend="smallcaps">CITIUM</hi>, a city in the island of Cyprus, founded by
      Phoenician settlers. He was the son of Mnaseas. Some authorities assign other names to his
      father, but with less probability (<bibl n="D. L. 7.1">D. L. 7.1</bibl>, ib. Menag.). He is
      said to have been early won over to the pursuit of philosophy through books of the Socratics,
      which his father was accustomed to bring back from Athens when he went thither on trading
      voyages; and to have devoted himself to it entirely when (through the direction of an oracle,
      as is said) at the age of 22, or, according to others, 30 years, having been shipwrecked in
      the neighbourhood of Peiraeeus, he was led to settle in Athens (<hi rend="ital">ibid. 2, 4, 5,
       28</hi>). Whether he lost all his property in the shipwreck (Seneca, <hi rend="ital">de
       Tranqu. Animi,</hi> 100.14; Plut. <hi rend="ital">de cap. ex host. Utilitate,</hi> p. 87a),
      or, what is considerably less likely, remained in possession of a fabulous fortune of 1000
      talents (<bibl n="D. L. 7.13">D. L. 7.13</bibl>, comp.15, 22, 5), his moderation and
      contentment had become proverbial (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Ζήνωνος
       ἐγκρατέστερος</foreign>, <bibl n="D. L. 27">D. L. 27</bibl>, &amp;c., comp. 26, 13, 16;
      Suid. <hi rend="ital">s. v.</hi>), and an admiring recognition of his virtues shines through
      even the ridicule of the comic poets (Philemon, Posidippus, &amp;c.; <bibl n="D. L. 7.27">D.
       L. 7.27</bibl>, &amp;c.; <bibl n="Clem. Al. Strom. ii. p. 413">Clem. Al. Strom. ii. p.
       413</bibl>). Though weakness of body is said to have first determined him to live rigorously
      and simply (<bibl n="D. L. 7.1">D. L. 7.1</bibl>; Antig. Caryst. apud <hi rend="ital">Athen.</hi> 12.2), and harden himself (<bibl n="D. L. 26">D. L. 26</bibl>, &amp;c.), yet an
      inclination for being independent of want seems already at an early period to have come in as
      an additional motive, and to have led him to the cynic Crates, to whom, however, he could only
      attach himself with a twofold reservation; for he could not adopt either the contempt for
      established usages which characterised their mode of life, nor their scorn of free and
      comprehensive knowledge (<hi rend="ital">Ibid. 3, 17, 22</hi>). Yet he seems to have been
      still entirely under their influence when he wrote his <title xml:lang="grc">Πολιτεία</title> (<hi rend="ital">Ibid. 4 ;</hi> comp. Plut. <hi rend="ital">de Alex.
       fortit.</hi> 1.6). When it was that, against the dissuasion of Crates, he betook himself to
      the Megaric Stilpo (<bibl n="D. L. 7.24.2">D. L. 7.24. 2</bibl>), we do not learn; and equally
      scanty are the accounts which we have respecting his intercourse with the two other
      contemporary Megarics, Diodorus Cronus and Philon (<hi rend="ital">ibid. 16, 25, 15, 16</hi>)
      on the one hand, and with the Academics, Xenocrates and Polemon (<hi rend="ital">ibid. 2,
       35,</hi> comp. Solid. <hi rend="ital">s. v.</hi>) on the other. Only from the logic of the
      Stoics we see that in this branch of science they approached considerably nearer to the
      Megarics than to the Academics. The period which Zenon thus devoted to study is extended by
      one unauthenticated statement to twenty years. (<bibl n="D. L. 7.4">D. L. 7.4</bibl>, comp.
      2.) At its close, and after he had developed his peculiar philosophical system, to which he
      must already have gained over some disciples, he opened his school in the porch adorned with
      the paintings of Polygnotus (Stoa Poicile), which, at an earlier time, had been a place in
      which poets met (Eratosthenes in <bibl n="D. L. 7.5">D. L. 7.5</bibl>). From it his disciples
      were called <hi rend="ital">Stoics,</hi> a name which had before been applied to the
      above-mentioned poets, and by which also the grammarians who assembled there probably at a
      later time were known. Previously his disciples were called Zenonians. Among the warm admirers
      of Zenon was king Antigonus Gonatas of Macedonia : for although the correspondence between the
      two, professing to have <pb n="1314"/> reference to an invitation of the king, which Zenon
      declined (<bibl n="D. L. 7.7">D. L. 7.7</bibl>, &amp;c.), is unmistakeably the invention of a
      later rhetorician (see Aldobrandinus on the above passage), it is well established that a
      close intimacy subsisted between them, kept up through Persaeus and Philonides, disciples of
      the philosopher, and companions of the king (<hi rend="ital">Ibid. 9. 6, 13-15, 36 ;</hi>
      Arrian, <hi rend="ital">Epict.</hi> 3.13 ; Simplic. <hi rend="ital">in Epiclet. Enchir.</hi>
      100.51; Aelian, <bibl n="Ael. VH 9.26">Ael. VH 9.26</bibl>). Zenon is also said to have
      attracted the attention of the Egyptian Ptolemaeus (<bibl n="D. L. 7.24">D. L. 7.24</bibl>; in
      Stobaeus, <hi rend="ital">Serm.</hi> xxxi. however, with reference to the same story,
      ambassadors of Antigonus are spoken of). Much more honourable, however, is the confidence and
      esteem which the Athenians showed towards him, stranger as he was; for although the well-known
      story that they deposited the keys of the fortress with him, as the most trustworthy man
       (<bibl n="D. L. 6">D. L. 6</bibl>), may be a later invention, there seems no reason for
      doubting the authenticity of the decree of the people by which a golden crown and a public
      burial in the Cerameicus were awarded to him, because, during his long residence in Athens, by
      his doctrines and his life spent in accordance with them, he had conducted the young men who
      attached themselves to him along the path of virtue and discretion (<bibl n="D. L. 10">D. L.
       10</bibl>, &amp;c., 6, 15). The Athenian citizenship, however, he is said to have declined,
      that he might not become unfaithful to his native land (Plut. <hi rend="ital">de Stoicor.
       repugn.</hi> p. 1034a; comp. <bibl n="D. L. 12">D. L. 12</bibl>), where in return he was
      highly esteemed (<hi rend="ital">Ibid. 6</hi>). For the rest, we have preserved some not very
      characteristic traits from his life, in part from the works of the elder Stoics, as Persaeus,
      Cleanthes, and Chrysippus (<hi rend="ital">Ibid. 1, 15</hi>). From them we see that he was of
      an earnest, if not gloomy disposition (<hi rend="ital">Ibid. 16,</hi> comp. 26; Sidon.
      Apollinaris, <hi rend="ital">Epist.</hi> 9.9); that he loved to withdraw himself from the
      great crowd, and to walk about with only two or three (<bibl n="D. L. 14">D. L. 14</bibl>) ;
      that he was fond of burying himself in investigations (<hi rend="ital">ibid. 15</hi>), had a
      dislike to prolix and elaborate speeches (<hi rend="ital">ibid. 18, 22 ;</hi> Stob. <hi rend="ital">Serm.</hi> xxxiv.), and was clever and ready at short telling answers. (<bibl n="D. L. 19">D. L. 19</bibl>, &amp;c., 23, &amp;c. <hi rend="ital">ibid.</hi> Menag.)</p><p>We are not able to ascertain with certainty either the year of Zenon's birth, or that of his
      death, and cannot regard as accurate the statements that he came to Athens at the age of 22 or
      even 30 years, that he pursued his philosophical studies for 20 years, and presided over his
      school for 58 years (<bibl n="D. L. 28">D. L. 28</bibl>), even though we should prefer the
      statement that he reached the age of 98 (<hi rend="ital">ibid.</hi>), to that of his disciple
      Persaeus, according to which he was only 72 years old when he died. He is said to have been
      still alive in the 130th Olympiad (<hi rend="ital">ibid. 6</hi>), and this is certainly in
      accordance with the statements which make him a disciple of Polemon, who became president of
      the Academic school in Ol. 116. 2, and also with what we are told about his intercourse with
      Antigonus Gonatas, who came to the throne in Ol. 124, and with Arcesilas (<bibl n="Cic. Ac. 34">Cic. Ac. 1.9</bibl>, <bibl n="Cic. Ac. 13">13</bibl>, <bibl n="Cic. Ac. 2.24">2.24</bibl>).</p><div><head>Works</head><div><head>Works mentioned by Diogenes Laertius</head><p>Of his writings for the most part only the titles are quoted (<bibl n="D. L. 4">D. L.
         4</bibl>). The enumeration that we possess can hardly be complete, yet it shows us to some
        extent to what objects his investigations were chiefly directed. We have mention of works: <list type="simple"><item>upon the ethic of Crates (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Κράτητος ἠθικά</foreign>), on
          the lifer spent according to nature (<foreign xml:lang="grc">περὶ τοῦ κατὰ φύσιν
           βίου</foreign>); on impulse, on the nature of man (<foreign xml:lang="grc">περὶ
           ὁρμῆς ἢ περὶ ἀνθρώπου φύσεως</foreign>, comp. 87 )</item><item>on the affections (<foreign xml:lang="grc">περὶ παθῶν</foreign>, comp. 110); on
          the fitting (<foreign xml:lang="grc">περὶ τοῦ καθήκοντος</foreign>)</item><item>on law (<foreign xml:lang="grc">περὶ νόμου</foreign>), besides the Politeia
          mentioned above</item><item>on Grecian education (<foreign xml:lang="grc">περὶ Ἑλληνικῆς
           παιδείας</foreign>) ; the art of love (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐρωτικὴ
           τέχνη</foreign>).</item></list></p><p>Of writings relating to physics we find mentioned: <list type="simple"><item>one on the universe (<foreign xml:lang="grc">περὶ τοῦ ὅλου</foreign>, comp.
          142, 43, 45)</item><item>on essence (<foreign xml:lang="grc">περὶ οὐσίας</foreign>, 134)</item><item>on signs (<foreign xml:lang="grc">περὶ σημείων</foreign>)</item><item>on the sight (<foreign xml:lang="grc">περὶ ὄψεως</foreign>).</item></list></p><p>The contents of the following seem to have been of a logical kind : <list type="simple"><item>on the idea (<foreign xml:lang="grc">περὶ τοῦ λόγου</foreign>, 39, 40)</item><item>treatises (<foreign xml:lang="grc">διατριβαί</foreign>, 134)</item><item>on verbal expression (<foreign xml:lang="grc">περὶ λεξεως</foreign>)</item><item>Solutions (<foreign xml:lang="grc">λύσεις</foreign>)</item><item>Refutations (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἔλεγχοι</foreign>)</item></list></p><p>Besides these there are attributed to him works: <list type="simple"><item>on Poetry (<foreign xml:lang="grc">περὶ ποιητικῆς ἀκροάσεως</foreign>)</item><item>Homeric Problems (<foreign xml:lang="grc">προβλημάτων Ὁμηρικῶν
          πέντε</foreign>, comp. <bibl n="D. L. 8.48">D. L. 8.48</bibl>)</item><item>a work entitled <title xml:lang="grc">καθολικά</title></item><item>Commentaries (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἀπομνημονεύματα</foreign>)</item><item>on the Pythagorean doctrines (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Πυθαγορικά</foreign>)</item></list></p></div></div><div><head>Philosophical Thought</head><p>The writings of Chrysippus and later Stoics seem to have obscured those of Zenon, and even
       the warm adherents of the school seem seldom to have gone back to the books of the latter,
       still less the authorities yet remaining to us. They give, and often confusedly enough,
       sketches of the Stoic system, but it is only as special occasions present themselves that
       they notice what belongs to the several framers of the system, and in what they differed from
       each other, and from the later Stoics. Consequently we can only determine in the general, and
       often merely by conjecture, how far Zenon himself had conducted the doctrine, and still less
       how he gradually arrived at the outlines of it. At first he appears to have attached himself
       to the Cynics. This is confirmed not only by the above-mentioned authorities, but by the
       little that has been preserved out of or respecting his Politeia (<bibl n="D. L. 7.32">D. L.
        7.32</bibl>, <bibl n="D. L. 7.121">121</bibl>, <bibl n="D. L. 7.129">129</bibl>; Theodoret.
        <hi rend="ital">Gr. Aff. cur.</hi> iii. p. 780; Plutarch in the above-quoted passages); and
       it is not unlikely that it was there that he gave occasion to the assertion of the later
       Stoa, that Cynism was the near way to virtue (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐ͂ναι τὸν
        Κυνισμὸν σύντομον ἐπ̓ ἀρετὴν ὁδόν</foreign>. <bibl n="D. L. 121">D. L. 121</bibl>,
        <hi rend="ital">ibid.</hi> Menag.). In his treatises (<foreign xml:lang="grc">διατριβαὶ</foreign>) also there must still have been a good deal of Cynism. (Sext. Emp.
        <hi rend="ital">ad v. Math.</hi> 11.191 ; <hi rend="ital">Hypot.</hi> 3.245, comp. 205.)</p><p>The need of a foundation and completion of ethic by means of logic and physic, led Zenon to
       approximate to the Academics, and in some degree also to Aristotle. The threefold division of
       philosophy he had explained in his treatise on the Idea, and had anticipated the succession
       which was adopted also by Chrysippus and others,-- Logic, Physic, Ethic (<bibl n="D. L. 39">D. L. 39</bibl>, &amp;c.). But he is certainly not the originator of the comprehensive
       schematism in which we find the logic and physic of the Stoics treated (<hi rend="ital">Ibid.
        84</hi>). In his treatment of logic, he was even behind his predecessors (Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Fin.</hi> 4.4). His short and narrow conclusions needed a more explicit
       foundation to be able to withstand the objections of the Academics in particular (Id. <hi rend="ital">de Nat. Deor.</hi> 2.7). To show the necessity of a scientific treatment of
       logic, he urged that the wise man must know how to avoid deception (Id. <hi rend="ital">Acad.</hi> 2.20). Without doubt he referred our cognitions to impressions, and these to
       affections of the soul (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἑτεροιώσεις τῆς ψυχῆς</foreign>, <pb n="1315"/> Sext. Emp. <hi rend="ital">ad v. Math.</hi> 7.228, 230, 236), more exact
       definitions of which were attempted by Cleanthes, Chrysippus, and others, who deviated the
       one from the other, showing clearly that none such had been established by Zenon. In like
       manner the division of conceptions, or representations (<foreign xml:lang="grc">φαντασίαι</foreign>) into such as were credible (<foreign xml:lang="grc">πιθαναί</foreign>), incredible (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀπίθανοι</foreign>), at once
       credible and not credible, and such as were neither credible nor incredible; and further into
       true and false, &amp;c., may very likely have been made by Zenon (<hi rend="ital">Ibid.
        242,</hi> &amp;c.). It lay at the basis of the subdivision of true conceptions into
       comprehensible (<foreign xml:lang="grc">καταληπτυξαί</foreign>), <hi rend="ital">i.
        e.</hi> demonstrable, and incomprehensible, which is referred to Zenon. (<bibl n="Cic. Luc. 16">Cic. Ac. 2.6</bibl>, <bibl n="Cic. Luc. 24">24</bibl>.) But here also the
       more exact definitions are to be ascribed to the later Stoa (Sex. Emp. <hi rend="ital">ad v.
        Math.</hi> 7.253). On the other hand Zenon had reserved for the free-will the power of
       assent (<foreign xml:lang="grc">συγκατάθεσις</foreign>) in distinguishing between the
       impressions communicated to the senses (<bibl n="Cic. Ac. 39">Cic. Ac. 1.11</bibl>), and
       distinguished the following stages : representation, cognition, assent, knowledge, exhibiting
       their relation to each other by the well-known illustration of the flat-extended hand, and
       the gradual clenching of the fist (<bibl n="Cic. Luc. 11">Cic. Ac. 2.4</bibl>, <bibl n="Cic. Luc. 1.11">1.11</bibl>). As the ultimate criterion of truth Zenon assumed right
       reason (<bibl n="D. L. 7.54">D. L. 7.54</bibl>, <hi rend="ital">ibid.</hi> Interp.), which
       Chrysippus and others, in turn, endeavoured to separate into its constituent parts.</p><p>Zenon seems to have had no share, or but very little, in the developement of the Stoic
       doctrine respecting the categories, conclusions, the parts of speech and rhetoric. The last
       could have been regarded by him only as an amplification of dialectic, according to the
       comparison referred to by Cicero (<hi rend="ital">Orator. 32</hi>), and could hardly have
       appeared to him to need a separate scientific treatment. (Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Fin.</hi>
       4.3.)</p><p>It seems that at the lead of his Physic stood the proposition that every thing which
       operates, as well as every thing operated upon, is corporeal, and consequently that the
       actual is limited to that (<bibl n="Cic. Ac. 39">Cic. Ac. 1.11</bibl>). He called the
       substance, that is to say the basis of every thing existent, that primary matter which
       neither increases nor diminishes itself (Stob. <hi rend="ital">Ed. Eth.</hi> p. 90; <bibl n="D. L. 7.150">D. L. 7.150</bibl>). This was in his view the intercommingling of matter, in
       itself passive and void of quality (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἄποιος ὕλη</foreign>), and
       of operative power, that is of the deity (<bibl n="D. L. 7.134">D. L. 7.134</bibl>; Cic. <hi rend="ital">l.c. ;</hi> Senec. <hi rend="ital">Epist.</hi> 65). He saw this operative power
       in fire (<bibl n="Cic. Ac. 39">Cic. Ac. 1.11</bibl>), or aether (<hi rend="ital">ibid.</hi>
       2.41), as the basis of all vital activity (Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Nat. Deor.</hi> 2.9,
       3.14), and in this way was led to go back to the doctrine of Heracleitus. Attaching his views
       to that doctrine, lie taught that the universe comes into being when from fire, or through
       it, the primary substance passing through the intermediate stage of air, becomes liquefied,
       and then the thick portion becomes earth, the rarer portion air, and lastly again becomes
       rarified into fire (<bibl n="D. L. 7.142">D. L. 7.142</bibl>, comp. 136; Stob. <hi rend="ital">Ecl. Phys.</hi> p. 320). Zenon also appropriated to himself the Heracleitean
       doctrine of the periodic alternation of the formation and annihilation of the universe (Stob.
        <hi rend="ital">Ecl. Phys.</hi> i. p. 414). The more exact definition of the doctrine in
       this instance also belongs to his successors, as Chrysippus, Poseidonius, &amp;c. The active
       or artizan-fire (<foreign xml:lang="grc">τεχνικὸν πῦρ</foreign>, Cic. <hi rend="ital">de
        Nat. Deor.</hi> 2.22, comp. <bibl n="D. L. 7.156">D. L. 7.156</bibl>) must in his view have
       been identical with the deity ; but what Heracleitus tacitly pre-supposed, that it partakes
       of the world-consciousness, Zenon endeavoured to define more exactly, and to prove,
       substituting for the universe-ensouling power the universe itself, that is, the substance of
       it, or the deity, and attributing reason to it, inasmuch as on the one hand the rational
        (<foreign xml:lang="grc">λογικόν</foreign>) is better than the irrational, and on the
       other, that which is found in the parts must belong to the whole (Sext. Emp. <hi rend="ital">ad v. Math.</hi> 9.104, 101; Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Nat. Deor.</hi> 2.8). In this
       universe-fashioning fire there must dwell not merely a concomitant consciousness, but a
       foreseeing one (Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Nat. Deor.</hi> 2.22), that is, the eternal deity
       extended throughout the whole universe, must produce (<foreign xml:lang="grc">δημιουργεῖν</foreign>, <bibl n="D. L. 7.134">D. L. 7.134</bibl>, <bibl n="D. L. 7.136">136</bibl>) every thing. The doubt of Ariston, whether God could be a being possessed of
       life (Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Nat. Deor.</hi> 1.14) seems to have been directed against
       Zenon's further definitions, which have not come down to us. Again, Zenon defined the deity
       as that law of nature which ever accomplishes what is right, and prevents the opposite (Cic.
        <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi>), as the energy which moves itself and operates according to the
       laws of impregnation (<foreign xml:lang="grc">λόγοι σπερματικοί</foreign>, <bibl n="D. L. 7.148">D. L. 7.148</bibl>; Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Nat. Deor.</hi> 2.39), and
       identified it, or Zeus, with spirit and predestination, or unconditioned necessity (<bibl n="Stob. Ecl. Phys. 1.178">Stob. Ecl. Phys. 1.178</bibl>; <bibl n="D. L. 7.88">D. L.
        7.88</bibl>, <bibl n="D. L. 7.148">148</bibl>, &amp;c., 156), without detriment to the
       foresight and free self-determination attributed to it (Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Nat.
        Deor.</hi> 2.22). He seems to have endeavoured to refer the different chief deities of the
       Greek mythology to the different fundamental modes of manifestation of the single divine
       primary power (<hi rend="ital">Ibid.</hi> 1.14, comp. <bibl n="D. L. 7.147">D. L.
        7.147</bibl>, <bibl n="D. L. 7.149">149</bibl>). He must have regarded individual souls as
       being what the world-soul was; as of the nature of fire, or as warm breath (<foreign xml:lang="grc">πνεῦμα ἔνθερμον</foreign>, Cic. <hi rend="ital">Tusc.</hi> 1.9, <hi rend="ital">de Nat. Deor.</hi> 3.14, comp. Plut. <hi rend="ital">de ph. pl. Decret.</hi>
       4.3; <bibl n="D. L. 7.156">D. L. 7.156</bibl>), and therefore as perishable (Diog. Laert. <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi>). The threefold division of the soul attributed to him (Tertullian.
        <hi rend="ital">de Anima,</hi> 100.14) is obscure, if not dubious. But however he may have
       divided it, he must have referred its different activities to one and the same fundamental
       power (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἡγημονικόν</foreign>, Sext. Emp. <hi rend="ital">ad v.
        Math.</hi> 9.102; comp. <bibl n="Euseb. Praep. Ev. 15.20">Euseb. Praep. Ev.
       15.20</bibl>).</p><p>Zenon, coinciding with the Cynics, and with equal stringency, recognised in the most
       decided manner the unconditional nature of moral obligations, and that only that which
       answers to them is valuable in itself; but departed from them partly in the deduction and
       definition of them, partly and chiefly in this, that by paving the way for the separation of
       the form and the purport or objects of our actions, he undertook, with reference to the
       domain of the (so-called) <hi rend="ital">indifferent,</hi> to demonstrate a relative value
       in that which accords with natural impulses, and so to oppose the harsh contempt of the
       Cynics for custom, without however allowing that the gratification of mere natural wants, and
       the external good things which serve that end, have any value in themselves. In order to
       bring forward prominently the unconditional value of the moral (Stob. <hi rend="ital">Ecl.
        Eth.</hi> p. 154) he termed it, following the example of the Eretrio-Megaric school, the
       single, sole and simple good (<bibl n="Cic. Ac. 36">Cic. Ac. 1.16. 2</bibl>) which, for that
       very reason, is that which alone should be striven after and praised for itself (Cic. <pb n="1316"/>
       <hi rend="ital">de Fin.</hi> 3.6. 8; comp. <bibl n="D. L. 7.100">D. L. 7.100</bibl>,
       &amp;c.), with the attainment of which, consequently, happiness must be coincident (Stob. <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi> p. 138). This he described as perfect unanimity of life (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ὁμολοθουμένως ζῆν</foreign>, Stob. <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi> p. 132,
       134; Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Fin. l.c.</hi>), which in its turn should manifest itself as the
       unhindered flow of life (<foreign xml:lang="grc">εὔροια τοῦ βίου</foreign>, Stob. <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi> p. 138; <bibl n="D. L. 7.88">D. L. 7.88</bibl>; Sext. Emp. <hi rend="ital">Hypot.</hi> 3.172). Unanimity of life however can only be attained (so Zenon
       already appears to have added in discussing the point, see <bibl n="D. L. 7.87">D. L.
        7.87</bibl>, &amp;c.), in proportion as it in its turn is in complete harmony with the rest
       of nature. The further development and more exact definition of this subject however belongs
       to Cleanthes,Chrysippus, and other successors of Zenon (<bibl n="D. L. 7.89">D. L.
        7.89</bibl>, &amp;c.). Perfect unanimity of life however can only be achieved through the
       unrestricted dominion of right reason, that is, by our reason not only ruling unconditionally
       over our other energies and circumstances, but also coinciding with the universal reason--the
       reason which governs nature. This last is, in other words, the source of moral law, of that
       which forbids as well as that which commands (Stob. <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi> p. 104; comp.
       Plut. <hi rend="ital">Stoic. Rep.</hi> p. 1037).</p><p>Since then that unvarying unanimity or consistency of soul, out of which morally good
       volitions and actions spring, is virtue (Stob. <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi> p. 104 Cic. <hi rend="ital">Tusc.</hi> 4.15), true good can only consist in virtue (Stob. p. 90; <bibl n="D. L. 7.102">D. L. 7.102</bibl>, <bibl n="D. L. 7.127">127</bibl>), and this being
       self-sufficient, can need no external good circumstances (<bibl n="D. L. 7.104">D. L.
        7.104</bibl>; Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Fin.</hi> 3.10; Sen. <hi rend="ital">Epist. 9 ;</hi>
       Plut. <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi>). That, to the accomplishment or attainment of which virtue
       is directed, has no value in itself, but on the contrary derives value only from its being
       willed and accomplished morally (Stob. <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi> p. 94). And it was just at
       this point that Zenon felt himself constrained to deviate from the Cynics. He could not admit
       that things indifferent in themselves are without any value for us. On the contrary, he
       endeavored to point out differences which fixed the measure of their relative value. They
       have this, according to him, in proportion as they correspond to the original natural
       instinct of self-preservation (<bibl n="D. L. 7.85">D. L. 7.85</bibl>; Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Fin.</hi> 3.5, 15, 4.10, 5.9, <hi rend="ital">Acad.</hi> 1.16). What corresponds to that
       is justly preferred (is a <foreign xml:lang="grc">προηγμένον</foreign>), has a certain
       worth (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ὰξία</foreign>, Stob. <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi> p. 144.
       &amp;100.156 ; comp. <bibl n="D. L. 7.105">D. L. 7.105</bibl>), and admits of being shown to
       be such, that is, of having a foundation for it established (<bibl n="Cic. Ac. 35">Cic. Ac.
        1.10</bibl>, &amp;c.; Stob. <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi> p. 158; <bibl n="D. L. 7.108">D. L.
        7.108</bibl>). But because every thing which conduces to self preservation, like
       self-preservation itself, has only a conditional (relative) value, it cannot be a constituent
       element of happiness; the latter depends merely upon moral volition and action (Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Fin.</hi> 3.13). That which is to be preferred is an <hi rend="ital">appropriate</hi> thing (<foreign xml:lang="grc">καθῆκον</foreign>), a designation which
       Zenon first introduced (Diog. Laert. <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi>), and shows itself to be such
       by its rational foundation (<foreign xml:lang="grc">εὔλογον</foreign>, Diog. Laert. and
       Stob. <hi rend="ital">ll. cc.</hi>). The <hi rend="ital">appropriate,</hi> however, and its
       foundation, are perfect only when the latter is unconditional, that is,corresponds to
       unconditional requirements (a <foreign xml:lang="grc">κατόρθωμα</foreign>, Stob. p. 158;
       Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Fin.</hi> 3.7, 9, 14, 17, <hi rend="ital">de Off.</hi> 1.3). So long
       as an action can merely be justified as fit, it is a middling (<foreign xml:lang="grc">μέσον</foreign>) action, and has no real moral value, even though it should perfectly
       coincide with a truly moral action in reference to its object or purport. (Stob. p. 158; Cic.
        <hi rend="ital">de Fin. l.c.</hi>) It is not without reason that the germ of the distinction
       between legality and morality has been traced in this Stoic separation of the <foreign xml:lang="grc">καθῆκον</foreign> and <foreign xml:lang="grc">κατόρθωμα</foreign>.
       Hence, just as morality, or virtue, can only subsist in conjunction with the perfect dominion
       of reason, so vice can consist only in the renunciation of the authority of right reason, and
       virtue is absolutely -- without any accommodation -- opposed to vice (Cic. <hi rend="ital">Tusc.</hi> 4.13, <hi rend="ital">Acad.</hi> 1.10, <hi rend="ital">de Fin.</hi> 3.21. 4.9,
        <hi rend="ital">Parad.</hi> 3.1; <bibl n="D. L. 7.127">D. L. 7.127</bibl>; Stob. p. 104,
       116); nay, virtue and vice cannot subsist side by side in one and the same subject, can admit
       of no increase and decrease (Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Fin.</hi> 3.14, &amp;c.), and no one
       moral action can be more virtuous than another (Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Fin.</hi> 3.14; Sext.
       Emp. <hi rend="ital">ad v. Math.</hi> 7.422). All actions however are to be reckoned in, that
       is, all are either good or bad, since even impulses and desires rest upon free consent (Stob.
       p. 162, 164; Cic. <hi rend="ital">Tusc.</hi> 4.9, <hi rend="ital">Acad.</hi> 1.10), and
       consequently even passive conditions or affections, which, because withdrawn from the
       dominion of reason, are immoral (<bibl n="D. L. 7.110">D. L. 7.110</bibl>; Stob. p. 166; Cic.
        <hi rend="ital">Tusc.</hi> 4.6. 14), nay, more, they are the source of immoral actions
       (Stob. p. 170, &amp;c. ; Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Fin.</hi> 4.38; Plut. <hi rend="ital">de
        Virt. mor.</hi> p. 393). Zenon, therefore, had already especially concerned himself with the
       more exact definition of the affections, and had composed a separate treatise on them, as has
       been above remarked. To him belongs the fourfold division of them. He referred them to
       present (<foreign xml:lang="grc">πρόσφατον</foreign>), and therefore operative errors
       (false assumptions) respecting the good and the bad (Cic. <hi rend="ital">Tusc.</hi> 3.3;
       Stob. p. 170). They must be rooted out, and not merely set aside (Cic. <hi rend="ital">Tusc.</hi> 4.18, &amp;c.), and their place must be occupied by corresponding movements of
       the reason. As he was the originator of the fourfold division of the affections (desire and
       fear, pleasure and pain : <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐπιθυμία</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="grc">φόβος</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἡδονὴ</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="grc">λύπη</foreign>; Cic. <hi rend="ital">Tusc.</hi> 4.6; Stob. p. 166,
       &amp;c.; <bibl n="D. L. 7.110">D. L. 7.110</bibl>), so in all probability he also
       distinguished the three emotions which are according to reason (<foreign xml:lang="grc">βούλησις</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="grc">χάρα</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="grc">εὐλαβεία</foreign>,) and assumed that pain, because it is merely passive, cannot be
       transformed into a corresponding rational emotion. In like manner to him probably, in what is
       essential, belong the definitions of the four virtues, as well as the assertions,
       subsequently repeated to satiety, respecting the perfections of the wise man. How far he
       carried these out, and whether, or how far he conducted the further sub-division of the four
       virtues, we are not able to determine.</p><p>Polemon is said already to have given utterance to the suspicion that Zenon intended to
       purloin other people's doctrines in order to appropriate them to himself in a new dress
        (<bibl n="D. L. 7.25">D. L. 7.25</bibl>). At a later time he was frequently charged with
       having been the inventor not so much of new things, as of new words (Cic. <hi rend="ital">de
        Fin.</hi> 3.2, 4.2, &amp;c., <hi rend="ital">Tusc.</hi> 5.12), and already Chrysippus had
       endeavoured to defend him against such charges (<bibl n="D. L. 7.122">D. L. 7.122</bibl>).
       But though those charges may in part have been unjust, yet even the acuteness of Chrysippus
       and others was not able to develop out of the doctrines of Zenon an organically constructed
       system, growing out of one fundamental idea, such as we find in Plato and Aristotle. Logic
       and physic always continued mere supplements of ethic, connected with it rather externally
       than internally; and the system of the <pb n="1317"/> Stoa, though for centuries it banded
       together around it the noblest spirits, to struggle against the moral corruption of the age,
       had not proceeded from a full and unrestricted love of wisdom, but from the impulse after a
       completely satisfactory mode of life. It no longer formed a member of the ever rising series
       of development of the philosophising spirit of the Greeks, but rather already belonged to the
       descending series.</p></div></div></div></body></text></TEI>
                </passage>
            </reply>
            </GetPassage>