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                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:base="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><body xml:lang="eng" n="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><div type="textpart" subtype="alphabetic_letter" n="T"><div type="textpart" subtype="entry" xml:id="terpander-bio-1" n="terpander_1"><head><persName xml:lang="la"><surname full="yes">Terpander</surname></persName></head><p>(<persName xml:lang="grc"><surname full="yes">Τέρπανδρος</surname></persName>), of Lesbos, was the
      father of Greek music, and through it of lyric poetry, although his own poetical compositions
      were few and in extremely simple rhythms.</p><p>Muller, whose account of Terpander is so excellent, that it is necessary to follow him to a
      great extent, has justly remarked that, setting aside the mythological <pb n="1003"/>
      traditions about early minstrels, such as Orpheus, Philammon, Chrysothemis, and others, the
      history of Greek music begins with Terpander. But Müller, and other scholars, have
      pointed out the fact, that Terpander may be connected with one of the most interesting and
      important of those traditions. The beautiful fable, which told how the head and lyre of
      Orpheus, cast upon the waves by the Thracian Maenads, were borne to Lesbos, and there received
      with religious honours, was doubtless an allegory, signifying the transference of the art of
      music to that island from Pieria, which the ancients afterwards confounded with Thrace; a
      transference which is confirmed by the undoubted tradition, that Lesbos was colonised by the
      Aeolians of Boeotia, who were of the same race as the Pierians, and who had among them one of
      the earliest seats of the worship of the Muses, upon Mount Helicon. [<hi rend="smallcaps">ORPHEUS</hi>.] Now the very town in Lesbos, at which the grave of Orpheus was shown, and
      where the nightingales were said to sing most sweetly, Antissa, was the birthplace of
      Terpander. The presumption that he belonged to one of those families in which, according to
      the Greek custom, the art was handed down from father to son, is strengthened by the
      significancy of his name; and this significant name, again, finds numerous parallels in the
      early history of other arts as well as music [<hi rend="smallcaps">CHEIRISOPHUS</hi>; <hi rend="smallcaps">EUCHEIRUS</hi>; <hi rend="smallcaps">EUGRAMMUS</hi>]. It is not unreasonable
      to suppose, further, that the race of musicians, from which Terpander was descended, preserved
      traditions and rules which they had originally derived from the Pierian bards. The tradition
      which made him a decendant of Hesiod (Suid. <hi rend="ital">s. v.</hi>) furnishes incidentally
      a certain degree of confirmation of these views. What Terpander himself effected for the art
      is thus described by Müller: -- " Terpander appears to have been properly the founder of
      Greek music. He first reduced to rule the different modes of singing which prevailed in
      different countries, and formed, out of these rude strains, a connected system, from which the
      Greek music never departed throughout all the improvements and refinements of later ages.
      Though endowed with an inventive mind, and the commencer of a new era of music, he attempted
      no more than to systematize the musical styles which existed in the tunes of Greece and Asia
      Minor." (<hi rend="ital">Hist. of the Lit. of Anc. Greece,</hi> vol. i. p. 149.)</p><p>His father's name is said to have been Derdeneus (<hi rend="ital">Marm. Par.</hi> Ep. 34),
      while another account made him the son of Boeus, the son of Phoceus, the son of Homer. (Suid.
       <hi rend="ital">s. v.</hi>) There can be no doubt that he was a Lesbian, and that Antissa was
      his native town. (Pind. apud <hi rend="ital"/> Ath. xiv. p. 635d.; <hi rend="ital">Marm. Par.
       l.c. ;</hi> Plut. <hi rend="ital">de Mus. 30,</hi> p. 1141c.; Clem. Alex. <hi rend="ital">Strom.</hi> vol. i. p. 309; Steph. Byz. <hi rend="ital">s. v.</hi>
      <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἄντισσα</foreign>; Suid. <hi rend="ital">s. vv.</hi>
      <foreign xml:lang="grc">Τέρπανδρος</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="grc">Μετὰ Λέσ-βιον
       ᾠδόν</foreign>.) The other accounts, preserved by Suidas (<hi rend="ital">s. v.</hi>),
      which made him a native either of Arne in Boeotia, or of Cyme in Aeolis, are easily explained,
      and are connected with what has been already said in an interesting manner. Both Arne and Cyme
      were among the Aeolian cities which were said to have sent colonies to Lesbos, and both might
      therefore have claimed to reckon Terpander among their citizens, on the general principle by
      which the natives of Grecian colonies were regarded as citizens of the parent state; and,
      besides this, the tradition connecting him with Arne, one of the oldest cities of Boeotia, is
      another indication of his descent from the Pierians, while the claim of Cyme is probably
      connected with the traditions which derived his genealogy from Homer or from Hesiod. (See
      Plehn, <hi rend="ital">Lesbiaca,</hi> pp. 140-142.) The statement of Diodorus (<bibl n="Diod. 6.28">6.28</bibl>, apud <hi rend="ital"/> Tzetz. <hi rend="ital">Chil.</hi> 1.16)
      that he was a native of Methymna, must be regarded as simply a mistake.</p><p>The age at which Terpander flourished is generally considered one of the best ascertained
      dates of that remote period of chronology; although the still more important question of his
      relation, in point of time, to the other early musicians, Olympus and Clonas, and to the
      earliest iambic and elegiac poets, Archilochus and Callinus, and the lyric poets Tyrtaeus and
      Alcman, is allowed to present very great difficulties. As to the first point, C. O.
      Müller says that " it is one of the most certain dates of the more <note anchored="true" place="margin">* <hi rend="ital">Der ältern Chronologie,</hi> not, as the English translator gives it,
        <hi rend="ital">ancient chronology,</hi> as if Müllen meant the whole range of ancient
       chronology.</note> ancient chronology, that in the 26th Olympiad (<date when-custom="-676">B. C.
       676</date>) musical contests were first introduced at the feast of Apollo Carneius [at
      Sparta], and at their first celebration Terpander was crowned victor." (<hi rend="ital">Hist.
       Lit. Anc. Greece,</hi> vol. i. p. 150, vol. i. p. 268 of the German; comp. <hi rend="ital">Dor.</hi> b. 4.6.1; and Mr. Grote echoes the statement, that " this is one of the best
      ascertained points among the obscure chronology of the seventh century " (<hi rend="ital">Hist. of Greece,</hi> vol. iv. p. 102); and in the two great chronological works of Clinton
      and Fischer (<hi rend="ital">s. a. 676</hi>), the date is laid down as certain.) The ancient
      authorities for this statement are Hellanicus (<bibl n="Ath. 14.635">Athen. 14.635</bibl>f.,
       <hi rend="ital">Fr. 122,</hi> ed. Car. Müller, <hi rend="ital">Frag. Hist.</hi> vol. i.
      p. 627, in Didot's <hi rend="ital">Bibliotheca</hi>), and Sosibius the Lacedaemonian (Ath. <hi rend="ital">l.c., Fr. 3,</hi> ed. Müller, <hi rend="ital">ibid.</hi> vol. ii. p. 625);
      of whom the former gives us only the fact, that Terpander was the first victor at the Carneia,
      without the date; and the latter gives us only the date of the institution of the Carneia,
      without mentioning the victory of Terpander : the combination of the two statements, on which
      the force of the chronological argument rests, is made by Athenaeus, whose only object,
      however, in making it is to prove that Terpander was older than Anacreon; and who, in the very
      same sentence, quotes the statement of Hieronymus (<hi rend="ital">de Poetis</hi>), that
      Terpander was contemporary with Lycurgus. Mr. Grote says (p. 103, note), " That Terpander was
      victor at the Spartan festival of the Karneia, in 676, B. C., may well have been derived by
      Hellanikus from the Spartan registers; " and a similar meaning has been put upon the phrase
      used by Athenaeus, <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὡς Ἑλλάνικος ἱστορεῖ</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἔν τε τοῖς ἐμμέτροις Καρνεονίκαις</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="grc">κἀν τοῖς καταλογάδην</foreign> : but, granting this supposition its full
      force, Hellanicus does not say that Terpander was victor " in 676, B. C.; " but he does give
      us, in another fragment, a date irreconcileable with this, namely, that Terpander flourished
      in the time of Midas. (Clem. Alex. <hi rend="ital">Strom.</hi> vol. i. p. 398, Potter; <hi rend="ital">Fr. 123,</hi> ed. Müller. <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi>) The date 676, B. C.,
      for the institution of the Carneia, therefore, rests alone on the testimony of Sosibius, for
      it can hardly be doubted that the same date, as given by Africanus (Euseb. <hi rend="ital">Chron.</hi> pars i. Ol. 26. p. 144, ed. Mai, vol. i. p. 285, ed. Aucher) was copied from the
       <foreign xml:lang="grc">χρόνων ἀναγραφή</foreign> of Sosibius. Still Sosibius <pb n="1004"/> alone would undoubtedly be a very high authority ; but, in addition to the caution
      which is required in dealing with indirect evidence, and in addition to the testimonies which
      assign a different date to Terpander, it may be questioned whether the date of Sosibius for
      the institution of the <hi rend="ital">Carneia</hi> is to be understood literally, or whether
      it was not derived from some other epoch by a computation which, on a different chronological
      system, would have given a different result. There can be little doubt that the records of
      Sparta, which Sosibius "may well have" followed were kept, not by Olympiads, but by the reigns
      of the kings, and that, in turning the dates of those early kings into Olympiads, Sosibius
      computed from the date which he assumed for the Trojan War, namely <date when-custom="-1180">B. C.
       1180</date> ; and that, if he had taken a different date for the Trojan War, <hi rend="ital">e. g.</hi> that of <date when-custom="-1217">B. C. 1217</date>, he would, by the same computation,
      have placed the institution of the Carneia at Ol. 16, a date which would agree well enough
      with that really given by Hellanicus. (See Car. Müller, <hi rend="ital">Frag. Hist.</hi>
      vol. ii. p. 626.) On the whole, then, it seems probable that the date of <date when-custom="-676">B.
       C. 676</date> is not quite so certain as it has been represented.</p><p>With respect to the other testimonies, that of Hellanicus, already referred to, is rendered
      some-what indefinite by the, at least partly, mythological character of Midas; but, if the
      date has any historical value at all, it would place Terpander at least as high as Ol. 20,
       <date when-custom="-700">B. C. 700</date>, the date of the death of Midas, according to Eusebius.
      confirmed by Herodotus (<bibl n="Hdt. 1.14">1.14</bibl>), who makes Midas a little older than
      Gyges. To the same effect is the testimony of the Lydian historian Xanthus, who lived before
      Hellanicus, and who placed Terpander at Ol. 18, <date when-custom="-708">B. C. 708</date> (Clem.
      Alex. <hi rend="ital">Strom.</hi> vol. i. p. 398, Potter). Glaucus of Rhegium also, who lived
      not long after Hellanicus, stated that Terpander was older than Archilochus, and that he came
      next after those who first composed aulodic music, meaning perhaps Olympus and Clonas; and
      Plutarch, who quotes this statement (<hi rend="ital">de Mus.</hi> iv. p. 1132e.) introduces it
      with the remark, <foreign xml:lang="grc">καὶ τοῖς χρόνοις δὲ σφόδρα παλαιός
       ἐστι</foreign>, and presently afterwards (5, p. 1133a) he adds, as a general historical
      tradition (<foreign xml:lang="grc">παραδίδοται</foreign>) that Archilochus flourished after
      Terpander and Clonas. Mr. Grote accepts these testimonies; but draws from them the inference,
      that Archilochus should be placed lower than he usually is, about <date when-custom="-670">B. C.
       670</date> instead of 700. The statement of Hieronymus (Ath. <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi>) that
      Terpander was contemporary with Lycurgus, is perhaps only another form of the tradition that
      the laws of Lycurgus were aided by the music and poetry of Terpander and Tyrtaeus, which has
      evidently no chronological significance. On the other hand, Phanias made Terpander later than
      Archilochus (Clem. Alex. <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi>), and the chronologers place his musical
      reform at Ol. 33, 2, <date when-custom="-647">B. C. 647</date> (Euseb.) or Ol. 34. 1, <date when-custom="-644">B. C. 644</date>. (<hi rend="ital">Marm. Par.</hi> Ep. 34). Lastly, we are told
      that Terpander was victorious in the musical contest at four successive Pythian festivals ;
      but there is abundance of evidence to prove that these Pythian musical contests were not those
      established by the Amphictyons in Ol. 48. 3, but some which had existed long before, and which
      were celebrated, according to Müller, every eight years, a circumstance which throws
      doubt on the number of Terpander's victories. (See Müller, <hi rend="ital">Dor.</hi> b.
      4.6.2; Grote, <hi rend="ital">Hist. of Greece.</hi> vol. iv. p. 103, note). These
      discrepancies will show the great uncertainty attending the chronology of so early a period,
      and the danger of resting even upon an apparently definite date; although in the present case,
      the general comparison of the testimonies makes it far from improbable that the date first
      assigned is about the right one. All that can be said, with any approach to certainty, is that
      Terpander flourished somewhere between <date when-custom="-700">B. C. 700</date> and 650, and that
      his career may possibly have extended either a little above the higher, or, less probably, a
      little below the lower, of those dates.</p><p>Fortunately, we have clearer information respecting the scene and the nature of his artistic
      labours. From motives which were variously stated by tradition, he removed from Lesbos to
      Sparta, and there introduced his new system of music, and established the first musical school
      or system (<foreign xml:lang="grc">κατάστασις</foreign>) that existed in Greece. (Plut. <hi rend="ital">de Mus. 9,</hi> p. 1134c. : the other authorities respecting the migration of
      Terpander, the powerful effect of his music on the Spartans, and the honour in which they held
      him, during his life and after his death, are collected by Plehn, <hi rend="ital">Lesbiaca,</hi> p. 147.)</p><p>In order to explain fully the musical improvements introduced by Terpander, it would be
      necessary to enter into the subject of Greek music at greater length than is consistent with
      the limits of this article, or the plan of the work. A full account of the subject will be
      found in the <title>Dictionary of Antiquities,</title> art. <hi rend="ital">Musica,</hi> in
      Müller's <hi rend="ital">History of the Literature of Ancient Greece,</hi> 100.12, and in
      Böckh (<hi rend="ital">de Metr. Pind.</hi> 3.7), It will be enough here to state that
      Terpander enlarged the compass of the lyre from a tetrachord to an octave; but in a peculiar
      manner. The old lyre had four strings, which were so tuned that the extreme notes had to one
      another the relation called by the Greeks <foreign xml:lang="grc">διὰ τεσσάρων</foreign>,
      the <hi rend="ital">fourth,</hi> and the two intermediate notes were such, according to the
      most ancient <hi rend="ital">genus</hi> of music, namely, the <hi rend="ital">diatonic,</hi>
      and the prevailing mode, the <hi rend="ital">Dorian,</hi> that the intervals were (ascending)
      semitone, tone, tone, that is: --</p><p><figure/></p><p>To this tetrachord Terpander added another, the lowest note of which was one tone above the
      highest of the other, and the intervals of which the same as those of the former that is:
      --</p><p><figure/></p><p>But, in combining these two tetrachords, he omitted the third string, reckoning from the
      highest, so that he intervals (ascending) were 1/2, 1, 1, 1, 11/2, 1 <note anchored="true" place="margin">*
       In Müller, two of these figures are transposed, p. 152, n. He gives the intervals (<hi rend="ital">descending</hi>) 1, 1, 11/2, 1, 1, 1/2; they should be 1, 11/2, 1, 1, 1, 1/2.
       Also in the text, 1. 4, the deficient string is said to have been in the <hi rend="ital">lower</hi> tetrachord; it should be the upper.</note>, that is : -- <pb n="1005"/></p><p><figure/></p><p>The interval between the extreme notes is an <hi rend="ital">octave,</hi> or, as the Greeks
      called it, <foreign xml:lang="grc">διὰ πασῶν</foreign>. Plutarch (<hi rend="ital">de Mus.
       19</hi>) adduces arguments to prove that the omission of the third string was intentional;
      but whether the reason was, the opinion that it could well be dispensed with, or some
      theoretical preference for the number 7, we are not informed. It was afterwards restored, so
      that the lyre had eight strings. The following table (from Plehn) shows the names of the
      strings, and the intervals between them, in the descending order, for each lyre: -- <table><row role="data"><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">Heptachord.</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">Octachord.</cell></row><row role="data"><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">E</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"><foreign xml:lang="grc">νήτη</foreign></cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">E</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"><foreign xml:lang="grc">νήτη</foreign></cell></row><row role="data"><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"> </cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">----------- 1 tone.</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"> </cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">----------- 1 tone.</cell></row><row role="data"><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">D</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"><foreign xml:lang="grc">παρανήτη</foreign></cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">D</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"><foreign xml:lang="grc">παρανήτη</foreign></cell></row><row role="data"><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"> </cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"> </cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"> </cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">----------- 1 “</cell></row><row role="data"><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"> </cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">----------- 11/2 “</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">C</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"><foreign xml:lang="grc">τρίτη</foreign></cell></row><row role="data"><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"> </cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"> </cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"> </cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">----------- 1/2 “</cell></row><row role="data"><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">B</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"><foreign xml:lang="grc">τρίτη</foreign></cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">B</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"><foreign xml:lang="grc">παραμέση</foreign></cell></row><row role="data"><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"> </cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">----------- 1 “</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"> </cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">----------- 1 “</cell></row><row role="data"><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">A</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"><foreign xml:lang="grc">μέση</foreign></cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">A</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"><foreign xml:lang="grc">μέση</foreign></cell></row><row role="data"><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"> </cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">----------- 1 “</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"> </cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">----------- 1 “</cell></row><row role="data"><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">G</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"><foreign xml:lang="grc">λιχανός</foreign></cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">G</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"><foreign xml:lang="grc">λιχανός</foreign></cell></row><row role="data"><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"> </cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">----------- 1 “</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"> </cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">----------- 1 “</cell></row><row role="data"><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">F</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"><foreign xml:lang="grc">παρυπάτη</foreign></cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">F</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"><foreign xml:lang="grc">παρυπάτη</foreign></cell></row><row role="data"><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"> </cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">----------- 1/2 “</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"> </cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">----------- 1/2 “</cell></row><row role="data"><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">E</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"><foreign xml:lang="grc">ὑπάτη</foreign></cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1">E</cell><cell cols="1" role="data" rows="1"><foreign xml:lang="grc">ὑπάτη</foreign></cell></row></table></p><p>The invention of the seven-stringed lyre, or heptachord, is not only ascribed to Terpander
      by several ancient writers, but it is also referred to in two verses of his own still extant
      (Eucl. <hi rend="ital">Introd. Harm.</hi> p. 19; <bibl n="Strabo xiii.p.618">Strab. xiii.
       p.618</bibl>): --</p><p><foreign xml:lang="grc">Σοὶ δʼ ἡμεῖς τετράγηρυν ἀποστέρξαντες ἀοιδάν<lb/>
       ἑπτατόνῳ φόρμιγγι νέους κελαδήσομεν ὕμνους</foreign>.</p><p>It remained in use even as late as the time of Pindar (<bibl n="Pind. P. 2.70">Pind. P.
       2.70</bibl>, <hi rend="ital">Ncm.</hi> 5.22). The invention of the <hi rend="ital">barbiton</hi> or <hi rend="ital">magadis,</hi> an instrument of greater compass than an
      octave, is ascribed to Terpander by Pindar, but probably erroneously (Pind. apud <hi rend="ital"/> Ath. xiv. p. 635d.; Plehn, <hi rend="ital">Lesb.</hi> p. 153). It is impossible
      here to enter on the question whether the lyre of Terpander could be adapted, by tuning its
      strings differently, to the different <hi rend="ital">modes</hi> and <hi rend="ital">genera</hi> of Greek music; and whether his own compositions were in any other mode than the
      Dorian. (See <hi rend="ital">Dict. of Ant.</hi> art. <hi rend="ital">Musica.</hi>)</p><p>While Terpander thus enlarged the compass of the lyre, he appears to have been the first who
      regularly set poetry to music. (Clem. Alex. <hi rend="ital">Strom.</hi> vol. i. p. 364b.)
      Plutarch (<hi rend="ital">de Mus. 3</hi>) tells us that he set his own verses and those of
      Homer to certain citharoedic nomes, and sang them in the musical contests; and that he was the
      first who gave names to the various citharoedic nomes. These nomes were simple tunes, from
      which others could be derived by slight variations; and these latter were called <foreign xml:lang="grc">μέλη</foreign>. That the nomes of Terpander were entirely of his own
      composition, is not very probable, and indeed there is evidence to prove that some of them
      were derived from old tunes, ascribed to the ancient bards, and others from national melodies.
      Neither were they all adapted to the rhythm of the heroic hexameter; for among them we find
      mention made of Trochaic nomes and of Orthian nomes, which consisted in a great extension of
      certain feet; and there is still extant a fragment of Terpander, which affords a good specimen
      of those Spondaic hymns which were sung at festivals of peculiar solemnity, and the music of
      which would of course be in keeping with the gravity of the rhythm and of the meaning (<bibl n="Clem. Al. Strom. vi. p. 784">Clem. Al. Strom. vi. p. 784</bibl>): <quote xml:lang="grc" rend="blockquote"><lg><l>Ζεῦ, πάντων ἀρχά, πάντων ἀγήτωρ,</l><l>Ζεῦ, σοι πέμπω ταύταν ὕμνων ἀρχάν.</l></lg></quote></p><p>The question, whether any of Terpander's nomes were aulodic, cannot be decided with absolute
      certainty. Nearly all that we know of him is any connection with citharoedic music; and the
      arguments adduced to prove that he also used the flute are by no means conclusive; while, on
      the other hand, the improvement of that species of music is expressly ascribed to other
      composers, as Olympus and Clonas, who stand in much the same relation to aulodic music as
      Terpander does to that of the lyre. It is also uncertain whether his nomes were embodied in
      any written system of musical notation, or whether they were handed down by tradition in the
      school which he founded. Be this as it may, they remained for a very long period the standard
      melodies used at religious festivals, and the school of Terpander flourished for many
      generations at Sparta, and in Lesbos, and throughout Greece. At the festival of the Carneia,
      where Terpander had been the first to obtain a victory, the prize for lyric music was gained
      in regular succession by members of his school down to <hi rend="smallcaps">PERICLEITUS</hi>,
      about <date when-custom="-550">B. C. 550</date>. Respecting the improvements in citharoedic music
      after the time of Terpander, see <hi rend="smallcaps">THALETAS</hi>.</p><p>The remains of Terpander's poetry, which no doubt consisted entirely of religious hymns, are
      comprised in the two fragments already quoted, and in two others, the one of one hexameter
      verse (Schol. <hi rend="ital"><bibl n="Aristoph. Cl. 591">Aristoph. Cl. 591</bibl></hi>), and
      the other of one and a half (Plut. <hi rend="ital">Lyc. 21</hi>), and one reference.
      (Böckh, Plehn, and Müller, as above quoted; Ulrici, <hi rend="ital">Gesch. d. Hellen
       Dichtk.</hi> vol. ii. pp. 341, foll.; Bode, vol. ii. passim; Bergk, <hi rend="ital">Poet.
       Lyr. Graec.</hi> pp. 537, 538.) </p><byline>[<ref target="author.P.S">P.S</ref>]</byline></div></div></body></text></TEI>
                </passage>
            </reply>
            </GetPassage>