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                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:base="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><body xml:lang="eng" n="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><div type="textpart" subtype="alphabetic_letter" n="T"><div type="textpart" subtype="entry" xml:id="theodoretus-bio-2" n="theodoretus_2"><head><persName xml:lang="la" xml:id="tlg-4089"><surname full="yes">Theodore'tus</surname></persName></head><p>(<persName xml:lang="grc"><surname full="yes">Θεοδώρητος</surname></persName>), or, as the name is
      sometimes written, both in ancient MSS. and in modern works, <hi rend="smallcaps">THEODORITUS</hi>, -- though the former is undoubtedly the more correct orthography, -- was
      one of the most eminent ecclesiastics of the fifth century; confessedly surpassing all his
      contemporaries in learning, and inferior to none of them in piety; while, in his public
      conduct, he stands conspicuous and almost alone, as a calm and moderate champion of freedom of
      opinion in religious matters, in an age when the orthodox and the heretics vied with one
      another in the bitterest intolerance and rancour. The one blot of moral weakness on the
      character of Theodoret is by no means so dark as some have represented, and, at all events,
      may be greatly extenuated, without unfairness. And yet, but for that one fault, his name would
      have come down to us consigned to the list of heretics, by men, such as Cyril and Dioscorus,
      to whose spirit, it is no small praise to Theodoret <pb n="1038"/> to say, his conduct
      displays the most marked contrast.</p><p>Theodoret was born at Antioch towards the end of the fourth century of our era. The exact
      year of his birth is uncertain : from a minute examination of the fragments of evidence, which
      are supplied chiefly by his own works, Garnier has fixed it at <date when-custom="386">A. D.
       386</date>; and Tillemont, with greater probability, at <date when-custom="393">A. D. 393</date>.
      (See their works, quoted at the end of this article.) Theodoret himself, who was naturally
      infected with the credulity, which was universal in his age,--for even the sceptics of the
      time were grossly credulous in some matters,--has related various marvels which attended his
      birth, as well as subsequent passages of his life. His parents were persons of good condition
      in life, and of distinguished piety; and his mother, especially, had the most profound respect
      for the hermits or ascetics, one of whom had healed her of a disease of the eyes by means of
      the sign of the cross, and had also convinced her of the sinfulness of worldly pomp and
      luxury. After thirteen years of sterile wedlock, during which the prayers of several of these
      pious men had been offered on her behalf in vain, one of them named Macedonius at length
      announced that a son should be granted to her, but upon the condition that he should be
      consecrated to the service of God. It was not, however, till three years afterwards that the
      child was born, and named <foreign xml:lang="grc">Θεοδώρητος</foreign>, as being a special
      gift of God. As the period of his birth approached, the holy man who had predicted it kept
      continually in his mother's recollection the condition attached to the gift, of which too he
      frequently reminded Theodoret himself in after years. The record of these circumstances, which
      are only a specimen of the wonders he relates, is important, on account of the influence which
      the belief of them exercised on the mind of Theodoret.</p><p>He was brought up, and instructed in religion, by his mother, with a care suited to his
      peculiar position, and which he often mentions with gratitude. At a very early age (scarcely
      seven years, according to an inference drawn front his 81st epistle) he was sent for his
      education to a celebrated monastery near Antioch, presided over by Euprepius ; and there he
      remained for twenty years (<hi rend="ital">Ep. 81</hi>), until he left it to take charge of
      his diocese. He had for his instructors some of the most eminent ministers of the Eastern
      Church. He himself names Diodorus of Tarsus and Theodorus of Mopsuestia as his teachers; but,
      as the former died before the end of the fourth century, he can scarcely have instructed
      Theodoret, except through his writings. Still less can we take literally the statement of
      Nicephorus (<hi rend="ital">H. E.</hi> 14.54), that Theodoret was a disciple of Chrysostom,
      which can only mean (and in this sense it deserves notice) that the writings of Chrysostom
      were studied by Theodoret as a model for his own exegetical works. Of his actual teachers, it
      appears that the chief was Theodore of Mopsuestia, whose memory and works he constantly
      defended from the charge of heterodoxy. The use which Theodoret made of those twenty-five
      years of study and retirement appears in the fruit which they bore at a later period, in his
      profoundly learned writings. During his residence in the monastery he was appointed, first a
      reader, and then a deacon, in the Church of Antioch, by the patriarchs Porphyry and Alexander
      ; and, in the latter office, he seems to have obtained considerable reputation by his sermons
      against the Arians, Macedonians, and especially the Apollinarists, who were the most
      formidable, by their numbers, among the heretics in the diocese. This matter is not very
      certain; but it is clear that he must in some way have obtained a public reputation, to
      account for his appointment to the episcopate by Theodotus, the successor of Alexander in the
      see of Antioch.</p><p>It was in <date when-custom="420">A. D. 420</date> or 423, according to different computations
      from his own writings (<hi rend="ital">Epist. 81, 113, 116</hi>), that he left his monastery
      to succeed Isidorus as bishop of Cyrus, or Cyrrhus, a small and poor city near the Euphrates,
      about two days' journey from Antioch; which was, however, the capital of a district of Syria,
      called Cyrrhestice, and the diocese of which contained eight hundred parishes (<hi rend="ital">Epist. 32, 113</hi>). We learn from his own testimony, which there is every reason to
      believe, that he carried into his new office the quiet spirit of the monastery, and that
      ecclesiastical domination was never an object of his ambition. He still practised also the
      greatest moderation in his own mode of life; while he improved the opportunities, presented by
      his office, of exercising the utmost generosity towards others. The fortune, which he had
      inherited on the death of his parents, he had at once divided among the poor; and his
      bishopric brought him no property, neither house, nor even a tomb (<hi rend="ital">Epist.
       113</hi>), and its annual revenues could not have been large. Yet out of these, in addition
      to his alms to the poor, he expended a large sum in the decoration of the city, in which he
      built covered porticoes, two large bridges, public baths, and an aqueduct (<hi rend="ital">Epist. 79, 81, 138</hi>). He also attracted to the city artists and professional men, who
      were much wanted there, especially physicians ; and he interceded, both with the imperial
      procurator, and with the empress Pulcheria, for an alleviation of the taxes with which the
      people of his diocese were burthened. In the midst of these acts of his public munificence we
      see an instance of his generosity to individuals, in the zeal with which he pleads in several
      letters to his friends, on behalf of Celestiacus of Carthage, who had been stript of his all
      by the Vandals (<hi rend="ital">Epist. 29-36</hi>). After an episcopate of five and twenty
      years he could declare that he had never had anything to do with a court of justice, and had
      never received the smallest present; and afterwards, in his adversity, he suffered extreme
      want rather than accept presents which would have enabled him to live in luxury. Not only did
      he thus conduct himself, but he succeeded, by his example and authority, in inducing his
      clergy to follow a similar mode of life. (<hi rend="ital">Epist. 81.</hi>)</p><p>At the same time he administered the spiritual affairs of his diocese with great vigour. At
      that wretched period in the history of the Church, one of the chief occupations of an orthodox
      bishop was to maintain the contest with the so-called heretics. The diocese of Theodoret was
      overrun with Arians, Macedonians, and especially Marcionites ; but such was his success in
      converting them, that he speaks of them, in the year 449, as being all reconciled to the
      Catholic Church, and he declares that he had baptized ten thousand Marcionites. In this
      contest he ran great personal risks, having been more than once in danger of being stoned to
      death. Still he never, like many bishops, called in the aid of the temporal power ; <pb n="1039"/> but he was assisted by a devoted band of monks, among whom one named Jacob was
      conspicuous ; and his zeal was inflamed by the belief that supernatural powers took part both
      for and against him. He tells us of devils appearing to him in the night, and demanding why he
      persecuted Marcion, with other marvels in the spirit of his age.</p><p>In these useful labours and clerical duties, and in the composition of his exegetical and
      other works, Theodoret would, in happier times, have spent a peaceful life. But in that age it
      was impossible for a man of any eminence to be neutral in the internecine war of the religious
      parties; and there were various influences at work to draw Theodoret into the vortex of the
      Nestorian controversy. To understand what follows, the reader not acquainted with the details
      of the history may read the article <hi rend="smallcaps">NESTORIUS</hi>. This part of the life
      of Theodoret has been grossly misrepresented by Garnier, and the writers who have followed
      him. If we are to believe them, he first adopted a heresy to gratify a private friendship; and
      afterwards, from selfish motives, recanted his heresy, and anathematized his friend. It is
      true that Theodoret had formed an acquaintance with Nestorius in the convent of Euprepius,
      where they were fellow students; but there is no proof of any great intimacy between them, and
      none that Theodoret ever adopted the tenets of Nestorius. His share in the contest is more
      that of an impartial mediator than that of a devoted friend and adherent : he acts, not with
      Nestorius, but with John of Antioch and the Oriental party; not in order to favour
      Nestorianism, but to resist the overbearing intolerance of Cyril, and to combat the errors,
      opposite to those of Nestorius, into which he conceived Cyril, and afterwards Eutyches, to
      have fallen. The proof of these statements is contained in the numerous writings in which
      Theodoret explains his views respecting the dispute, in all of which he appears as the
      champion of religious freedom, and the opponent of those authoritative statements of doctrine,
      which fetter private opinion without settling any controversy, or ensuring any permanent
      peace. To enter into the details of this subject would be inconsistent with the nature of this
      work, as well as impossible within the limits of the present article. We must be content to
      give a brief sketch of the external history of Theodoret's share in the dispute.</p><p>At an early stage of the controversy (<date when-custom="430">A. D. 430</date>), he wrote a letter
      to the monks of Syria and the neighbouring countries, in reply to the twelve <hi rend="ital">capitula</hi> of Cyril, the patriarch of Alexandria, in whose representations he detects, of
      course by inference only, Apollinarianism, Arianism, and other errors at the opposite extreme
      to those of Nestorius, especially the confusion of the two natures in the person of Christ, by
      so representing the hypostatical union as to make them only one. At the council of Ephesus
       (<date when-custom="431">A. D. 431</date>) he arrived earlier than the great body of the Eastern
      bishops, for whose presence he, with others, in vain urged the assembly to wait before
      condemning Nestorius; and, upon their arrival, he took part with them in the separate synod
      which condemned the proceedings of the council, and decreed the deposition of Cyril. The
      council of Ephesus having thus only widened the breach, it remained for the feeble emperor,
      Theodosius II., to decide which party he would support. At first he warmly espoused the cause
      of Nestorius, but soon afterwards, falling under the influence of certain monks of Cyril's
      party, he summoned the African and Oriental bishops to send seven representatives each, to
      explain to him the proceedings of the council of Ephesus. Theodoret was one of the seven
      delegates of the Oriental party. On their arrival at Chalcedon, they were ordered to wait
      there for an audience with the emperor; and meanwhile Theodoret, being excluded from the
      Church by the influence of Cyril's party, preached to immense audiences, and celebrated the
      sacraments, in a large court surrounded by porticoes. On the emperor's arrival, Theodoret
      pleaded the cause of the Oriental bishops before him with great eloquence and courage; but the
      mind of Theodosius was already surrendered to the other party, and the ambassadors of the
      Eastern churches were dismissed to their homes. On his return to Cyrus, Theodoret composed an
      elaborate work on the Incarnation, in five books (<foreign xml:lang="grc">πενταλόγιον
       ἐνανθρωπώσεως</foreign>), in order fully to explain his own views upon the question, to
      guard himself against the accusation of sharing in the opinions of Nestorius, and to expose
      the heretical tendencies of Cyril's tenets, and the unjust conduct of his party at the council
      of Ephesus. Of this work we only possess a few fragments, and those chiefly from the Latin
      translation of Marius Mercator, a bigotted adherent of the Cyrillian party, who declares his
      belief that Theodoret wrote the book at the instigation of the devil. About the same time,
      also, Theodoret came forward in defence of the memory of his master, Theodore of Mopsuestia,
      whose works had been denounced by Cyril and his friend Proclus of Constantinople, as the
      poisonous source of the Nestorian heresy. In a work which is now lost, Theodoret replied in
      detail to all the arguments advanced by Cyril against the works of Theodore; and attacked
      Cyril with considerable bitterness, as we see from some fragments of the book, which are
      preserved in the acts of the fifth oecumenical council. (Hardouin, <hi rend="ital">Act.
       Concil.</hi> vol. iii. pp. 106, &amp;c.)</p><p>Of the transactions of the following years, until the death of Cyril, it must suffice to say
      that Theodoret acquiesced in the peace effected by the intercession of the emperor between the
      parties of Cyril and of John, in so far as its doctrinal basis was concerned; and he even
      submitted, and urged the friends of Nestorius to submit, to the deposition of Nestorius. But
      he always protested against that deposition; and, when it became evident that no limits were
      assigned to the severity with which the Nestorians were to be treated (<date when-custom="435">A. D.
       435</date>), he threw aside all pretence of peace, and stood forth as the decided opponent of
      Cyril, who, on his part, displayed the bitterest enmity against Theodoret. It is alleged that,
      when Cyril died (<date when-custom="444">A. D. 444</date>), Theodoret so far forgot himself as to
      express his exultation at the event. Such conduct might be excused on the plea, that his joy
      was for the deliverance of the Church from a source of bitterness ; but the truth is, that the
      charge rests on passages in two works which it is probable that Theodoret never wrote, while,
      in other works, which are undoubtedly genuine, he refers to Cyril's death in quite a different
      spirit.</p><p>Dioscorus, the successor of Cyril in the see of Alexandria, pursued his predecessor's line
      of conduct, with even greater bitterness, and Theodoret soon found himself forced into a more
      prominent and <pb n="1040"/> disastrous position in the controversy, through the necessity of
      resisting the renewed diffusion of the opinions of Cyril by the efforts of a party of Syrian
      monks, and still more by those of the celebrated Eutyches of Constantinople, with whose name
      the Cyrillian doctrine became identified. [<hi rend="smallcaps">EUTYCHES</hi>.] Dioscorus
      supported the party of Eutyches with all his might; and, besides this ground of opposition, he
      had a personal motive of dislike to Theodoret, because the latter had signed a synodical
      epistle of Proclus, the bishop of Constantinople, implying thereby, as Dioscorus maintained,
      the superiority of that patriarch to those of Alexandria and Antioch. In fact, the conduct of
      Dioscorus throughout the whole Eutychian controversy betrays at least as much care for the
      aggrandizement of his own see as for the cause of truth. Through the influence of this prelate
      at the imperial court, Theodosius, who made no secret of the dislike he bore to Theodoret for
      his opposition to Cyril, was induced to issue a command to the bishop of Cyrus to confine
      himself within the limits of his own diocese, <date when-custom="448">A. D. 448</date>. At the same
      time that he obeyed the mandate, Theodoret addressed letters to some of the principal men of
      the empire, in vindication of his conduct; and in these letters we find some of the most
      interesting particulars of his previous life (<hi rend="ital">Epist. 79-82</hi>). He had
      already done his best to appease the enmity of Dioscorus by a letter, explaining his opinions,
      and adducing, as a proof of his orthodoxy, his acceptance of the statement of doctrine agreed
      upon by John and Cyril. Dioscorus, however, replied in the most violent language, plainly
      calling Theodoret a Nestorian. As a last attempt to pacify the proud patriarch, Theodoret went
      so far, in a second letter, as to declare those accursed who said that the Virgin was not the
      mother of God, or that Christ was a mere man, or who would represent the Only-begotten as if
      in his person there were two Sons of God; Dioscorus cut short the correspondence, by
      pronouncing a public anathema upon Theodoret in the church of Alexandria; and soon afterwards,
      in <date when-custom="449">A. D. 449</date>, he assembled under his own presidency the second
      Council of Ephesus, justly called the robber-synod, which pronounced the deposition both of
      Theodoret, and of Flavian, patriarch of Constantinople, Domnus, patriarch of Antioch, and the
      other bishops who had condemned Eutyches at the synod of Constantinople in the preceding
      year.</p><p>Theodoret had been excluded from the synod which deposed him by the express wish of the
      emperor, who now commanded him to retire to a monastery at Apamea; his enemies even threatened
      him with banishment. He bore his fall with dignity and cheerfulness, and preferred rather to
      suffer want than to accept the presents which were offered to him on every hand. Still neither
      he nor Flavian felt themselves bound to leave their enemies to enjoy their triumph and to
      domineer over the Church. They turned to the only remaining quarter in which there was any
      power to help them, the Roman bishop, Leo the Great, to whom Theodoret wrote a letter (<hi rend="ital">Epist. 113</hi>), celebrating the renown of the apostolic see, praising the
      virtues and religious zeal of Leo, defending his own orthodoxy by quotations from his
      writings, and requesting permission to come to Rome, provided that the emperor should give his
      consent, to submit the whole case to the judgment of Leo and the Western bishops; at the same
      time he requested to be advised whether he should submit to his deposition. Leo, who had
      already pronounced against the Eutychians, accepted Theodoret's confession of faith as
      satisfactory, and declared him absolved from all ecclesiastical censure : but the proposal for
      an oecumenical council in Italy was negatived by the emperor.</p><p>At this precise juncture, however, the whole state of affairs was suddenly changed by the
      death of Theodosius II., <date when-custom="450">A. D. 450</date>, and the accession of Pulcheria
      and Marcianus, who were unfavourable to the Eutychians. Theodoret and the other deposed
      bishops were recalled from retirement, on the condition that they should be reinstated in
      their sees by the decision of an oecumenical council; and Theodoret himself joined in the
      demand for such a council, as necessary to restore peace to the Church. It assembled, first at
      Nicaea, and afterwards at Chalcedon, in <date when-custom="451">A. D. 451</date>. At its eighth
      session the petition of Theodoret for restoration to his bishopric was discussed, and he
      himself appeared to plead his cause. He was most enthusiastically received by his friends, but
      the party of his enemies was still powerful, at least in clamour. When he attempted to give an
      account of his opinions, he was interrupted by the cry, "Curse Nestorius, his doctrines, and
      his adherents!" In vain did he represent that he cared far less for restoration to his see
      than for permission to clear himself from the misrepresentations to which he had been
      subjected : the generous answer to his appeal was the renewed cry, " He is a heretic himself :
      he is a Nestorian : thrust out the heretic ! " Yielding at last to the clamour, he exclaimed,
      " Anathema on Nestorius, and on every one who denies that Mary is the mother of God, and who
      divides the Only-begotten into two Sons. I have subscribed the confession of faith, and the
      letter of the bishop Leo; and this is my faith.--Farewell." This declaration was received with
      the applause of the whole assembly, and their unanimous vote restored Theodoret to his
      bishopric. (Harduin. <hi rend="ital">Concil.</hi> vol. ii. pp. 496, foll.)</p><p>Whatever weakness Theodoret displayed on this occasion consisted, not in the sacrifice of
      any religious conviction, but in suffering himself to be deprived of the opportunity of
      explaining his real opinions. He was no Nestorian; and, though his whole character forbids us
      to suppose that he was a believer in anathemas, yet he had the misfortune to live in an age
      when the anathema was esteemed the natural and proper form for a declaration of religious
      belief, and when no man was deemed sincere in the faith which he professed, until lie was also
      prepared to declare the doctrines from which he differed accursed. Theodoret himself, as we
      have seen, had already condemned the tenets of Nestorius in nearly the very words which he
      uttered at the council; and if he hesitated to repeat them then, it was only as a protest
      against the spirit in which the declaration was sought to be extorted from him; a protest
      which, we think, is implied in the " farewell," by which he appears to utter his resolution
      never more to mix in such scenes of strife. That resolution he kept. After sharing in the
      subsequent proceedings of the council, which compensated to some degree for its conduct
      towards him by pronouncing the condemnation of Eutyches, Theodoret returned to his home at
      Cyrus, where he devoted the rest of his life to literary labours, committing the charge of his
      diocese to Hypatius. He appears to have died <pb n="1041"/> in <date when-custom="457">A. D.
       457</date> or 458. (Gennad. <hi rend="ital">de Vir. Illustr. 89.</hi>) His remains were
      deposited in the same urn with those of his stedfast supporter, the monk Jacobus Thaumaturgus,
      who died shortly after him.</p><p>Since his death his memory has met with the same varied fortune that he himself suffered
      during life. The emperor Justin honoured his statue with a solemn installation in his
      episcopal throne; but the various Monophysite sects continued their opposition to his
      writings, and twice procured the condemnation of them by ecclesiastical synods during the
      reign of Anastasius, in <date when-custom="499">A. D. 499</date>, and 512. Marius Mercator, the
      bitter opponent of everything connected with Nestorianism, represents Theodoret as one of the
      worst of heretics; and lie is followed by Garnier, the completer of Sirmond's edition of
      Theodoret, the value of whose very learned and elaborate treatise on the life of Theodoret is
      seriously diminished by the recklessness with which he not only adopts the calumnies of
      Mercator, but even falsifies facts in order to support them. Cave has been to some degree
      misled by these writers; but yet he gives us so warm and just a eulogy of the character of
      Theodoret as to make one smile at the words with which he introduces it : " Meliori quidem
      fato, et <hi rend="ital">molliori censura</hi> dignus erat Theodoritus." Tillemont has refuted
      many of Garnier's misrepresentations; but he sometimes defends the orthodoxy of Theodoret by
      arguments which the bishop of Cyrus himself would scarcely have adopted. For the complete
      vindication of Theodoret's character we are indebted to the German church historians,
      Schröckh and Neander.</p><p>A strong encomium upon his learning and his style will be found in Photius (<hi rend="ital">Bibl.</hi> Cod. 46), who describes his language as pure and well-chosen, and his composition
      as clear, rhythmical, and altogether pleasing. In other passages Photius notices several of
      the works of Theodoret (Cod. 31, 56, 203-205, 273); and an incomplete list of them is given by
      Nicephorus Callistus (<hi rend="ital">H. E.</hi> 14.54). Many of them are mentioned by
      Theodoret himself, in his letters (<hi rend="ital">Epist. 82, 113, 116, 145</hi>). The fullest
      account of them is contained in Garnier's second Dissertation, <hi rend="ital">de Libris
       Theodoreti.</hi></p><div><head>Works</head><div><head>I. Exegetical Works</head><p>The most important of Theodoret's works are those of an exegetical character, in several
        of which he adopts the method, not of a continuous commentary, but of proposing and solving
        those difficulties which he thinks likely to occur to a thoughtful reader; so that these
        works are essentially apologetic as well as exegetical. This method is pursued, especially
        in the first of his commentaries, which is upon the first eight books of the Old Testament,
        that is, the five books of Moses, Joshua, Judges, and Ruth, and is entitled <title xml:lang="grc">εἰς τὰ ἄπορα τῆς θείας γραφῆς κατ̓ ἐκλογήν</title>, or, <hi rend="ital">Qaaestiones in Octateuchum ;</hi> and also in the second of them, upon the
        books of Kings (i. e. Samuel and Kings) and Chronicles, entitled <title xml:lang="grc">Εἰς τὰ ζητούμενα τῶν βασιλειῶν καὶ τῶν παραλειπομένων</title>. As a specimen of
        his method, we give two or three of the first questions which he proposes on the book of
        Genesis. First, " Why did not the writer preface his account of the creation with the
        doctrine of God " (<foreign xml:lang="grc">θεολογία</foreign>); to which he replies, that
        Moses was sent to a people infected with Egyptian pantheism, and that therefore the very
        first thing that he had to teach them was the distinction between the creature and the
        Creator; and in so doing, instead of passing by the general subject of theology, he has laid
        the foundation on which it all rests, in the doctrine of the independent and eternal
        existence of the one true God. The second question is, " Why does he not mention the
        creation of angels ? " The third, " Did angels exist before the heaven and the earth, or
        were they created at the same time with them? " In this and many other questions he grapples
        with some of the most difficult points of controversy which had occupied the Church from the
        apostolic age to his own time, especially with the various forms of Gnosticism and
        Manichaeism. His other commentaries are upon the Psalms (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἑρμηνεία εἰς τοὺς ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα ψαλμούς</foreign>), the Canticles (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἑρμηνεία εἰς τὸ ᾆσμα τῶν ᾀσμάτων</foreign>), Isaiah (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Εἰς τὸν Ἠσαΐαν προφήτην ἑρμηνεία κατʼ ἐκλογήν</foreign>),
        Jeremiah, with Baruch and the Lamentations (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἑρμηνεία τῆς
         προφητείας τοῦ θείου Ἱερεμίου</foreign>), Ezekiel (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἑρμηνεία τῆς προφητείας τοῦ θείου Ἰεζεκιήλ</foreign>), Daniel (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ὑπόμνημα εἰς τὰς ὁράσεις τοῦ προφήτου Δανιήλ</foreign>), and the
        Twelve Minor Prophets (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ὑπόμνημα εἰς τοὺς δώδεκα
         προφήτας</foreign>). With respect to the New Testament, we have commentaries by Theodoret
        on the fourteen epistles of Paul (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἑρμηνεία τῶν ιδ́ ἐπιστολῶν
         τοῦ ἁγίου ἀποστόλου Παύλου</foreign>).</p></div><div><head>II. Historical Works</head><p>Theodoret has also left two works of an historical character, but of very different
        value.</p><div><head>1. <title>Ecclesiastical History</title></head><p>His <title>Ecclesiastical History,</title> in five books (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἑκκλησιαστικῆς ἱστορίας λόγοι πέντε</foreign>), is a very valuable work, on
         account of its learning and general impartiality, though it is occasionally one-sided, and
         often runs into a theological treatise. It was intended, as he himself tells us in the
         preface, as a continuation of the History of Eusebius. It begins with the history of
         Arianism, under Constantine the Great, and ends with the death of Theodore of Mopsuestia in
          <date when-custom="429">A. D. 429</date>, although it contains an allusion to an isolated fact
         which occurred as late as <date when-custom="444">A. D. 444</date>.</p></div><div><head>2. <foreign xml:lang="grc">Φιλόθεος Ἱστορία</foreign> (<title xml:lang="la">Religiosa Historia,</title>)</head><p>The work entitled <title xml:lang="grc">Φιλόθεος Ἱστορία</title>, or <hi rend="ital">Religiosa Historia,</hi> contains the lives of thirty celebrated hermits, and
         displays that weak side of the character of Theodoret, which has already been mentioned as
         the necessary result of the earliest impressions he received. It is rather the work of a
         credulous ascetic than of a learned theologian.</p></div></div><div><head>III. Works against Cyril, the Eutychians, and the heretics in general</head><p>Of his works against Cyril, the Eutychians, and the heretics in general, the chief
        are,</p><div><head>1. <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀνατροπή</foreign> (<title>Censure</title>)</head><p>The censure (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀνατροπή</foreign>) of the twelve heads of
         anathematization (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀναθεματισμοί</foreign>) of Cyril.</p></div><div><head>2. <title>the Mendicant or Many-shaped</title></head><p>The great work against the Eutychians, in <date when-custom="447">A. D. 447</date>, the year
         before the condemnation of Eutyches at Constantinople, entitled <title xml:lang="grc">Ἐρανίστης ἤτοι Πολύμορφος</title> (<gloss xml:lang="en">the Mendicant or
          Many-shaped</gloss>), which, as he explains in the preface, was intended to imply that the
         Eutychians endeavoured to pass off their doctrines, like beggars with their tales of
         imposture, under many guises, derived from many previous heresies. The work is in the form
         of a discussion between the Mendicant and the Orthodox (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἐρανίστης</foreign> and <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ὀρθόδοξος</foreign>), and it is
         divided into three dialogues; the first, entitled <title xml:lang="grc">Ἄτρεπτος</title>, to prove that the Son of God is unchangeable; the second, <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἄσυγχυτος</foreign>, that his divine nature is incapable of being mixt
         or confounded with the nature of man; the third, <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἀπαθής</foreign>, that the divine nature is insusceptible of suffering; and to these
         dialogues are appended syllogistic demonstrations (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀποδείξεις
          διὰ συλλογισμῶν</foreign>) of the three propositions <pb n="1042"/> maintained in them,
         namely, first, that God the Word is unchangeable (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ὅτι
          ἄτρεπτος ὅ Θεὸς</foreign>), secondly, that his union with the human nature is
         without confusion (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ὅτι ἀσύγχυτος ἡ ἕνωσις</foreign>), and,
         thirdly, that the divine nature of the Saviour is incapable of suffering (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ὅτι ἀπαθὴς ἡ τοῦ Σωτῆρος θεότης</foreign>). The work displays
         great learning and power, with a moderation which made it as displeasing to the Nestorians
         as it was to the Eutychians.</p></div><div><head>3. <foreign xml:lang="grc">Αἱρετικῆς κακομυθίας ἐπιτομή</foreign> (<title xml:lang="la">Haereticarum Fabularum Epitome</title>)</head><p>A work against heresies in general, entitled <title xml:lang="grc">Αἱρετικῆς
          κακομυθίας ἐπιτομή</title>, or, <hi rend="ital">Haereticarum Fabularum Epitome,</hi> in
         five books, addressed to Sporacius. In this work, which seems to have been written after
         the end of the Nestorian and Eutychian disputes, lie not only uses, with regard to other
         heretics, the intolerant language which was common in that age, but he speaks of Nestorius
         in terms of bitterness which cannot be defended, and which occur again in a special work
         against Nestorius, addressed to the same Sporacius. The warmest admirers of Theodoret must
         lament that, after the contest was over, he took such means to set himself right with his
         former opponents.</p></div><div><head>4. Twenty-seven books against various propositions of the Eutychians</head><p>Twenty-seven books against various propositions of the Eutychians (<foreign xml:lang="grc">λόγοι κζ́ πρὸς διαφόρους θέσεις</foreign>). an abstract of which is
         supplied by Photius. (<hi rend="ital">Bibl.</hi> Cod. 46.)</p></div></div><div><head>IV. Other works</head><p>The chief of his remaining works are:</p><div><head>1. <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἑλληνικῶν θεραπευτική παθημάτων· ἢ εὐαγγελικῆς
          ἀληθείας ἐξ Ἑλληνικῆς φιλοσοφίας ἐπίγνωσις</foreign> (<title xml:lang="la">Graecarum Affectionum Curatio; seu, Evangelicae Veritatis ex Gentilium Philosophia
          Cognitio</title>)</head><p>An apologetic treatise, intended to exhibit the confirmations of the truth of
         Christianity contained in the Gentile philosophy, under the title of <title xml:lang="grc">Ἑλληνικῶν θεραπευτική παθημάτων· ἢ εὐαγγελικῆς ἀληθείας ἐξ
          Ἑλληνικῆς φιλοσοφίας ἐπίγνωσις</title>, <title xml:lang="la">Graecarum Affectionum
          Curatio; seu, Evangelicae Veritatis ex Gentilium Philosophia Cognitio</title>.</p></div><div><head>2. Orations on Providence</head><p>Ten Orations on Providence (<foreign xml:lang="grc">περὶ προνοίας λόγοι
          δέκα</foreign>).</p></div><div><head>3. Orations, Homilies and Minor Treatises.</head><p>Various Orations, Homilies, and minor treatises.</p></div><div><head>4. Letters</head><p>One hundred and eighty-one letters, which are of the greatest importance for the history
         of Theodoret and his times.</p></div></div></div><div><head>Editions</head><p>There are only two complete editions of the works of Theodoret. both of very great
       excellence ; but the later having the advantage of containing all that is good, and
       correcting much that is faulty, in its predecessor. The first is that edited by the Jesuits
        <bibl>Jac. Sirmond and Jo. Garnier, in five volumes folio, Paris, 1642-1684</bibl>: the
       first four volumes, by Sirmond, contain the bulk of the works of Theodoret in Greek and
       Latin; and the fifth, some minor works and fragments omitted by Sirmond, together with
       Garnier's five dissertations on (1) the History, (2) the Books, (3) the Faith of Theodoret,
       (4) on the fifth General Council, (5) on the Cause of Theodoret and the Orientals. The faults
       of these valuable treatises have been already mentioned. The other edition, founded on the
       former, is that of <bibl>Lud. Schulze and J. A. Noesselt, Halae Sax. 1769-1774, 5 vols. in 10
        parts 8vo.</bibl> For an account of the editions of separate works, see Hoffmann, <title xml:lang="la">Lexicon Bibliogr. Scriptorum Graecorum.</title></p></div><div><head>Further Information</head><p>Garnier, <hi rend="ital">Dissertationes,</hi> in vol. 5 of Schulze's edition; Tillemont,
        <hi rend="ital">Mém.</hi> vol. xiv.; Cave, <hi rend="ital">Hist. Litt. s. a.
        423,</hi> pp. 405, foll., ed. Basil.; Fabric. <hi rend="ital">Bibl. Graec.</hi> vol. vii.
       pp. 429, foil., vol. viii. pp. 277, foil.; Schulze, <hi rend="ital">De Vita et Scriptis B.
        Theodoreti Dissertatio,</hi> prefixed to vol. i. of his edition ; Neander, <hi rend="ital">Geschichte der Christl. Relig. u. Kirche,</hi> vol. ii. passim; Schröckh, <hi rend="ital">Christliche Kirchengeschichte,</hi> vol. xviii. pp. 355, foll.</p></div><div><head>Other ecclesiastics mentioned by Fabricius</head><p>A few insignificant ecclesiastics of the name are mentioned by Fabricius. (<hi rend="ital">Bibl. Graec.</hi> vol. viii. pp. 307, 308.) </p></div><byline>[<ref target="author.P.S">P.S</ref>]</byline></div></div></body></text></TEI>
                </passage>
            </reply>
            </GetPassage>