<GetPassage xmlns:tei="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xmlns="http://chs.harvard.edu/xmlns/cts">
            <request>
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                <requestUrn>urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1:P.paulus_18</requestUrn>
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            <reply>
                <urn>urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1:P.paulus_18</urn>
                <passage>
                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:base="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><body xml:lang="eng" n="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><div type="textpart" subtype="alphabetic_letter" n="P"><div type="textpart" subtype="entry" xml:id="paulus-bio-18" n="paulus_18"><head><persName xml:lang="la"><surname full="yes">Paulus</surname></persName></head><p>17. Of <hi rend="smallcaps">SAMOSATA</hi>, a celebrated heresiarch of the third century. Of
      the early life of this celebrated man we know nothing more than that he was a native of
      Samosata, and that he neither inherited any property from his parents, nor followed any art or
      profession by which he could acquire wealth, before his exaltation to the bishopric of
      Antioch, apparently in <date when-custom="260">A. D. 260</date>. Cave ascribes his elevation to the
      influence of Zenobia [<hi rend="smallcaps">ZENOBIA</hi>], whose husband Odenathus [<hi rend="smallcaps">ODENATHUS</hi>] was allpowerful in the Fast. But although Athanasius states
      that Paul was in favour with Zenobia (Athanas. <hi rend="ital">Historia Arianor. ad
       Monachos,</hi> 100.71), he does not say that she procured his election to the bishopric, and
      in fact the context rather intimates that she did nob procure or aid his elevation; and
      beside, it does not appear that either Odenathus or Zenobia had any power at Antioch till
      after <date when-custom="260">A. D. 260</date>. There is no reason, therefore, to doubt that the
      election of Paul was free and spontaneous on the part of the church at Antioch; and this
      circumstance, combined with the silence of the ecclesiastical writers, who would gladly have
      laid hold of any thing to his disadvantage, leads to the conclusion that his character before
      his elevation was not only free from any serious blemish, but so commendable as to lead to his
      being raised from an originally humble condition to the highest dignity in the church.</p><p>But this elevation was apparently the cause of his undoing. He manifested in his subsequent
      conduct great rapacity, arrogance, and vanity. To this his comiiection with Zenobia probably
      conducted, bringing him into contact with the corrupting influences of an Oriental court, and
      either awakening his ambition and avarice, or bringing then out more prominently. It is true
      that our knowledge of him is derived from the statements of his enemies; but, after making all
      reasonable abatement on this account, enough remains to show his general character, especially
      as the charges which are contained in the encyclical letter published by the council which
      deposed him, the greater part of which is given by Eusebius (<bibl n="Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 7.30">Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 7.30</bibl>), were published at the time, and therefore had they been
      altogether groundless. would have been open to denial or refutation. He obtained, while
      holding his bishopric, the secular office of procurator ducenarius, so called from the holder
      of it receiving a yearly salary of two hundred sestertia; and is said to have loved the pomp
      and state of this secular calling better than the humbler and more staid deportment which
      became his ecclesiastical office; and it was probably by the exercise, perhaps the abuse of
      his procuratorsllip, that he amassed the immense wealth, which, contrasted with his original
      poverty, so scandalized his opponents. He was led also, by his habits of secular grandeur and
      the pride they inspired, to introduce into the church a greater degree of pomp than had as yet
      been allowed, erecting for himself an episcopal tribunal (<foreign xml:lang="grc">βῆμα</foreign> and a lofty seat (<foreign xml:lang="grc">θρόνον ὑψηλὸν</foreign> and
      having this seat placed in a recess, screened from public observation (see Valesius on the
      word <foreign xml:lang="grc">σήκρητον</foreign>, <hi rend="ital">not. ad Euseb. H. E.</hi>
      7.30), in imitation of the higher judges and magistrates. When abroad he assumed all the airs
      of greatness; being attended by a numerous retinue, and affecting to rend letters and to
      dictate as he went, in order to inspire the spectators with an idea of the extent and pressing
      character of his engagements. But if he expected to make by these proceedings a favourable <pb n="150"/> impression, he was signally disappointed. The heathen and Jewish part of the
      population, hostile to Christianity, were excited to jealousy and indignation; and among the
      Christians themselves, the really humble were disgusted; and those who were most desirous of
      the elevation of the Church and its dignitaries, were scandalized at such vain ostentation.
      Only the weakest and most worldly were induced to admire. The decencies of public worship were
      violated; for Paul encouraged his admirers of both sexes to manifest their approval by waving
      their handkerchiefs, rising up and shouting, as in the theatres; and rebuked and insulted
      those whom a sense of propriety restrained from joining in these applauses. His style of
      preaching tended to aggravate the disaffection which his general deportment inspired. He was
      equally unsparing in his strictures on those former teachers of the church whose memory was
      held in reverence, and in his praises of himself, "after the manner rather of a rhetorician or
      a mountebank, than of a bishop" (Euseb. <hi rend="ital">ibid.</hi>). He allowed and excited
      womnen to sing his praises publicly in the church, amid the solemnities of Easter; and
      encouraged his flatterers among the neighbouring bishops to praise him in their discourses to
      the people, and extol him "as an angel from heaven." To these charges of open and
      ascertainable character, his accusers add others of more secret, and therefore more dubious
      nature, resting in fact on suspicion. The intimacy which he cherished with a succession of
      young and beautiful women, and his encouragement of similar intimacy in his presbyters and
      deacons, gave rise to the most unfavourablie slurmises; and, he was further charged with
      secring himself from being accused by the partners of his secret guilt. by loading them with
      wealth, or by leading them so to commit themselves, that apprehension on their own account
      might make then silent as to him.</p><p>Probably, however, these offensive traits of his character would have excited less
      animadvlersion. had they not been connected with theological opinions, which excited great
      horror by their heterodoxy. In fact his accusers admit that. though "all groaned and lamented
      his wickedness in secret," they feared his power too much to provoke him by attempting to
      accuse him; but the horror excited by his heresy inspired a courage which indignation at his
      immorality had failed to excite; and they declare that when he set himself in opposition to
      God, they were compelled to depose him, and elect another bishop in his room (Euseb. <hi rend="ital">ibid</hi>.).</p><p>The heresy of Paul is described by his opponents (Euseb. 7.30; Epiph. <hi rend="ital">Haeres.</hi> lxv. ed. Petavii) as identical with that of Artemas or Artemon [<hi rend="smallcaps">ARTEMON</hi>, No. 3. It is evident, from the portion of the letter of his
      accusers which is given by Eusebius, that he deified the divinity of Christ and his coming
      from heaven, and affirmed that he was "from beneath" (<foreign xml:lang="grc">λέγει
       Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν κατώθεν</foreign>), apparently meaning thereby that he was in his nature
      simply a man. Epipianius Has given a fuller account of his opinions but less trustworthy. The
      following passage (<hi rend="ital">Hacres.</hi> is, however, apparently correct. "He (Paul)
      affirms that God the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit are one God; and that his word
       (<foreign xml:lang="grc">λόγος</foreign>) and the Spirit (<foreign xml:lang="grc">πνεῦμα</foreign>) exist continually (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀεὶ ὄντα</foreign>) in
      God, as the word, or rather reason (<foreign xml:lang="grc">λόγος</foreign>) of man exists
      continually in his heart: that the Son of God has no distinct personality (<foreign xml:lang="grc">μὴ εἶναι δὲ τὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐνυπόστατον</foreign>), but
      exists in God himself; as also Sabellius, Novatus and Noetus, and others think, though he
      (Paul) does not (i. e. in other respects) agree with, but thinks differently from them; and
      affirms that the Word came and dwelt in the man Jesus. And thus he says God is one; not that
      the Father is the Father, and the Son is the Son, and the Holy Spirit is the Holy Spirit (i.
      e. not that the Father, Son, and Spirit are respectively distinct persons); but that the
      Father and his Son in him, like the word (or reason <foreign xml:lang="grc">λόγος</foreign>
      of man in him. are one God: deriving his heresy from these words, from the declaration of
      Moses (<hi rend="ital">Deut.</hi> 6.4), 'the Lord thy God is one Lord.' And he does not say
      with Noetus that the Father suffered, but he says that the Word came and alone did the work,
      and returned to the Father. And there is much that is absurd beside this." The charge which
      Philastrius makes against Paul, of teaching circumcision. is unsupported by older and better
      testimony, and no doubt untrue: it arose probably from the supposed Judaical character of
      Paul's opinions.</p><p>The heresy of Paul having stirred up his opponents to take measures which his moral
      delinquency had failed to stimulate them to, it was determined to hold a council. Dionysius of
      Alexandria was invited to attend, but excused himself on the ground of age and infirmity. He
      showed his opinion on the questions in dispute by a letter, not addressed to Paul, as bishop.
      and not even including a salntation to him, but addressed to the church of Antioch (Euseh. <hi rend="ital">H. E.</hi> 7.27, and <hi rend="ital">Epistol. Synod Antioch.</hi> apud <bibl n="Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 7.30">Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 7.30</bibl>). This treatment from a man
      usually so moderate as Dionysins. shows that Paul had to anticipate anything but fairness and
      equity at the hands of his judges. It may be observed here that the letter given in the
       <title>Concilia</title> (vol. i. col. 849, &amp;c. ed. Labbe, vol. i. p. 1040, ed. Mansi), as
      from Dionysius to Paul, cannot, consistently with the above statement, be admitted as genuine.
      It is doubtful whether it is a forgery, or an actual letter of some other contemporary bishop
      to Paul. to which the name of Dionysius has been mistakenly prefixed. The ten questions or
      propositions profssedly addressed by Paul to the writer of this letter (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Παύλου Σαμοσάτεω αἱρετικοῦ προτάσεις δέκα, ὓς προέτεινε τῷ
       Πάπᾳ Διονυσίῳ</foreign>, <hi rend="ital">Pauli Sanisosuate.sis IJcerctici decems
       Qtuaestioncs, qlitqs Dionqs/10 Alexandrsinseo proposzit</hi>), subjoined, together with the
      answer to them, to the letter of Dionysius, cannot have been addressed to him. Whether they
      can be regarded as really addressed by Paul to any one else will depend on the decision as to
      the origin of the letter itself. Notwithstanding the refusal of Dionysius to attend, a council
      assembled (<hi rend="smallcaps">A. S.</hi> 264 or 265), over which Firmilian. lian bishop of
      the Cappadocian Caesareia, and one of the most eminent prelates of his day, presided. Gregory
      Thaumatutrgus and his brother Athenodorus [<hi rend="smallcaps">GREGORIUS</hi>
      <hi rend="smallcaps">THAUMATURGUS</hi>] were present. Firmilians condemned the opinions held
      by or imputed to Paul (between whom and his opponents much dialectic fencing took place), but
      accepted the explanation or promise of retractatier offered by Paul, and prevailed on the
      council to defer giving its judgment (Eulseb. <hi rend="ital">H. E.</hi> 7.28, 30). As,
      however, Paul, after the council had broken up. continued to inculcate his obnoxious opinions.
      a second council was summoned, to give an effective decision. Firmilian died at Tarsus on his
      way to attend it; and Helenus of Tarsus <pb n="151"/> appears to have presided. Eusebius
      expressly states that this second council was held after the accession of Aurelian, who came
      to the throne in <date when-custom="270">A. D. 270</date> [<hi rend="smallcaps">AURELIANUS</hi>],
      but Tillemont places it in <date when-custom="269">A. D. 269</date> (see Vales. <hi rend="ital">Annot. in Euseb. H. E.</hi> 7.29). Whether a council was held between the two of which
      Eusebius speaks is not clear; some expressions of Rufinus, and the circumstance that Firmilian
      visited Antioch twice on this affair (<hi rend="ital">Epist. Synod. apud Euseb.</hi> 7.30),
      lead Tillemont to conclude positively that three councils were held, but we think the proof
      insufficient. At the last council Paul attempted to conceal his opinions, but they were
      detected by the skill of the presbyter Malchion, who was, or had been, the master of one of
      the schools of secular literature at Antioch. The Jecision of the council appears to have been
      unanimous : Paul was deposed, and Domnus, the son of Demetrianus, one of the former bishops of
      Antioch, was appointed in his room. Paul appears to have denied the jurisdiction or disputed
      the sentence of the council; and, probably encouraged by the patronage of Zenobia, refused to
      give up possession of the church. The council, therefore, found it needful to address a letter
      to the universal Christian world, informing them of their proceedings, and inviting them to
      recognise Domnus; adding, with a sneer little becoming their dignity, "that Paul might, if he
      chose, write to Artemas (or Artemon), and that the followers of Artemon might hold communion
      with Paul." It is from this synodal letter, of which Eusebius has preserved (<hi rend="ital">H. E.</hi> 7.30) a considerable part, that our chief knowledge of Paul's character is
      derived. A letter of the council to Paul, before his deposition, is given in the
       <title>Concilia</title> of Labbe (vol. i. col. 844) and Mansi (vol. i. col. 1033).</p><p>When the power of Zenobia was overthrown, and the East subdued by Aurelian [<hi rend="smallcaps">AURELIANUS</hi>], the council, or rather those with whom it rested to carry
      out their sentence, appealed to the emperor. Aurelian referred the matter to the bishops of
      Italy, and, upon receiving their decision against Paul, ordered him to be expelled (<bibl n="Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 7.30">Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 7.30</bibl>) : after which event nothing more
      is known of him. A sect holding his opinions, and called from him Pauliani or Paulianistae
       (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Παυλιανισταί</foreign>), existed for a time, but they appear
      never to have become important; and in the fifth century were either entirely extinct, or were
      so few as to have escaped notice.</p><p>Paul does not appear to have written much. The ten questions or propositions extant under
      his name, and addressed, according to the existing title, to Dionysius of Alexandria, have
      been noticed. A Greek MS. work, ascribed by some to Joannes Damascenus, contains a fragment of
      a work of Paul, entitled <title xml:lang="grc">οἱ πρὸς Σαδειανὰν λόγοι</title>, <hi rend="ital">Ad Sabianum Libri,</hi> and some fragments of his are cited in the <hi rend="ital">Concilia</hi> (vol. iii. p. 338, ed. Labbe). Vincentius Lirinensis, in his <title xml:lang="la">Commonitorium,</title> states that the writings of Paul abounded in quotations
      from the Scriptures both of the O. T. and N. T.</p><div><head>Further Information</head><p>Euseb. <hi rend="ital">ll. cc.</hi>; Athanas. <hi rend="ital">l. c</hi>. and <hi rend="ital">Ad Episcopos Aegypt. ct Lybiae,</hi> 100.4, <hi rend="ital">De Synodis,</hi>
       4.43, <hi rend="ital">Contra Apollinar.</hi> lib. 2. c.3; Epiphan. <hi rend="ital">Haeres.</hi> lxv.; Augustin. <hi rend="ital">De Haeresibus,</hi> 100.44; Theodoret. <hi rend="ital">Haeret. Fabul. Compend.</hi> lib. 2. c.8,11; Philastrius, <hi rend="ital">Haeresis,</hi> lxv.; Suidas, <hi rend="ital">s. v.</hi> *Pau/los; <hi rend="ital">Concilia,</hi> vol. i. p. 843, &amp;c. ed. Labbe, p. 1031, &amp;c. ed. Mansi; Cave, <hi rend="ital">Hist. Litt.</hi> ad ann. 260, vol. i. p. 135; Le Quien. <hi rend="ital">Orieus
        Christianus,</hi> vol. ii. col. 705; Tillemont, <hi rend="ital">Mémoires,</hi> vol.
       iv. p. 289, &amp;c.; Semler, <hi rend="ital">Hist. Eccles. Selecta Cap.</hi> Saecul. iii. c.
       4.2.2; Neander, <hi rend="ital">Church History</hi> (by Rose), vol. ii. p. 269, &amp;c.;
       Priestley, <hi rend="ital">Hist. of the Christian Church,</hi> vol. i. p. 396, &amp;c.</p></div></div></div></body></text></TEI>
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