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                <urn>urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1:P.propertius_sex_aurelius_1</urn>
                <passage>
                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:base="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><body xml:lang="eng" n="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><div type="textpart" subtype="alphabetic_letter" n="P"><div type="textpart" subtype="entry" xml:id="propertius-sex-aurelius-bio-1" n="propertius_sex_aurelius_1"><head><label xml:id="phi-0620"><persName xml:lang="la"><addName full="yes">Prope'rtius</addName>,
         <forename full="yes">Sex.</forename><surname full="yes">Aure'lius</surname></persName></label></head><p>(The agnomen, <hi rend="smallcaps">NAUTA</hi>, found in some <hi rend="ital">Codices</hi>
      and early editions, seems to have been derived from a corrupt reading of 2.24. 38.) The
      materials for a life of Propertius are meagre and unsatisfactory, consisting almost entirely
      of the inferences which may be drawn from hints scattered in his writings. We know neither the
      precise place nor date of his birth. He tells us that he was a native of Umbria, where it
      borders on Etruria, but nowhere mentions the exact spot. Conjecture has assigned it, among
      other towns, to Mevania, Ameria, Hispellum, and Asisium; of which one of the two last seems
      entitled to the preference. The date of his birth has been variously placed between the years
      of Rome 697 and 708 (<date when-custom="-57">B. C. 57</date> to 46). Lachmann, however, was the
      first who placed it so low as <date when-custom="-48">B. C. 48</date> or 47; and the latest date
       (<date when-custom="-46">B. C. 46</date>) is that of Hertzberg, the recent German <pb n="546"/>
      editor. The latter's computation proceeds on very strained inferences, which we have not space
      to discuss; but it may possibly be sufficient to state that one of his results is to place the
      tenth elegy of the second book, in which Propertius talks about his <hi rend="ital">extreme
       aetas</hi> (5.6) in <date when-custom="-25">B. C. 25</date>, when, according to Hertzberg, he was
      one-and-twenty! For several reasons, too long to be here adduced, it might be shown that the
      year assigned by Mr. Clinton, namely, <date when-custom="-51">B. C. 51</date>, is a much more
      probable one, and agrees better with the relative ages of Propertius and Ovid. We know that
      the latter was born in <date when-custom="-43">B. C. 43</date>, so that he would have been eight
      years younger than Propertius : a difference which would entitle him to call Propertius his
      predecessor, whilst at the same time it would not prevent the two poets from being <hi rend="ital">sodales</hi> (<bibl n="Ov. Tr. 4.10.45">Ov. Tr. 4.10. 45</bibl>).</p><p>Propertius was not descended from a family of any distinction (2.24. 37), nor can the
      inference that it was equestrian be sustained from the mention of the <hi rend="ital">area
       bulla</hi> (4.1. 131), which was the common ornament of all children who were <hi rend="ital">ingenui.</hi> (Cic. <hi rend="ital">in Verr.</hi> 2.1, 58, with the note of Asconius ;
      Macrob. 1.6.) The paternal estate, however, seems to have been sufficiently ample (Nam tua
      versarent cum <hi rend="ital">multi</hi> rura <hi rend="ital">juvenci,</hi> 4.1. 129); but of
      this he was deprived by an agrarian division, probably that in <date when-custom="-36">B. C.
       36</date>, after the Sicilian war, and thus thrown into comparative poverty (<foreign xml:lang="la">in tenues cogeris ipse Lares</foreign>, <hi rend="ital">Ib.</hi> 128). At the
      time of this misfortune he had not yet assumed the <hi rend="ital">toga virilis,</hi> and was
      therefore under sixteen years of age. He had already lost his father, who, it has been
      conjectured, was one of the victims sacrificed after the taking of Perusia; but this notion
      does not rest on any satisfactory grounds. The elegy on which it is founded (1.21) refers to a
      kinsman named Gallus. We have no account of Propertius's education; but from the elegy before
      quoted (4.1) it would seem that he was destined to be an advocate, but abandoned the
      profession for that of poetry. That he was carefully instructed appears from the learning
      displayed in his writings, and which was probably acquired altogether at Rome; the smallness
      of his means having prevented him from finishing his education at Athens, as was then commonly
      done by the wealthier Romans. At all events it is plain from the sixth elegy of the first
      book, written after his connection with Cynthia had begun, that he had not then visited
      Greece. In the twenty-first elegy of the third book he meditates a journey thither, probably
      at the time when he had quarrelled with his mistress; but whether he ever carried the design
      into execution we have no means of knowing.</p><div><head>Life and Works</head><div><head><title xml:id="phi-0620.001">Elegies</title></head><p>The history of Propertius's life, so far as it is known to us, is the history of his
        amours, nor can it be said how much of these is fiction. He was, what has been called in
        modern times "a man of wit and pleasure about town ;" nor in the few particulars of his life
        which he communicates in the first elegy of the fourth book, does he drop the slightest hint
        of his ever having been engaged in any serious or useful employment. He began to write
        poetry at a very early age, and the merit of his productions soon attracted the attention
        and patronage of Maecenas. This was most probably shortly after the final discomfiture and
        death of Antony in <date when-custom="-30">B. C. 30</date>, when, according to the computation
        adopted in this notice, Propertius was about one-and-twenty. This inference is drawn from
        the opening elegy of the second book (5.17. &amp;c.), from which it appears that Maecenas
        had requested him to describe the military achievements of Octavianus. At that important
        epoch it formed part of that minister's policy to engage the most celebrated wits of Rome in
        singing Caesar's praises; his object being to invest his master's successes with all those
        charms of popularity which would necessarily prove so conducive to the great object which
        lay nearest to his heart --the establishment of Caesar's absolute empire. This is also
        evident from the works of Horace. That poet was a republican; yet, after the battle of
        Actium, Maecenas succeeded in inducing him to magnify Caesar, with whom there was nobody
        left to contest the world. These considerations, by the way, lead us also to the conclusion
        that there must have been at least a difference of eight years, as stated above, in the ages
        of Ovid and Propertius. The latter poet was already known to fame when it suited the
        political views, as well as the natural taste, of Maecenas to patronise him. Ovid, on the
        contrary, was then a mere boy; and his reputation would have been just bursting forth, when
        the faithful minister of Augustus was dismissed by his ungrateful master. An earlier, and
        perhaps more disinterested, patron of Properties was Tullus, the nephew, probably, of L.
        Volcatius Tullus, the fellow-consul of Octavianus, in <date when-custom="-33">B. C. 33</date>.
        Tullus, however, seems to have been much of the same age as Propertius, as may be inferred
        from the conclusion of 3.22 ; and they may, therefore, be in some degree looked upon as <hi rend="ital">sodales.</hi></p><p>It was probably in <date when-custom="-32">B. C. 32</date> or 31, that Propertius first became
        acquainted with his Cynthia. He had previously had an amour with a certain Lycinna, and to
        which we must assign the space of a year or two. This connection, however, was a merely
        sensual one, and was not, therefore, of a nature to draw out his poetical powers. In
        Cynthia, though by no means an obdurate beauty, he found incitement enough, as well as
        sufficient obstacles to the gratification of his passion, to lend it refinement, and to
        develope the genius of his muse. The biographers of Propertius make him a successful lover
        at once. They neither allow time for courtship, nor assign any of his elegies to that
        period. It is plain, however, from several passages, that his suit must have been for a
        length of time an unsuccessful one (see especially 2.14. 15), and several of his pieces were
        probably written diuing its progress; as the first of the first book (which Lachmann refers
        to the time of his quarrel with his mistress), the fifth of the fourth book, and others.
        Cynthia was a native of Tibur (4.7. 85), and her real name was Hostia. (Appuleius, <hi rend="ital">Apolog. ;</hi> Schol. <hi rend="ital">in Juven.</hi> 6.7.) As Propertius (<bibl n="Prop. 3.20.8">3.20. 8</bibl>) alludes to her <hi rend="ital">doctus avus,</hi> it is
        probable that she was a grand-daughter of Hostius, who wrote a poem on the Histric war. [<hi rend="smallcaps">HOSTIUS.</hi>] She seems to have inherited a considerable portion of the
        family talent, and was herself a poetess, besides being skilled in music, dancing, and
        needlework (i 2. 27, 1.3. 41, 2.1.9, 2.3.17, &amp;c.). From these accomplishments Paldamus,
        in the <title>Ep. Ded.</title> to his edition of <hi rend="ital">Propertius,</hi> inferred
        that she was a woman of rank; and some have even absurdly derived her genealogy from Hostus
        Hostilius. But <pb n="547"/> the truth seems to be that she belonged, as Hertzberg thinks,
        to that higher class of courtezans, or rather kept women, then sufficiently numerous at
        Rome. We cannot reconcile the whole tenor of the poems with any other supposition. Thus it
        appears that Propertius succeeded a lover who had gone to Africa for the purpose of gain
        (3.20), perhaps after having been well stripped by Cynthia. Propertius is in turn displaced
        by a stupid praetor, returning from Illyricum with a well-filled purse, and whom the poet
        advises his mistress to make the most of (2.16). We are led to the same conclusion by the
        fifth elegy of the fourth book, before alluded to, as written during his courtship, which is
        addressed to Acanthis, a <hi rend="ital">lena,</hi> or procuress, who had done all she could
        to depreciate Propertius and his poems with Cynthia, on account of his want of wealth. Nor
        can we draw any other inference from the seventh elegy of the second book, which expresses
        the alarm felt by the lovers should be separated by the <hi rend="ital">Lex Julia de
         maritandis ordinibus,</hi> and the joy of Cynthia at its not having been passed. What
        should have prevented Propertius, then, apparently a bachelor, from marrying his mistress ?
        It was because women who had exercised the profession of a courtezan were forbidden by that
        law to marry an <hi rend="ital">ingenuus.</hi> There was no other disqualification, except
        that <hi rend="ital">libertinae</hi> were not permitted to marry a man of senatorial
        dignity. The objection raised might, indeed, be solved if it could be shown that Cynthia was
        a married woman. But though Broukhusius (<hi rend="ital">ad </hi> 2.6. 1) has adopted that
        opinion, he is by no means borne out in it by the passages he adduces in its support. That
        she had a husband is nowhere mentioned by Propertius, which could hardly have been the case
        had such been the fact. The very elegy to which Broukhusius's note is appended, by comparing
        Cynthia to Lais, and other celebrated Grecian courtezans, proves the reverse. Nor can the
        opinion of that critic be supported by the word <hi rend="ital">nupta</hi> in the
        twenty-sixth line of the same piece. That term by no means excludes the notion of an illicit
        connection. Such an arrangement, or <hi rend="ital">conditio</hi> (2.14. 18), as that
        between Propertius and his mistress, did not take place without some previous stipulations,
        and even solemnities, which the poet has described in the twentieth elegy of the third book
        (5.15, &amp;c.), and which he does not hesitate to call <hi rend="ital">sacra
        maria.</hi></p><p>The precise date and duration of this connection cannot be accurately determined.
        Properties' first success with his mistress must have been after the battle of Actium, from
        2.15. 37 and 44; and as it was in the summer time (3.20. 11, &amp;c.), it should probably be
        placed in <date when-custom="-30">B. C. 30</date>. The seventh elegy of the fourth book seems to
        show that the lovers were separated only by the death of Cynthia. See especially the fifth
        and sixth verses : -- <quote xml:lang="la" rend="lbockquoe"><l>Cum mihi somnus ab exequiis
          penderet amoris,</l><l>Et quererer lecti frigida regna mei.</l></quote></p><p>That Propertius married, probably after Cynthia's death, and left legitimate issue, may be
        inferred from the younger Pliny twice mentioning Passienus Paulus, a <hi rend="ital">splendidus eques Romanus,</hi> as descended from him. (<hi rend="ital">Ep.</hi> 6.15, and
        9.22.) This must have been through the female line. The year of Propertius's death is
        altogether unknown. Masson placed it in <date when-custom="-15">B. C. 15</date> (<hi rend="ital">Vit. Ovid.</hi>
        <hi rend="smallcaps">A.U.C.</hi> 739), and he has been followed by Barth and other critics.
        Masson's reasons for fixing on that year are that none of his elegies can be assigned to a
        later date than <date when-custom="-16">B. C. 16</date>; and that Ovid twice mentions him in his
         <title xml:lang="la">Ars Amatoria</title> (3.333 and 536) in a way that shows him to have
        been dead. The first of these proves nothing. It does not follow that Propertius ceased to
        live because he ceased to write; or that he ceased to write because nothing later has been
        preserved. The latter assertion, too, is not indisputable. There are no means of fixing the
        dates of several of his pieces; and <hi rend="ital">El.</hi> 4.6, which alludes to Caius and
        Lucius, the grandsons of Augustus (1. 82), was probably written considerably after <date when-custom="-15">B. C. 15</date>. (Clinton, <hi rend="ital">F. H.</hi>
        <date when-custom="-26">B. C. 26</date>.) With regard to Masson's second reason, the passages in
        the <title>Ars Am.</title> by no means show that Propertius was dead; and even if they did,
        it would be a strange method of proving a man defunct in <date when-custom="-15">B. C. 15</date>,
        because he was so in <date when-custom="-2">B. C. 2</date>, Masson's own date for the publication
        of that poem !</p><p>Propertius resided on the Esquiline, near the gardens of Maecenas. He seems to have
        cultivated the friendship of his brother poets, as Ponticus, Bassus, Ovid, and others. He
        mentions Virgil (2.34. 63) in a way that shows he had heard parts of the Aeneid privately
        recited. But though he belonged to the circle of Maecenas, he never once mentions Horace. He
        is equally silent about Tibullus. His not mentioning Ovid is best explained by the
        difference in their ages; for Ovid alludes more than once to Propertius, and with evident
        affection.</p></div></div><div><head>Forged statue and inscription</head><p>In 1722, a stone, bearing a head and two inscriptions, one to Propertius, and one to a
       certain Cominius, was pretended to be discovered at Spello, the ancient Hispellum, in the
       palace of Theresa Grilli, Princess Pamphila. Though the genuineness of this monument was
       maintained by Montfaucon and other antiquarians, as well as by several eminent critics, later
       researches have shown the inscription of Propertius's name to be a forgery. The same stone,
       discovered in the same place, was known to be extant in the previous century, but bearing
       only the inscription to Cominius. (See the authorities adduced by Hertzberg, <hi rend="ital">Quaest. Propert.</hi> vol. i. p. 4.)</p></div><div><head>Assessment</head><p>As an elegiac poet, a high rank must be awarded to Propertius, and among the ancients it
       was a moot point whether the preference should be given to him or to Tibullus. (Quint.
       10.1.93.) His genius, however, did not fit him for the sublimer flights of poetry, and he had
       the good sense to refrain from attempting them. (3.3. 15, &amp;c.) Though he excels Ovid in
       warmth of passion, he never indulges in the grossness which disfigures some of the latter's
       compositions. It must, however, be confessed that, to the modern reader, the elegies of
       Propertius are not nearly so attractive as those of Tibullus. This arises partly from their
       obscurity, but in a great measure also from a certain want of nature in them. Muretus, in an
       admirable parallel of Tibullus and Propertius, in the preface to his <title xml:lang="la">Scholia</title> on the latter, though he does not finally adjudicate the respective claims
       of the two poets, has very happily expressed the difference between them in the following
       terms :-<quote xml:lang="la">Illum (Tibullum) judices simplicius scripsisse quae cogitaret :
        hunc (Propertium) diligentius cogitasse quid scriberet. In illo plus naturae, in hoc blus
        curae atque industriae perspicias.</quote> The fault <pb n="548"/> of Propertius was too
       pedantic an imitation of the Greeks. His whole ambition was to become the Roman Callimachus
       (4.1. 63), whom, as well as Philetas and other of the Greek elegiac poets, he made his model.
       He abounds with obscure Greek myths, as well as Greek forms of expression, and the same
       pedantry infects even his versification. Tibullus generally, and Ovid almost invariably,
       close their pentameter with a word contained in an iambic foot; Propertius, especially in his
       first book, frequently ends with a word of three, four, or even five syllables. P. Burmann,
       and after him Paldamus, have pretended to discover that this termination is favourable to
       pathos; but Propertius's motive for adopting it may more probably be attributed to his close,
       not to say servile, imitation of the Greeks.</p><p>The obscurity of Propertius, which is such that Jos. Scaliger (<hi rend="ital">Castigationes in Propertium,</hi> p. 169, Steph. 1577) did not hesitate to say that the
       second book was almost wholly unintelligible, is not owing solely to his recondite learning,
       and to the studied brevity and precision of his style, but also to the very corrupt state in
       which his text has come down to us. Alexander ab Alexandro (<hi rend="ital">Genial.
        Dier.</hi> 2.1) relates, on the authority of Pontanus, that the <hi rend="ital">Codex
        Archetypus</hi> was found under some casks in a wine cellar, in a very imperfect and
       illegible condition, when Pontanus, who was born in 1426, was a mere youth. This story was
       adopted by Jos. Scaliger (<hi rend="ital">Ibid.</hi> p. 168), who, assuming as well the
       recklessness and negligence of the first transcriber, introduced many alterations and
       transpositions, which were adopted by subsequent critics to the age of Brmoukhius and
       Burmann. Van Santen, in the preface to his edition, published at Amsterdam, in 1780, was the
       first to question the truth of the story related by Alexander (p. x. &amp;c.), chiefly on the
       grounds that there is extant a MS. of Propertius, with an inscription by Puccius, dated in
       1502. in which he mentions having collated it with a codex which had belonged to B. Valla,
       and which he styles <hi rend="ital">antiquissimus ;</hi> an epithet he could not have applied
       to any copy of the MS. alluded to by Alexander. That this codex of Valla's was not that found
       in the wine cellar is shown by an annotation of Ant. Perreius, in a copy of Catullus,
       Tibullus, and Propertius, dated in the early part of the sixteenth century, in which he
       distinguishes them. It may be observed that this reasoning allows that there was such a MS.
       as that mentioned by Alexander, who, however, does not say that it <hi rend="ital">belonged</hi> to Pontanus. But though Van Santen's arguments do not seem quite conclusive,
       they have been adopted by most modern critics; and have been further strengthened by the
       observation that Petrarch, who flourished more than a century before Pontanus, quotes a
       passage from Propertius (<bibl n="Prop. 2.34.65">2.34. 65</bibl>) just as it is now read, in
       his fictitious letters (the 2d to Cicero) ; and that one at least of the MSS. now extant (the
       Guelferbytanus or Neapolitan) is undoubtedly as old as the thirteenth century. Whatever may
       be the merits of this question, it cannot be doubted that the MS. from which our copies are
       derived was very corrupt; a fact which the followers of Van Santen do not pretend to
       deny.</p></div><div><head>Editions</head><p><bibl>The <hi rend="ital">Editio Princeps</hi> of Propertius was printed in 1472, fol.; it
        is uncertain at what place.</bibl><bibl>There is another edition of the same date in small 4to.</bibl><bibl>The text was early illustrated and amended by the care of Beroaldus</bibl>, <bibl>Jos.
        Scaliger</bibl>, <bibl>Muretus</bibl>, <bibl>Passerat</bibl>, and other critics. The works
       of Propertius have been often printed with those of Catullus and Tibullus. The following are
       the best separate editions :-- <listBibl><bibl>By Broukhusius, Amsterdam, 1702, sm. 4to.</bibl><bibl>By Vulpius, Padua, 1755, 2 vols. 4to.</bibl><bibl>By Barthius, Leipzig, 1778, 8vo.</bibl><bibl>By Burmannus, Utrecht, 1780, 4to. This edition appeared after Burmann's death, edited
         by Santenius.</bibl><bibl>By Kuinoel, Leipzig, 1804, 2 vols. 8vo.</bibl><bibl>By Lachmann, Leipzig, 1816, 8vo. This edition is chiefly critical. Many conjectures
         are introduced into the text, and the second book is divided into two, at the tenth elegy,
         on insufficient grounds.</bibl><bibl>By Paldamus, Halle, 1827, 8vo. By Le Maire, Paris, 1832, 8vo, forming part of the <hi rend="ital">Bibliotheca Latina.</hi></bibl><bibl>By Hertzberg, Halle, 1844-5, 4 thin vols. 8vo. The commentary is ample, but prolix,
         and often fanciful and inconclusive.</bibl></listBibl></p><p><listBibl><bibl>Propertius has been translated into French by St. Amand, Bourges et Paris, 1819, with
         the Latin text;</bibl><bibl>into German by Hertzberg, Stuttgardt, 1838 (Metzler's Collection);</bibl><bibl>into Italian terza rima by Becello, Verona, 1742. </bibl><bibl>There is no complete English translation, but there is a correct, though rugged,
         version of the first book, accompanied with the Latin text, anonymous, London 1781.</bibl></listBibl></p></div><byline>[<ref target="author.T.D">T.D</ref>]</byline></div></div></body></text></TEI>
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