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                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:base="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><body xml:lang="eng" n="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><div type="textpart" subtype="alphabetic_letter" n="S"><div type="textpart" subtype="entry" xml:id="sulla-bio-6" n="sulla_6"><head><persName xml:lang="la"><surname full="yes">Sulla</surname></persName></head><p>5. <persName xml:lang="la"><forename full="yes">L.</forename><surname full="yes">Cornelius</surname><addName full="yes">Sulla</addName><addName full="yes">Felix</addName></persName>, the dictator, was born in <date when-custom="-138">B. C.
       138</date>. Like most other great men, he was the architect of his own fortunes. He possessed
      neither of the two great advantages which secured for the Roman nobles easy access to the
      honours of the commonwealth: an illustrious ancestry and hereditary wealth. His father had
      left him so small a property that he paid for his lodgings very little more than a freedman
      who lived in the same house with him. But still his means were sufficient to secure for him a
      good <pb n="934"/>
      <figure/> education. He studied the Greek and Roman literature with diligence and success, and
      appears early to have imbibed that love for literature and art by which he was distinguished
      throughout his life. At the same time that he was cultivating his mind, he was also indulging
      his senses. He passed a great part of his time in the company of actors and actresses; he was
      fond of wine and women; and he continued to pursue his pleasures with as much eagerness as his
      ambitious schemes down to the time of his death. He possessed all the accomplishments and all
      the vices which the old Cato had been most accustomed to denounce, and he was one of those
      patterns of Greek literature and of Greek profligacy who had begun to make their appearance at
      Rome in Cato's time, and had since become more and more common among the Roman nobles. But
      Sulla's love of pleasure did not absorb all his time, nor did it emasculate his mind; for no
      Roman during the latter days of the republic, with the exception of Julius Caesar, had a
      clearer judgment, a keener discrimination of character, or a firmer will. The truth of this
      the following history will abundantly prove.</p><p>The slender property of Sulla was increased by the liberality of his step-mother and of a
      courtezan named Nicopolis, both of whom left him all their fortune. His means, though still
      scanty for a Roman noble, now enabled him to aspire to the honours of the state, and he
      accordingly became a candidate for the quaestorship, to which he was elected for the year
       <date when-custom="-107">B. C. 107</date>. He was ordered to carry over the cavalry to the consul
      C. Marius, who had just taken the command of the Jugurthine war in Africa. Marius was not well
      pleased that a quaestor had been assigned to him, who was only known for his profligacy, and
      who had had no experience in war; but the zeal and energy with which Sulla attended to his new
      duties soon rendered him a useful and skilful officer, and gained for him the unqualified
      approbation of his commander, notwithstanding his previous prejudices against him. He was
      equally successful in winning the affections of the soldiers. He always addressed them with
      the greatest kindness, seized every opportunity of conferring favours upon them, was ever
      ready to take part in all the jests of the camp, and at the same time never shrunk from
      sharing in all their labours and dangers. Sulla, doubtless, had already the consulship before
      his eyes, and thus early did he show that he possessed the great secret of a man's success in
      a free state, the art of winning the affections of his fellow-men. He distinguished himself at
      the battle of Cirta, in which Jugurtha and Bocchus were defeated; and when the latter entered
      into negotiations with Marius, for the purpose of delivering the Numidian <pb n="935"/> king
      into the hands of the Romans, the consul sent Sulla to Bocchus to bring the matter to a
      conclusion. It was chiefly owing to the influence which Sulla had acquired over the mind of
      Bocchus, that the latter, after much hesitation, was eventually persuaded to sacrifice his
      ally. Sulla carried Jugurtha in chains to the camp of Marius. [<hi rend="smallcaps">JUGURTHA</hi>.] The quaestor shared with the consul the glory of bringing this war to a
      conclusion; and Sulla himself was so proud of his share in the success, that he had a seal
      ring engraved, representing the surrender of Jugurtha, which he continued to wear till the day
      of his death.</p><p>Italy was now threatened with an invasion by the vast hordes of the Cimbri and Teutones, who
      had already destroyed several Roman armies. Marius was accordingly again raised to the
      consulship, which he held for four years in succession, <date when-custom="-104">B. C.
       104</date>-<date when-custom="-101">101</date>. In the first of these years Sulla served under
      Marius as legate, and in the second as tribunus militum, and in each year gained great
      distinction by his military services. But towards the end of <date when-custom="-103">B. C.
       103</date>, or the beginning of <date when-custom="-102">B. C. 102</date>, the good understanding
      which had hitherto prevailed between Marius and Sulla was interrupted, the former being
      jealous, says Plutarch, of the rising fame of his officer. Sulla accordingly left Marius in
       <date when-custom="-102">B. C. 102</date>, in order to serve under his colleague Q. Catulus, with
      whom he had still greater opportunities of gaining distinction, as Catulus was not much of a
      general, and was therefore willing to entrust the chief management of the war to Sulla. The
      latter reduced several Alpine tribes to subjection, and took such good care to keep his troops
      supplied with provisions, that on one occasion he was able to relieve the army of Marius as
      well as his own, a circumstance which, as Sulla said in his memoirs, greatly annoyed Marius.
      Sulla fought in the decisive battle, by which the barbarians were destroyed in <date when-custom="-101">B. C. 101</date>. [<hi rend="smallcaps">CATULUS</hi>. No. 3; <hi rend="smallcaps">MARIUS</hi>, p. 956.]</p><p>Sulla now returned to Rome, and appears to have lived quietly for some years without taking
      any part in public affairs. He became a candidate for the praetorship for the year <date when-custom="-94">B. C. 94</date>, but failed. According to his own statement he lost his election
      because the people were disappointed at his not having previously offered himself for the
      aedileship, since they had been looking forward to a splendid exhibition of African wild
      beasts in the aedilician games of the friend of Bocchus. In the following year, however, he
      was more successful. He distributed money among the people with a liberal hand, and thus
      gained the praetorship for <date when-custom="-93">B. C. 93</date>. In this office he gratified the
      wishes of the people by exhibiting in the Ludi Apollinares a hundred African lions, who were
      put to death in the circus by archers whom Bocchus had sent for the purpose.</p><p>In the following year, <date when-custom="-92">B. C. 92</date>, Sulla was sent as propraetor into
      Cilicia, and was especially commissioned by the senate to restore Ariobarzanes to his kingdom
      of Cappadocia, from which he had been expelled by Mithridates. Although Sulla had not the
      command of a large force, he met with complete success. He defeated Gordius, the general of
      Mithridates in Cappadocia, and placed Ariobarzanes again on the throne. His success attracted
      the attention of Arsaces, king of Parthia, who accordingly sent an embassy to him to solicit
      the alliance of the Roman people. Sulla was the first Roman general who had any official
      intercourse with the Parthians, and he received the ambassadors with the same pride and
      arrogance as the Roman generals were accustomed to exhibit to the representatives of all
      foreign powers. Soon after this interview Sulla returned to Rome, where he was threatened in
       <date when-custom="-91">B. C. 91</date> by C. Censorinus with an impeachment for malversation, but
      the accusation was dropped.</p><p>The enmity between Marius and Sulla now assumed a more deadly form. Sulla's ability and
      increasing reputation had already led the aristocratical party to look up to him as one of
      their leaders, and thus political animosity was added to private hatred. In addition to this
      Marius and Sulla were both anxious to obtain the command of the imapending war against
      Mithridates; and the success which attended Sulla's recent operations in the East had
      increased his popularity, and pointed him out as the most suitable person for this important
      command. About this time Bocchus erected in the Capitol gilded figures, representing the
      surrender of Jugurtha to Sulla, at which Marius was so enraged that he could scarcely be
      prevented from removing them by force. The exasperation of both parties became so violent that
      they nearly had recourse to arms against each other; but the breaking out of the Social War,
      and the immediate danger to which Rome was now exposed, hushed all private quarrels, and made
      all parties fight alike for their own preservation and that of the republic. Never had Rome
      greater need of the services of all her generals, and Marius and Sulla both took an active
      part in the war against the common foe. But Marius was now advanced in years, and did not
      possess the same activity either of mind or body as his younger rival. He had therefore the
      deep mortification of finding that his achievements were thrown into the shade by the superior
      energy of his former quaestor, and that his fortune paled more and more before the rising sun.
      In <date when-custom="-90">B. C. 90</date> Sulla served as legate under the consul L. Caesar, but
      his most brilliant exploits were performed in the following year, when he was legate of the
      consul L. Cato. In this year he destroyed the Campanian town of Stabiae, defeated L. Cluentius
      near Pompeii, and reduced the Hirpini to submission. He next penetrated into the very heart of
      Samnium, defeated Papius Mutilus, the leader of the Samnites, and followed up his victory by
      the capture of Bovianum, the chief town of this people. While he thus earned glory by his
      enterprises against the enemy, he was equally successful in gaining the affections of his
      troops. He pardoned their excesses, and connived at their crimes; and even when they put to
      death Albinus, one of his legates and a man of praetorian rank, he passed over the offence
      with the remark that his soldiers would fight all the better, and atone for their fault by
      their courage. As the time for the consular comitia approached Sulla hastened to Rome, where
      he was elected, almost unanimously, consul for the year <date when-custom="-88">B. C. 88</date>,
      with Q. Pompeius Rufus as his colleague.</p><p>The war against Mithridates had now become inevitable, and the Social War was not yet
      brought to a conclusion. The senate assigned to Sulla the command of the former, and to his
      colleague Pompeius the conduct of the latter. Marius, however, would not resign without a
      struggle to his hated rival the distinction which he had so long coveted ; <pb n="936"/> but
      before he could venture to wrest from Sulla the authority with which he had been entrusted by
      the senate, he felt it necessary to strengthen the popular party. This he resolved to effect
      by identifying his interests with those of the Italian allies, who had lately obtained the
      franchise. He found a ready instrument for his purpose in the tribune P. Sulpicius Rufus, a
      man of ability and energy, but overwhelmed with debt, and who hoped that the spoils of the
      Mithridatic war, of which Marius promised him a liberal share, would relieve him from his
      embarrassments. This tribune accordingly brought forward two rogations. one to recal from
      exile those persons who had been banished in accordance with the Lex Varia, on account of
      their having been accessory to the Marsic war, and another, by which the Italians, who had
      just obtained the franchise, were to be distributed among the thirty-five tribes. The
      Italians, when they were admitted to the citizenship, were formed into eight or ten new
      tribes, which were to vote after the thirty-five old ones, and by this arrangement they would
      rarely be called upon to exercise their newly-acquired rights. On the other hand, the proposal
      of Sulpicius would place the whole political power in their hands, as they far outnumbered the
      old Roman citizens, and would thus have an overwhelming majority in each tribe. If this
      proposition passed into a lex, it was evident that the new citizens out of gratitude would
      confer upon Marius the command of the Mithridatic war. To prevent the tribune from putting
      these rogations to the vote, the consuls declared a justitium, during which no business could
      be legally transacted. But Sulpicius was resolved to carry his point; with an armed band of
      followers he entered the forum and called upon the consuls to withdraw the justitium; and upon
      their refusal to comply with his demand, he ordered his satellites to draw their swords and
      fall upon the consuls. Pompeius escaped, but his son Quintus, who was also the son-in-law of
      Sulla. was killed. Sulla himself only escaped by taking refuge in the house of Marius, which
      was close to the forum, and in order to save his life he was obliged to remove the
      justitium.</p><p>Sulla quitted Rome and hastened to his army, which was besieging Nola. The city was now in
      the hands of Sulpicius and Marius, and the two rogations passed into laws without opposition,
      as well as a third. conferring upon Marius the command of the Mithridatic war. Marius lost no
      time in sending some tribunes to assume on his behalf the command of the army at Nola; but the
      soldiers, who loved Sulla, and who feared that Marius might lead another army to Asia, and
      thus deprive them of their anticipated plunder, stoned his deputies to death. Sulla found his
      soldiers ready to respond to his wishes; they called upon him to lead them to Rome, and
      deliver the city from the tyrants. He was moreover encouraged by favourable omens and dreams,
      to which he always attached great importance. He therefore hesitated no longer, but at the
      head of six legions broke up from his encampment at Nola, and marched towards the city. His
      officers, however, refused to serve against their country, and all quitted him with the
      exception of one quaestor. This was the first time that a Roman had ever marched at the head
      of Roman troops against the city. Marius was taken by surprise. Such was the reverence that
      the Romans entertained for law, that it seems never to have occurred to him or to his party
      that Sulla would venture to draw his sword against the state. Marius attempted to gain time
      for preparations by forbidding Sulla in the name of the state to advance any further. But the
      praetors who carried this command narrowly escaped being murdered by the soldiers; and Marius
      as a last resort offered liberty to the slaves who would join him. But it was all in vain.
      Sulla entered the city without much difficulty, and Marius took to flight with his son and a
      few followers. Sulla used his victory with moderation. He protected the city from plunder, and
      in order to restrain his troops he passed the night in the streets along with his colleague.
      Only Marius, Sulpicius, and ten others of his bitterest enemies were declared public enemies
      by the senate at his command, on the ground of their having disturbed the public peace, taken
      up arms against the consuls, and excited the slaves to freedom. Sulpicius was betrayed by one
      of his slaves and put to death; Marius and his son succeeded in escaping to Africa. [<hi rend="smallcaps">MARIUS</hi>, p. 957b.]</p><p>Although Sulla had conquered Rome, he had neither the time, nor perhaps the power, to carry
      into execution any great organic changes in the constitution. His soldiers were impatient for
      the plunder of Asia; and he probably thought it advisable to attach them still more strongly
      to his person before he ventured to deprive the people of their power in the commonwealth. He
      therefore contented himself with repealing the Sulpician laws, and enacting that no matter
      should in future be brought before the people without the previous sanction of a
      senatusconsultum; for the statement of Appian (<bibl n="App. BC 1.7.59">App. BC 1.59</bibl>)
      that he now abolished the Comitia tributa, and filled up the members of the senate, is
      evidently erroneous, and refers to a later time. It appears, however, that he attempted at
      this time to give some relief to debtors by a <hi rend="ital">lex unciaria,</hi> but the
      nature of which relief is uncertain from the mutilated condition of the passage in Festus (<hi rend="ital">s. v.</hi>) who is the only writer that makes mention of this lex. Sulla sent
      forward his legions to Capua, that they might be ready to embark for Greece, but he himself
      remained in Rome till the consuls were elected for the following year. He recommended to the
      people Nonius, his sister's son, and Serv. Sulpicius. His candidates, however, were rejected,
      and the choice fell on Cn. Octavius, who belonged to the aristocratical party, but was a weak
      and irresolute man, and on L. Cinna, who was a professed champion of the popular side. Sulla
      did not attempt to oppose their election; to have recalled his legions to Rome would have been
      a dangerous experiment when the soldiers were so eager for the spoils of the East; and he
      therefore professed to be pleased that the people made use of the liberty he had granted them.
      He, however, took the vain precaution of making Cinna promise that he would make no attempt to
      disturb the existing order of things; but one of Cinna's first acts was to induce the tribune
      M. Virgilius to bring an accusation against Sulla as soon as his year of office had expired.
      Sulla, without paying any attention to this accusation, quitted Rome at the beginning of <date when-custom="-87">B. C. 87</date>, and hastened to his troops at Capua, where he embarked for
      Greece, in order to carry on the war against Mithridates.</p><p>For the next four years Sulla was engaged in <pb n="937"/> the prosecution of this war, the
      history of which is given under <hi rend="smallcaps">MITHRIDATES</hi> VI. and his general <hi rend="smallcaps">ARCHELAUS</hi>, and may therefore be dismissed here with a few words. Sulla
      landed at Dyrrhachium, and forthwith marched against Athens, which had become the
      head-quarters of the Mithridatic cause in Greece. After a long and obstinate siege, Athens was
      taken by storm on the 1st of March in the following year, <date when-custom="-86">B. C. 86</date>;
      and in consequence of the insults which Sulla and his wife Metella had received from the
      tyrant Aristion, the city was given up to rapine and plunder. He next obtained possession of
      the Peiraeeus, which had been defended by Archelaus. Meantime Mithridates had sent fresh
      reinforcements to Archelaus, who concentrated all his troops in Boeotia. Sulla advanced
      against him, and defeated him in the neighbourhood of Chaeroneia with such enormous loss, that
      out of the 120,000 men with whom Archelaus had opened the campaign, he is said to have
      assembled only 10,000 at Chalcis in Euboea, where he had taken refuge. But while Sulla was
      carrying on the war with such success in Greece, his enemies had obtained the upper hand in
      Italy. The consul Cinna, who had been driven out of Rome by his colleague Octavius, soon after
      Sulla's departure from Italy, had entered it again with Marius at the close of the year. Both
      Cinna and Marius were appointed consuls <date when-custom="-86">B. C. 86</date>, all the regulations
      of Sulia were swept away, his friends and adherents murdered, his property confiscated, and he
      himself declared a public enemy. It has frequently been made a subject of panegyric upon Sulla
      that he still continued to prosecute the war with Mithridates under these circumstances, and
      preferred the subjugation of the enemies of Rome to the gratification of his own revenge. But
      it must be recollected that an immediate peace with Mithridates would have discontented his
      soldiers; while by bringing the war to an honourable conclusion, he gratified his troops by
      plunder, attached them more and more to his person, and at the same time collected from the
      conquered cities vast sums of money for the prosecution of the war against his enemies in
      Italy. At the same time it is an undoubted proof of his sagacity and forethought that he knew
      how to bide his tine. Most other men in his circumstances would have hurried back to Italy at
      once to crush their enemies, and thus have ruined themselves. Marius died seventeen days after
      lie had entered upon his consulship. and was succeeded in the office by L. Valerius Flaccus,
      who was sent into Asia that he might prosecute the war at the sane time against Mithridates
      and Sulla. Flaccus was murdered by his troops at the instigation of Fimbria, who now assumed
      the command, and who gained several victories over the generals of Mithridates in Asia, in
       <date when-custom="-85">B. C. 85</date>. About the same time the new army, which Mithridates had
      again sent to Archelaus in Greece, was again defeated by Sulla in the neighbourhood of
      Orchomenus. These repeated disasters made Mithridates anxious for peace, but it was not
      granted by Sulla till the following year, <date when-custom="-84">B. C. 84</date>, when he had
      crossed the Hellespont in order to carry on the war in that country. Sulla was now at liberty
      to turn his arms against Fimbria, who was with his army at Thyateira. The name of Sulla
      carried victory with it. The troops of Fimbria deserted their general, who put an end to his
      own life. Sulla now prepared to return to Italy. After exacting enormous sums from the wealthy
      cities of Asia, he left his legate, L. Licinius Murena, in command of the province of Asia,
      with two legions, and set sail with his own army to Athens. While preparing for his deadly
      struggle in Italy, he did not lose his interest in literature. He carried with him from Athens
      to Rome the valuable library of Apellicon of Teos, which contained most of the works of
      Aristotle and Theophrastus. [<hi rend="smallcaps">APELLICON</hi>.] During his stay at Athens,
      Sulla had an attack of gout, of which he was cured by the use of the warm springs of Aedepsus
      in Euboea. As soon as he recovered, he led his army to Dyrrhachium, and from thence crossed
      over to Brundusium in Italy.</p><p>Sulla landed at Brundusium in the spring of <date when-custom="-83">B. C. 83</date>, in the
      consulship of L. Scipio and C. Norbanus. During the preceding year he had written to the
      senate, recounting the services he had rendered to the commonwealth from the time of the
      Jugurthine war down to the conquest of Mithridates, complaining of the ingratitude with which
      he had been treated, announcing his speedy return to Italy, and threatening to take vengeance
      upon his enemies and those of the republic. The senate, in alarm, sent an embassy to Sulla to
      endeavour to bring about a reconciliation between him and his enemies, and meantime ordered
      the consuls Cinna and Carbo to desist from levying troops, and making further preparations for
      war. Cinna and Carbo gave no heed to this command ; they knew that a reconciliation was
      impossible, and resolved to carry over an army to Dalmatia, in order to oppose Sulla in
      Greece; but after one detachment of their troops had embarked, the remaining soldiers rose in
      mutiny, and murdered Cinna. The Marian party had thus lost their leader, but continued
      nevertheless to make every preparation to oppose Sulla, for they were well aware that he would
      never forgive them, and that their only choice lay between victory and destruction. Besides
      this the Italians were ready to support them, as these new citizens feared that Sulla would
      deprive them of the rights which they had lately obtained after so much bloodshed. The Marian
      party had every prospect of victory, for their troops far exceeded those of Sulla. According
      to Velleius Paterculus, they had 200,000 men in arms, while Sulla landed at Brundusinm with
      only 30,000, or at the most 40,000 men. (<bibl n="Vell. 2.24">Vell. 2.24</bibl>; Appian, <bibl n="App. BC 1.9.79">App. BC 1.79</bibl>.) But on the other hand, the popular party had no one
      of sufficient influence and military reputation to take the supreme command in the war; their
      vast forces were scattered about Italy, in different armies, under different generals; the
      soldiers had no confidence in their commanders, and no enthusiasm in their cause; and the
      consequence was, that whole hosts of them deserted to Sulla on the first opportunity. Sulla's
      soldiers, on the contrary, were veterans, who had frequently fought by each other's side, and
      had acquired that confidence in themselves and in their general which frequent victories
      always give to soldiers. Still if the Italians had remained faithful to the cause of the
      Marian party, Sulla would hardly have conquered, and therefore one of his first cares after
      landing at Brundusium was to detach them from his enemies. For this purpose he would not allow
      his troops to do any injury to the towns or fields of the Italians in his march from
      Brundusium through Calabria <pb n="938"/> and Apulia, and he formed separate treaties with
      many of the Italian towns, by which he secured to them all the rights and privileges of Roman
      citizens which they then enjoyed. Among the Italians the Samnites continued to be the most
      formidable enemies of Sulla. They had not yet received the Roman franchise, because they had
      continued in arms down to this time, and they now joined the Marian party, not simply with the
      design of securing the supremacy for the latter, but with the hope of conquering Rome by their
      means, and then destroying for ever their hated oppressor. Thus this civil war became merely
      another phase of the Marsic war, and the struggle between Rome and Samnium for the supremacy
      of the peninsula was renewed after the subjection of the latter for more than two hundred
      years.</p><p>Sulla marched from Apulia into Campania without meeting with any resistance. It was in the
      latter country that he gained his first victory over the consul Norbanus, who was defeated
      with great loss, and obliged to take refuge in Capua. His colleague Scipio, who was at no
      great distance, willingly accepted a truce which Sulla offered him, although Sertorius warned
      him against entering into any negotiations, and his caution was justified by the event. By
      means of his emissaries Sulla seduced the troops of Scipio, who at length found himself
      deserted by all his soldiers, and was taken prisoner in his tent. Sulla, however, dismissed
      him uninjured. On hearing of this Carbo is said to have observed " that he had to contend in
      Sulla both with a lion and a fox, but that the fox gave him more trouble." Many distinguished
      Romans meantime had taken up arms on behalf of Sulla. Cn. Pompey had levied three legions for
      him in Picenum and the surrounding districts ; and Q. Metellus Pius, M. Crassus, M. Lucullus,
      and several others offered their services as legates. It was not, however, till the following
      year, <date when-custom="-82">B. C. 82</date>, that the struggle was brought to a decisive issue.
      The consuls of this year were Cn. Papirius Carbo and the younger Marius; the former of whom
      was entrusted with the protection of Etruria and Umbria, while the latter had to guard Rome
      and Latium. Sulla appears to have passed the winter at Campania. At the commencement of spring
      he advanced against the younger Marius, who had concentrated all his forces at Sacriportus,
      and defeated him with great loss. Marius took refuge in Praeneste, where he had previously
      deposited his military stores, and a great quantity of gold and silver which he had brought
      from the Capitol and other temples at Rome. Sulla followed him to Praeneste, and after leaving
      Q. Lucretius Ofella with a large force to blockade the town and compel it to a surrender by
      famine, he marched with the main body of his army to Rome. Marius was resolved not to perish
      unavenged, and accordingly before Sulla could reach Rome, he sent orders to L. Damasippus, the
      praetor, to put to death all his leading opponents. His orders were faithfully obeyed. Q.
      Mucius Scaevola, the pontifex maximus and jurist, P. Antistius, L. Domitius, and many other
      distingished men were butchered and their corpses thrown into the Tiber. Sulla entered the
      city without opposition; Damasippus and his adherents had previously withdrawn, and repaired
      to Uarbo in Etruria. Sulla marched against Carbo, who had been previously opposed by Pompeius
      and Metellus. The history of this part of the war is involved in great obscurity. Carbo made
      two efforts to relieve Praeneste, but failed in each; and after fighting with various fortune
      against Pompey, Metellus, and Sulla, he at length embarked for Africa, despairing of further
      success in Italy. [For details see <hi rend="smallcaps">CARBO</hi>, No. 7.] Meantime Rome had
      nearly fallen into the hands of the enemy. The Samnites and Lucanians under Pontius Telesinus
      and L. Lamponius, after attempting to relieve Praeneste, resolved to march straight upon Rome,
      which had been left without any army for its protection. Sulla barely arrived in time to save
      the city. The battle was fought before the Colline gate; it was long and obstinately
      contested; the contest was not simply for the supremacy of a party; the very existence of Rome
      was at stake, for Telesinus had declared that he would raze the city to the ground. The left
      wing where Sulla commanded in person was driven off the field by the vehemence of the enemy's
      charge; but the success of the right wing, which was commanded by Crassus, enabled Sulla to
      restore the battle, and at length gain a complete victory. Fifty thousand men are said to have
      fallen on each side (Appian, <bibl n="App. BC 1.10.93">App. BC 1.93</bibl>). All the most
      distinguished leaders of the enemy either perished in the engagement or were taken prisoners
      and put to death. Among these was the brave Samnite Pontius Telesinus, whose head was cut off
      and carried under the walls of Praeneste, thereby announcing to the younger Marius that his
      last hope of succour was gone. To the Samnite prisoners Sulla showed no mercy. He was resolved
      to root out of the peninsula those heroic enemies of Rome. On the third day after the battle
      he collected all the Samnite and Lucanian prisoners in the Campus Martins, and ordered his
      soldiers to cut them down. The dying shrieks of so many victims frightened the senators, who
      had been assembled at the same time by Sulla in the temple of Bellona; but he bade them attend
      to what he was saying and not mind what was taking place outside, as he was only chastising
      some rebels, and he then quietly proceeded to finish his discourse. Praeneste surrendered soon
      afterwards. The Romans in the town were pardoned; but all the Samnites and Praenestines were
      massacred without mercy. The younger Marius put an end to his own life [<hi rend="smallcaps">MARIUS</hi>, No. 2]. The war in Italy was now virtually at an end, for the few towns which
      still held out had no prospect of offering any effectual opposition, and were reduced soon
      afterwards. In other parts of the Roman world the war continued still longer, and Sulla did
      not live to see its completion. The armies of the Marian party in Sicily and Africa were
      subdued by Pompey in the course of <date when-custom="-82">B. C. 82</date>; but Sertorius in Spain
      continued to defy all the attempts of the senate to crush him, till his cowardly assassination
      by Perperna in <date when-custom="-72">B. C. 72</date>. [<hi rend="smallcaps">SERTORIUS</hi>.]</p><p>Sulla was now master of Rome. He had not commenced the civil war, but had been driven to it
      by the mad ambition of Marius. His enemies had attempted to deprive him of the command in the
      Mithridatic war which had been legally conferred upon him by the senate; and while he was
      fighting the battles of the republic they had declared him a public enemy, confiscated his
      property, and murdered the most distinguished of his friends and adherents. For all these
      wrongs, Sulla had threatened to take the most ample vengeance ; and he more than redeemed his
      word. <pb n="939"/> He resolved to extirpate root and branch the popular party. One of his
      first acts was to draw up a list of his enemies who were to be put to death, which list was
      exhibited in the forum to public inspection, and called a <hi rend="ital">Proscriptio.</hi> It
      was the first instance of the kind in Roman history. All persons in this list were outlaws who
      might be killed by any one with impunity, even by slaves ; their property was confiscated to
      the state, and was to be sold by public auction; their children and grandchildren lost their
      votes in the comitia, and were excluded from all public offices. Further, all who killed a
      proscribed person, or indicated the place of his concealment, received two talents as a
      reward, and whoever sheltered such a person was punished with death. Terror now reigned, not
      only at Rome, but throughout Italy. Fresh lists of the proscribed constantly appeared. No one
      was safe; for Sulla gratified his friends by placing in the fatal lists their personal
      enemies, or persons whose property was coveted by his adherents. An estate, a house, or even a
      piece of plate was to many a man, who belonged to no political party, his death warrant; for
      although the confiscated property belonged to the state, and had to be sold by public auction,
      the friends and dependents of Sulla purchased it at a nominal price, as no one dared to bid
      against them. Oftentimes Sulla did not require the purchase-money to be paid at all, and in
      many cases he gave such property to his favourites without even the formality of a sale.
      Metella, the wife of the dictator, and Chrysogonus his freedman, P. Sulla, M. Crassus,
      Vettius, and Sex. Naevius are especially mentioned among those who received such presents; and
      handsome Roman matrons, as likewise actors and actresses, were favoured in the same manner.
      The number of persons who perished by the proscriptions is stated differently, but it appears
      to have amounted to many thousands. At the commencement of these horrors Sulla had been
      appointed dictator. As both the consuls had perished, he caused the senate to elect Valerius
      Flaccus interrex, and the latter brought before the people a rogatio, conferring the
      dictatorship upon Sulla, for the purpose of restoring order to the republic, and for as long a
      time as he judged to be necessary. Thus the dictatorship was revived after being in abeyance
      for more than 120 years, and Sulla obtained absolute power over the lives and fortunes of all
      the citizens. This was towards the close of <date when-custom="-81">B. C. 81</date>. Sulla's great
      object in being invested with the dictatorship was to carry into execution in a legal manner
      the great reforms which he meditated in the constitution and the administration of justice, by
      which he hoped to place the government of the republic on a firm and secure basis. He had no
      intention of abolishing the republic, and consequently he caused consuls to be elected for the
      following year, <date when-custom="-81">B. C. 81</date>, and was elected to the office himself in
       <date when-custom="-80">B. C. 80</date>, while he continued to hold the dictatorship.</p><p>At the beginning of the following year, <date when-custom="-81">B. C. 81</date>, Sulla celebrated
      a splendid triumph on account of his victory over Mithridates. In a speech which he delivered
      to the people at the close of the gorgeous ceremony, he claimed for himself the surname of <hi rend="ital">Felix,</hi> as he attributed his success in life to the favour of the gods. He
      believed himself to have been in particular under the protection of Venus, who had granted him
      victory in battle as well as in love. Hence, in writing to Greeks, he called himself
      Epaphroditus. All ranks in Rome bowed in awe before their master; and among other marks of
      distinction which were voted to him by the obsequious senate, a gilt equestrian statue was
      erected to his honour before the Rostra, bearing the inscription " Cornelio Sullae Imperatori
      Felici."</p><p>During the years <date when-custom="-80">B. C. 80</date> and 79, Sulla carried into execution his
      various reforms in the constitution, of which an account is given at the close of his life.
      But at the same time he adopted measures in order to crush his enemies more completely, and to
      consolidate the power of his party These measures require a few words of explanation, as they
      did not form a part of his constitutional reforms, though they were intended for the support
      of the latter. The first of these measures has been already mentioned, namely the destruction
      of his enemies by the proscription. He appears to have published his list of victims
      immediately after the defeat of the Samnites and Lucanians at the Colline gate, without
      communicating, as Plutarch says (<hi rend="ital">Sull. 31</hi>), with any magistrate ; but
      when he was dictator he proposed a law in the comitia centuriata, which ratified his
      proscriptions, and which is usually called <hi rend="ital">Lex Cornelia de Proscriptione</hi>
      or <hi rend="ital">De Proscriptis.</hi> By this law it was enacted that all proscriptions
      should cease on the 1st of June, <date when-custom="-81">B. C. 81</date>. The lex Valeria, which
      conferred the dictatorship upon Sulla, gave him absolute power over the lives of Roman
      citizens, and hence Cicero says he does not know whether to call the proscription law a lex
      Valeria or lex Cornelia. (Cic. <hi rend="ital">pro Rose. Am. 43, 44, de Leg. Ayr.</hi>
      3.2.)</p><p>Another of Sulla's measures, and one of still more importance for the support of his power,
      was the establishment of military colonies throughout Italy. The inhabitants of the Italian
      towns, which had fought against Sulla, were deprived of the fill Roman franchise which had
      been lately conferred upon them, and were only allowed to retain the commercium : their land
      was confiscated and given to the soldiers who had fought under him. Twenty-three legions
      (Appian, <bibl n="App. BC 1.11.100">App. BC 1.100</bibl>), or, according to another statement
      (Liv. <hi rend="ital">Epit. 89</hi>), forty-seven legions received grants of land in various
      parts of Italy. A great number of these colonies was settled in Etruria, the population of
      which was thus almost entirely changed. These colonies had the strongest interest in upholding
      the institutions of Sulla, since any attempt to invalidate the latter would have endangered
      their newly-acquired possessions. But though they were a support to the power of Sulla, they
      hastened the fall of the commonwealth; an idle and licentious soldiery supplanted an
      industrious and agricultural population; and Catiline found nowhere more adherents than among
      the military colonies of Sulla. While Sulla thus established throughout Italy a population
      devoted to his interests, he created at Rome a kind of bodyguard for his protection by giving
      the citizenship to a great number of slaves belonging to those who had been proscribed by him.
      The slaves thus rewarded are said to have been as many as 10,000, and were called Cornelii
      after him as their patron.</p><p>Sulla had completed his reforms by the beginning of <date when-custom="-79">B. C. 79</date>, and
      as he longed for the undisturbed enjoyment of his pleasures, he resolved to resign his
      dictatorship. Accordingly, to the general surprise he summoned the people, resigned his
      dictatorship, and declared himself ready to render <pb n="940"/> an account of his conduct
      while in office. This voluntary abdication by Sulla of the sovereignty of the Roman world has
      excited the astonishment and admiration of both ancient and modern writers. But it is evident,
      as has been already remarked, that Sulla never contemplated, like Julius Caesar, the
      establishment of a monarchical form of government ; and it must be recollected that he could
      retire into a private station without any fear that attempts would be made against his life or
      his institutions. The ten thousand Cornelii at Rome and his veterans stationed throughout
      Italy, as well as the whole strength of the aristocratical party, secured him against all
      danger. Even in his retirement his will was law, and shortly before his death, he ordered his
      slaves to strangle a magistrate of one of the towns in Italy, because he was a public
      defaulter.</p><p>After resigning his dictatorship, Sulla retired to his estate at Puteoli, and there
      surrounded by the beauties of nature and art he passed the remainder of his life in those
      literary and sensual enjoyments in which he had always taken so much pleasure. His dissolute
      mode of life hastened his death. A dream warned him of his approaching end. Thereupon he made
      his testament, in which he left L. Lucullus the guardian of his son. Only two days before his
      death, he finished the twenty-second book of his memoirs, in which, foreseeing his end, he was
      able to boast of the prediction of the Chaldaeans, that it was his fate to die after a happy
      life in the very height of his prosperity. He died in <date when-custom="-78">B. C. 78</date>, in
      the sixtieth year of his age. The immediate cause of his death was the rupture of a
      blood-vessel, but some time before he had been suffering from the disgusting disease, which is
      known in modern times by the name of Morbus Pediculosus or Phthiriasis. Appian (<bibl n="App. BC 1.12.105">App. BC 1.105</bibl>) simply relates that he died of a ever. Zachariae.
      in his life of Sulla, considers the story of his suffering from phthiriasis as a fabrication
      of his enemies, and probably of the Athenians whom he had handled so severely; but Appian's
      statement does not contradict the common account, which is attested by too many ancient
      writers to be rejected on the slender reasons that Zachariae alleges (Plut. <hi rend="ital">Sull. 36 ;</hi>
      <bibl n="Plin. Nat. 7.43.44">Plin. Nat. 7.43. s. 44</bibl>, 11.33. s. 39, 26.13. s. 86; <bibl n="Paus. 1.20.7">Paus. 1.20.7</bibl>; Aurel. Vict. <hi rend="ital">de Vir. Ill. 75</hi>). The
      senate, faithful to Sulla to the last, resolved to give him the honour of a public funeral.
      This was however opposed by the consul Lepidus, who had resolved to attempt the repeal of
      Sulla's laws; but Sulla's power continued unshaken even after his death. The veterans were
      summoned from their colonies, and Q. Catulus, L. Lucullus, and Cn. Pompey, placed themselves
      at their head. Lepidus was obliged to give way and allowed the funeral to take place without
      interruption. It was a gorgeous pageant. The magistrates, the senate, the equites, the
      priests, and the Vestal virgins, as well as the veterans, accompanied the funeral procession
      to the Campus Martius, where the corpse was burnt according to Sulla's own wish, who feared
      that his enemies might insult his remains, as he had done those of Marius, which had been
      taken out of the grave and thrown into the Anio at his command. It had been previously the
      custom of the Cornelia gens to bury and not burn their dead. A monument was erected to Sulla
      in the Campus Martius, the inscription on which lie is said to have composed himself. It
      stated that none of his friends ever did him a kindness, and none of his enemies a wrong,
      without being fully repaid.</p><p>Sulla was married five times : -- 1. To Ilia, for which name we ought perhaps to read Julia
      (Plut. <hi rend="ital">Sull. 6</hi>). She bore Sulla a daughter, who was married to Q.
      Pompeius Rufus, the son of Sulla's colleague in the consulship in <date when-custom="-88">B. C.
       88</date>. [<hi rend="smallcaps">POMPEIUS</hi>, No. 8.] 2. To Aelia. 3. To Coelia, whom he
      divorced on the pretext of barrenness, but in reality in order to marry Caecilia Metella. 4.
      To Caecilia Metella, who bore him a son, who died before Sulla [see below, No. 6], and
      likewise twins, a son and a daughter. [No. 7.] 5. Valeria, who bore him a daughter after his
      death. [<hi rend="smallcaps">VALERIA</hi>.]</p><div><head>Works</head><div><head><foreign xml:lang="grc">Ὑπομνήματα</foreign> or <title>Memoirs</title></head><p>Sulla's love of literature has been repeatedly mentioned in the preceding sketch of his
        life. He wrote a history of his own life and times, which is called <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ὑπομνήματα</foreign> or <title>Memoirs</title> by Plutarch, who has
        made great use of it in his life of Sulla, as well as in his biographies of Marius,
        Sertorius, and Lucullus. It was dedicated to L. Lucullus, and extended to twenty-two books,
        the last of which was finished by Sulla a few days before his death, as has been already
        related. This did not however complete the work, which was brought to a conclusion by his
        freedman Cornelius Epicadus, probably at the request of his son Faustus. (<bibl n="Plut. Sull. 6">Plut. Sull. 6</bibl>, <bibl n="Plut. Sull. 37">37</bibl>, <hi rend="ital">Lucull.</hi> I; Suet. <hi rend="ital">de Ill. Gramm. 12.</hi>)</p><p>From the quotations in A. Gellius (<bibl n="Gel. 1.12">1.12</bibl>, <bibl n="Gel. 20.6">20.6</bibl>) it appears that Sulla's work was written in Latin, and not in Greek, as
        Heeren maintains (Heeren, <hi rend="ital">De Fontibus Plutarchi,</hi> p. 151, &amp;c. ;
        Krause, <hi rend="ital">Vitae et Fragmenta Hist. Roman.</hi> p. 290, &amp;c.)</p></div><div><head>Other Works</head><p>Sulla also wrote <title xml:lang="la">Fabulae Atellanae</title> (<bibl n="Ath. 6.261">Athen. 6.261</bibl>c.), and the Greek Anthology contains a short epigram which is ascribed
        to him. (Brunck, <hi rend="ital">Leet.</hi> p. 267; Jacobs, <hi rend="ital">Anth. Gr.</hi>
        vol. ii. p. 66, <hi rend="ital">Anth. Pal.</hi> App. 91, vol. ii. p. 788.)</p></div></div><div><head>Further Information on the life of Sulla</head><p>The chief ancient authority for Sulla's life is Plutarch's biography, which has been
       translated by G. Long, with some useful notes, London, 1844, where the reader will find
       references to most of the passages in Appian and other ancient writers who speak of Sulla.
       The passages in Sallust and Cicero, in which Sulla is mentioned, are given by Orelli in his
        <title xml:lang="la">Onomasticon Tullianum.</title> pt. ii. p. 192. The two modern writers,
       who have written Sulla's life with most accuracy, are Zachariae. in his work entitled
        <title>L. Cornelius Sulla, genannt der Glückliche, als Ordner des Römischen
        Freystaates,</title> Heidelberg, 1834, and Drumann, in his <title xml:lang="la">Geschichte
        Roms,</title> vol. ii. p. 429, &amp;c. The latter writer gives the more impartial account of
       Sulla's life and character ; the former falls into the common fault of biographers in
       attempting to apologise for the vices and crimes of the subject of his biography.</p></div><div><head>The Legislation of Sulla.</head><p>All the reforms of Sulla were effected by means of <hi rend="ital">Leges,</hi> which were
       proposed by him in the comitia centuriata and enacted by the votes of the people. It is true
       that the votes of the people were a mere form, but it was a form essential to the
       preservation of his work, and was maintained by Augustus in his legislation. The laws
       proposed by Sulla are called by the general name of <hi rend="ital">Leges Corneliae.</hi> and
       particular laws are designated by the name of the particular subject to which they relate, as
        <hi rend="ital">Lex Cornelia de Falsis, Lex Cornelia de Sicariis,</hi> &amp;c. <pb n="941"/>
       These laws were all passed during the time that Sulla was dictator, that is, from the end of
        <date when-custom="-82">B. C. 82</date> to <date when-custom="-79">B. C. 79</date>, and most of them in
       all probability during the years <date when-custom="-81">B. C. 81</date> and 80. It is impossible
       to determine in what order they were proposed, nor is it material to do so. They may be
       divided into four classes, laws relating to the constitution, to the ecclesiastical
       corporations, to the administration of justice, and to the improvement of public morals.
       Their general object and design was to restore, as far as possible, the ancient Roman
       constitution, and to give again to the senate and the aristocracy that power of which they
       had been gradually deprived by the leaders of the popular party. It did not escape the
       penetration of Sulla that many of the evils under which the Roman state was suffering, arose
       from the corruption of the morals of the people; and he therefore attempted in his
       legislation to check the increase of crime and luxury by stringent enactments. The attempt
       was a hopeless one, for vice and immorality pervaded alike all classes of Roman citizens, and
       no laws can restore to a people the moral feelings which they have lost. Sulla has been much
       blamed by modern writers for giving to the Roman state such an aristocratical constitution;
       but under the circumstances in which he was placed he could not well have done otherwise. To
       have vested the government in the mob of which the Roman people consisted, would have been
       perfect madness; and as he was not prepared to establish a monarchy, he had no alternative
       but giving the power to the senate. His constitution did not last, because the aristocracy
       were thoroughly selfish and corrupt, and exercised the power which Sulla had entrusted to
       them only for their own aggrandisement and not for the good of their country. Their shameless
       conduct soon disgusted the provinces as well as the capital; the people again regained their
       power, but the consequence was an anarchy and not a government; and as neither class was fit
       to rule, they were obliged to submit to the dominion of a single man. Thus the empire became
       a necessity as well as a blessing to the exhausted Roman world. Sulla's laws respecting
       criminal jurisprudence were the most lasting and bear the strongest testimony to his
       greatness as a legislator. He was the first to reduce the criminal law of Rome to a system;
       and his laws, together with the Julian laws, formed the basis of the criminal Roman
       jurisprudence till the downfall of the empire.</p><div><head>Laws of Sulla</head><p>In treating of Sulla's laws we shall follow the fourfold division which has been given
        above.</p><div><head>I. Laws relating to the Constitution.</head><p>The changes which Sulla introduced in the comitia and the senate, first call for our
         attention. The Comitia Tributa, or assemblies of the tribes, which originally possessed
         only the power to make regulations respecting the local affairs of the tribes, had
         gradually become a sovereign assembly with legislative and judicial authority. Sulla
         deprived them of their legislative and judicial powers, as well as of their right of
         electing the priests, which they had also acquired. He did not however do away with them
         entirely, as might be inferred from the words of Appian (<bibl n="App. BC 1.7.59">App. BC
          1.59</bibl>); but he allowed them to exist with the power of electing the tribunes,
         aediles, quaestors, and other inferior magistrates. This seems to have been the only
         purpose for which they were called together; and all conciones of the tribes, by means of
         which the tribunes had exercised a powerful influence in the state, were strictly forbidden
         by Sulla. (Cic. <hi rend="ital">pro Cluent. 40.</hi>)</p><p>The Comitia Centuriata, on the other hand, were allowed to retain their right of
         legislation unim paired. He restored however the ancient regulation, which had fallen into
         desuetude, that no matter should be brought before them without the previous sanction of a
         senatusconsultum (Appian, <bibl n="App. BC 1.7.59">App. BC 1.59</bibl>); but he did not
         require the confirmation of the curiae, as the latter had long ceased to have any practical
         existence. Göttling supposes that the right of provocatio or appeal to the comitia
         centuriata was done away with by Sulla, but the passage of Cicero (Cic. <hi rend="ital">Verr.</hi> Act. 1.13), which he quotes in support of this opinion, is not sufficient to
         prove it.</p><p>The Senate had been so much reduced in numbers by the proscriptions of Sulla, that he was
         obliged to fill up the vacancies by the election of three hundred new members. These
         however were not appointed by the censors from the persons who had filled the magistracies
         of the state, but were elected by the people. Appian says (B. C. 1.100) that they were
         elected by the tribes. Most modern writers think that we are not to understand by this the
         comitia tribute, but the comitia centuriata, which voted also according to tribes at this
         time; but Göttling observes that as the senators were regarded by Sulla as public
         officers, there is no difficulty in supposing that they were elected by the comitia tributa
         as the inferior magistrates were. However this may be, we know that these three hundred
         were taken from the equestrian order. (Appian, <hi rend="ital">l.c.;</hi> Liv. <hi rend="ital">Epit. 89.</hi>) This election was an extraordinary one, and was not intended
         to be the regular way of filling up the vacancies in the senate; for we. are expressly told
         that Sulla increased the number of quaestors to twenty, that there might be a sufficient
         number for this purpose (<bibl n="Tac. Ann. 11.32">Tac. Ann. 11.32</bibl>.) It was not
         necessary. for Sulla to make any alteration respecting the duties and functions of the
         senate, as the whole administration of the state was in their hands; and he gave them the
         initiative in legislation by requiring a previous senatusconsultum respecting all measures
         that were to be submitted to the comitia, as is stated above. One of the most important of
         the senate's duties was the appointment of the governors of the provinces. By the Lex
         Sempronia of C. Gracchus, the senate had to determine every year before the election of the
         consuls the two provinces which the consuls should have (Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Prov.
          Cons. 2, 7 ;</hi> Sall. <hi rend="ital">Jug. 27</hi>) ; but as the imperium was conferred
         only for a year, the governor had to leave the province at the end of that time, unless his
         imperium was renewed. Sulla in his law respecting the provinces (<hi rend="ital">de
          Provinciis ordinandis</hi>) did not make any change in the Sempronian law respecting the
         distribution of the provinces by the senate; but he allowed the governor of a province to
         continue to hold the government till a successor was appointed by the senate, and enacted
         that he should continue to possess the imperium till he entered the city, without the
         necessity of its being renewed annually (comp. <bibl n="Cic. Fam. 1.9.12">Cic. Fam.
          1.9.12</bibl>). The time during which the government of a province was to be held, thus
         depended entirely upon the will of the senate. It was furtner enacted that as soon as a
         successor arrived in the province, the former governor must quit it within thirty days
          (<bibl n="Cic. Fam. 3.6">Cic. Fam. 3.6</bibl>); and the law also limited the expenses <pb n="942"/> to which the provincials were put in sending embassies to Rome to praise the
         administration of their governors. (<bibl n="Cic. Fam. 3.8">Cic. Fam. 3.8</bibl>, <bibl n="Cic. Fam. 3.10">10</bibl>.)</p><p>With respect to the magistrates, Sulla renewed the old law, that no one should hold the
         praetorship before he had been quaestor, nor the consulship before he had been praetor
         (Appian, <bibl n="App. BC 1.11.100">App. BC 1.100</bibl> ; <bibl n="Cic. Phil. 11.5">Cic.
          Phil. 11.5</bibl>); nor did he allow of any deviation from this law in favour of his own
         party, for when Q. Lucretius Ofella, who had taken Praeneste, presuming upon his services,
         offered himself as a candidate for the consulship, without having previously held the
         offices of quaestor and praetor, he was assassinated in the forum by the order of the
         dictator. Sulla also re-established the ancient law, that no one should be elected to the
         same magistracy till after the expiration of ten years. (Appian, <bibl n="App. BC 1.11.101">App. BC 1.101</bibl>; comp. <bibl n="Liv. 7.42">Liv. 7.42</bibl>, <bibl n="Liv. 10.31">10.31</bibl>.)</p><p>Sulla increased .the number of Quaestors from eight to twenty (<bibl n="Tac. Ann. 11.22">Tac. Ann. 11.22</bibl>), and that of the Praetors from six to eight. Pomponius says (<hi rend="ital">De Orig. Juris,</hi>
         <bibl n="Dig. 1">Dig. 1</bibl>. tit. 2. s. 32) that Sulla added four new praetors, but this
         appears to be a mistake, since Julius Caesar was the first who increased their number to
         ten. (Suet. <hi rend="ital">Caes. 41 ;</hi>
         <bibl n="D. C. 42.51">D. C. 42.51</bibl>.) This increase in the number of the praetors was
         necessary on account of the new quaestiones, established by Sulla, of which we shall speak
         below.</p><p>One of the most important of Sulla's reforms related to the tribunate. It is stated in
         general by the ancient writers, that Sulla deprived the tribunes of the plebs of all real
         power (<bibl n="Vell. 2.30">Vell. 2.30</bibl>; Appian, <bibl n="App. BC 1.11.100">App. BC
          1.100</bibl>; Cic. <hi rend="ital">de Leg.</hi> 3.9 ; Liv. <hi rend="ital">Epit. 89</hi>);
         but the exact nature of his alterations is not accurately stated. It appears certain,
         however, that he deprived the tribunes of the right of proposing a rogation of any kind
         whatsoever to the tribes (Liv. <hi rend="ital">Epit. 89</hi>), or of impeaching any person
         before them, inasmuch as he abolished altogether the legislative and judicial functions of
         the tribes, as has been previously stated. The tribunes also lost the right of holding
         conciones (Cic. <hi rend="ital">pro Cluent. 40</hi>), as has likewise been shown, and thus
         could not influence the tribes by any speeches. The only right left to them was the
         Intercessio. It is, however, uncertain to what extent the right of Intercessio extended. It
         is hardly conceivable that Sulla would have left the tribunes to exercise this the most
         formidable of all their powers without any limitation; and that he did not do so is clear
         from the case of Q. Opimius, who was brought to trial, because, when tribune of the plebs,
         he had used his intercessio in violation of the Lex Cornelia (<bibl n="Cic. Ver. 1.60">Cic.
          Ver. 1.60</bibl>). Cicero says (<hi rend="ital">de Leg.</hi> 3.9) that Sulla left the
         tribunes only the <hi rend="ital">potestas auxilii ferendi ;</hi> and from this we may
         infer, in connection with the case of Opimius, that the Intercessio was confined to giving
         their protection to private persons against the unjust decisions of magistrates, as, for
         instance, in the enlisting of soldiers. Caesar, it is true, states, in general, that Sulla
         left to the tribunes the right of intercessio, and he leaves it to be inferred in
         particular that Sulla allowed them to use their intercessio in reference to senatusconsulta
          (<bibl n="Caes. Civ. 1.5">Caes. Civ. 1.5</bibl>, <bibl n="Caes. Civ. 1.7">7</bibl>) ; but
         it is not impossible, as Becker has suggested, that Caesar may have given a false
         interpretation of the right of intercessio granted by Sulla, in order to justify the course
         he was himself adopting. (Becker, <hi rend="ital">Handbuch der Röm.
          Alterthümer,</hi> vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 290). To degrade the tribunate still lower,
         Sulla enacted, that whoever had held this office forfeited thereby all right to become a
         candidate for ally of the higher curule offices, in order that all persons of rank, talent,
         and wealth, might be deterred from holding an office which would be a fatal impediment to
         rising any higher in the state. (Appian, <bibl n="App. BC 1.11.100">App. BC 1.100</bibl>;
         Ascon. <hi rend="ital">in Cornel.</hi> p. 78, ed. Orelli.) The statement that Sulla
         required persons to be senators before they could become tribunes (Appian, <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi>), is explained by the circumstance that the quaestorship and the aedileship,
         which usually preceded the tribunate gave admission to the senate; and it would therefore
         appear that Sulla required all persons to hold the quaestorship before the tribunate.</p></div><div><head>II. Laws relating to the Ecclesiastical Corporations.</head><p>Sulla repealed the Lex Domitia, which gave to the comitia tributa the right of electing
         the members of the great ecclesiastical corporations, and restored to the latter the right
         of co-optatio or self-election. At the same time he increased the number of pontiffs and
         augurs to fifteen respectively (<bibl n="D. C. 37.37">D. C. 37.37</bibl>; Liv. <hi rend="ital">Epit. 89</hi>). It is commonly said that Sulla also increased the number of
         the keepers of the Sibylline books from ten to fifteen; and though we have no express
         authority for this statement (for the passage of Servius, <hi rend="ital">ad Virg.
          Aen.</hi> 6.73, does not prove it), it is probable that he did, as we read of
         Quindecemviri in the time of Cicero (<bibl n="Cic. Fam. 8.4">Cic. Fam. 8.4</bibl>) instead
         of decemviri as previously.</p></div><div><head>III. Laws relating to the Administration of Justice.</head><p>Sulla established permanent courts for the trial of particular offences, in each of which
         a praetor presided. A precedent for this had been given by the Lex Calpurnia of the tribune
         L. Calpurnius Piso, in <date when-custom="-149">B. C. 149</date>, by which it was enacted that a
         praetor should preside at all trials for repetundae during his year of office. This was
         called a <hi rend="ital">Quaestio Perpetua,</hi> and nine such <hi rend="ital">Quaestiones
          Perpetuae</hi> were established by Sulla, namely, De Repetundis, Majestatis, De Sicariis
         et Veneficis, De Parricidio, Peculatus, Ambitus, De Nummis Adulterinis, De Falsis or
         Testamentaria, and De Vi Publica. Jurisdiction in civil cases was left to the praetor
         peregrinus and the praetor urbanus as before, and the other six praetors presided in the
         Quaestiones; but as the latter were more in number than the praetors, some of the praetors
         took more than one quaestio, or a judex quaestionis was appointed. The praetors, after
         their election, had to draw lots for their several jurisdictions. Sulla enacted that the
         judices should be taken exclusively from the senators, and not from the equites, the latter
         of whom had possessed this privilege, with a few interruptions, from the law of C.
         Gracchus, in <date when-custom="-123">B. C. 123</date>. This was a great gain for the
         aristocracy; since the offences for which they were usually brought to trial, such as
         bribery, malversation, and the like, were so commonly practised by the whole order, that
         they were, in most cases, nearly certain of acquittal from men who required similar
         indulgence themselves. (<bibl n="Tac. Ann. 11.22">Tac. Ann. 11.22</bibl>; <bibl n="Vell. 2.32">Vell. 2.32</bibl>; Cic. <hi rend="ital">Verr.</hi> Act. 1.13, 16; comp. <hi rend="ital">Dictionary of Antiquities,</hi> art. <hi rend="ital">Judex.</hi>)</p><p>Sulla's reform in the criminal law, the greatest and most enduring part of his
         legislation, belongs to a history of Roman law, and cannot be given here. For further
         information on this subject the <pb n="943"/> render is referred to the <title>Dict. of
          Antiq.</title> art. <hi rend="ital">Leges Corneliae.</hi></p></div><div><head>IV. Laws relating to the Improvement of public Morals.</head><p>Of these we have very little information. One of them was a Lex Sumtuaria, which enacted
         that not more than a certain sum of money should be spent upon entertainments, and also
         restrained extravagance in funerals. (<bibl n="Gel. 2.24">Gel. 2.24</bibl> ; <bibl n="Macr. 2.13">Macr. 2.13</bibl>; Plut. <hi rend="ital">Sull. 35</hi>). There was likewise
         a law of Sulla respecting marriage (Plut. <hi rend="ital">l.c. ;</hi> comp. <hi rend="ital">Lyc. c. Sull. 3</hi>), the provisions of which are quite unknown, as it was probably
         abrogated by the Julian law.</p></div><div><head>Further Information</head><p>The most important modern works on Sulla's legislation are -- Vockestaert, <hi rend="ital">De L. Cornelio Sulla legislature,</hi> Lugd. Bat. 1816; Zachariae, <hi rend="ital">L. Cornelius Sulla,</hi> &amp;c., Heidelb. 1834, 2 vols., the second volume of
         which treats of the legislation; Wittich, <hi rend="ital">De Reipublicae Romanae ea forma,
          qua L. Cornelius Sulla totam rem Romanam commutavit,</hi> Lips. 1834 ; Ramshorn, <hi rend="ital">De Reip. Rom. ea forma, qua L. C. S. totam rem Rom. commutavit,</hi> Lips.
         1835; Göttling. <hi rend="ital">Geschichte der Römischen Staatsverfassung,</hi>
         pp. 459-474 ; Drumann, <hi rend="ital">Geschichte Roms,</hi> vol. ii. pp. 478-494.</p></div></div></div><div><head>Coins</head><p>There are several coins of the dictator Sulla, a few specimens of which are annexed. The
       first coin contains on the obverse the head of the dictator, and on the reverse that of his
       colleague in his first consulship, Q. Pompeius Rufus. The coin was probably struck by the son
       of Q. Pompeius Rufus, who was tribune of the plebs in <date when-custom="-52">B. C. 52</date> [<hi rend="smallcaps">POMPEIUS</hi>, No. 9], in honour of his grand father and father. The second
       coin was also probably struck by the tribune of <date when-custom="-52">B. C. 52</date>. The third
       and fourth coins were struck in the lifetime of the dictator. The third has on the obverse
       the head of Pallas, with <hi rend="smallcaps">MANLI. PROQ.</hi>, and on the reverse Sulla in
       a quadriga, with <hi rend="smallcaps">L. SULLA IMP.</hi>, probably with reference to his
       splendid triumph over Mithridates. The fourth coin has on the obverse the head of Venus,
       before which Cupid stands holding in his hand the branch of a palm tree, and on the reverse a
       guttus and a lituus between two trophies, with <hi rend="smallcaps">IMPER. ITERV(M)</hi>. The
       head of Venus is placed on the obverse, because Sulla attributed much of his success to the
       protection of this goddess. Thus we are told by Plutarch (<hi rend="ital">Sull. 34</hi>) that
       when he wrote to Greeks he called himself Epaphroditus, or the favorite of Aphrodite or
       Venus, and also that he inscribed on his trophies the names of Mars and Victory, and <hi rend="ital">Venus (Sull. 19).</hi> (Comp. Eckhel, vol. v. pp. 190, 191.)</p><p><figure/></p></div></div></div></body></text></TEI>
                </passage>
            </reply>
            </GetPassage>