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                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:base="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><body xml:lang="eng" n="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><div type="textpart" subtype="alphabetic_letter" n="P"><div type="textpart" subtype="entry" xml:id="c-plinius-secundus-bio-1" n="c_plinius_secundus_1"><head><label xml:id="phi-0978"><persName xml:lang="la"><forename full="yes">C.</forename><surname full="yes">Pli'nius</surname><addName full="yes">Secundus</addName></persName></label> or <persName><addName full="yes">the elder</addName><surname full="yes">Plinius</surname></persName> or <persName><surname full="yes">Plinius</surname><addName full="yes">the elder</addName></persName></head><p>the celebrated author of the <ref target="phi-0978.001"><title xml:lang="la">Historia
        Naturalis,</title></ref> was born <date when-custom="23">A. D. 23</date>, having reached the age
      of 56 at the time of his death, which took place in <date when-custom="79">A. D. 79</date>. (Plin.
      Jun. <hi rend="ital">Epist.</hi> 3.5.) The question as to the place of his birth has been the
      subject of a voluminous and rather angry discussion between the champions of Verona and those
      of Novum Comum (the modern Como). That he was born at one or other of these two towns sees
      pretty certain; Hardouin's notion, that he was born at Rome, has nothing to support it. The
      claim of Comum seems to be, on the whole, the better founded of the two. In the life of Pliny
      ascribed to Suetonius, and by Eusebius, or his translator Jerome, he is styled Novocomensis.
      Another anonymous life of Pliny (apparently of late origin and of no authority) calls him a
      native of Verona; and it has been thought that the claim of Verona to be considered as his
      birth-place is confirmed by the fact that Pliny himself (<hi rend="ital">Praef. init.</hi>)
      calls Catullus, who was a native of Verona, his <hi rend="ital">conterraneus.</hi> On the
      other hand, it has been urged with more discerning criticism, that as the two towns were both
      situated beyond the Padus in Gallia Cisalpina, and at no very great distance from each other,
      this somewhat barbarous word is much better adapted to intimate that Catullus was a <hi rend="ital">fellow-countryman</hi> of Pliny, than that he was <hi rend="ital">fellow-townsman.</hi> In a similar manner the younger Pliny, who was undoubtedly born at
      Novum Comum, speaks of <hi rend="ital">Veronenses nostri</hi> (<hi rend="ital">Epist.</hi> vi.
      ult.). Of two Veronese inscriptions which have been adduced, one appears to be spurious. The
      other, which is admitted to be genuine, is too mutilated for its tenour to be ascertained. It
      appears to have been set up by a Plinius Secundus, but whether the author of the Natural
      History or not, there is nothing to show. Nor would it in any case be decisive as to the
      birth-place of Pliny. That the family of the Plinii belonged to Novum Comum is clear from the
      facts that the estates of the elder Pliny were situated there, and that the younger Pliny was
      born there, and from several inscriptions found in the neighbourhood relating to various
      members of the family.</p><p>Of the particular events in the life of Pliny we know but little; but for the absence of
      such materials for biography we are in some degree compensated by the valuable account which
      his nephew has left us of his habits of life. He came to Rome while still young, and being
      descended from a family of wealth and distinction, he had the means at his disposal for
      availing himself of the instruction of the best teachers to be found in the imperial city. In
      one passage of his work (9.58) he speaks of the enormous quantity of jewellery which he had
      seen worn by Lollia Paulina. That must have been before <date when-custom="40">A. D. 40</date>, in
      which year Caligula married Cesonia. It does not appear necessary to suppose that at that
      early age Pliny had already been introduced at the court of Caligula. The strange animals
      exhibited by the emperors and wealthy Romans in spectacles and combats, seem early to have
      attracted his attention (comp. <hi rend="ital">H. N.</hi> 9.5). He was for some time on the
      coast of Africa, though in what capacity, or at what period, we are not informed (H. N. 7.3).
      At the age of about 23 he went to Germany, where he served under L. Pomponius Secundus, of
      whom he afterwards wrote a memoir (Plin. Jun. <hi rend="ital">Ep.</hi> 3.5), and was appointed
      to the command of a troop of cavalry (<hi rend="ital">praefectus alae</hi>) (Plin. Jun. <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi>). It appears from notices of his own that he travelled over most of the
      frontier of Germany, having visited the Cauci, the sources of the Danube, &amp;c. It was
      probably in Belgium that he became acquainted with Cornelius Tacitus (not the historian of
      that name, <hi rend="ital">H. N.</hi> 7.16). It was in the intervals snatched from his
      military duties that he composed his treatise <hi rend="ital">de Jaculatione equestri.</hi>
      (Plin. Jun. <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi>) At the same time he commenced a history of the Germanic
      wars, being led to do so by a dream in which he fancied himself commissioned to undertake the
      task by Drusus Nero. This work he afterwards completed in twenty books.</p><p>Pliny returned to Rome with Pomponius (A. D. 52), and applied himself to the study of
      jurisprudence. He practised for some time as a pleader, but does not seem to have
      distinguished himself very greatly in that capacity. The greater part of the reign of Nero he
      spent in retirement, chiefly, no doubt, at his native place. It may have been with a view to
      the education of his nephew that he composed the work entitled <title>Studiosus,</title> an
      extensive treatise in three books, occupying six volumes, in which he marked out the course
      that should be pursued in the training of a young orator, from the cradle to the completion of
      his education and his entrance into public life. (Plin. Jun. <hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi> ; <bibl n="Quint. Inst. 3.1.21">Quint. Inst. 3.1.21</bibl>.) Towards the end of the reign of Nero he
      wrote a grammatical work in eight books, entitled <title xml:id="phi-0978.002">Dubius
       Sermo,</title> confutations of which were promised by various professed grammarians, Stoics,
      dialecticians, &amp;c.; though ten years afterwards, when the Historia Naturalis was
      published, they had not appeared. (Plin. <hi rend="ital">H. N.</hi> i. Praef. § 22.) It
      was towards the close of the reign of Nero that Pliny was appointed procurator in Spain. He
      was here in <date when-custom="71">A. D. 71</date>. when his brother-in-law died, leaving his son,
      the younger Pliny, to the guardianship of his uncle, who, on account of his absence, was
      obliged to entrust the care of him to Virginius Rufus. Pliny returned to Rome in the reign of
      Vespasian, shortly before <date when-custom="73">A. D. 73</date>, when he adopted his nephew. He had
      known Vespasian in the Germanic wars, and the emperor received him into the number of his most
      intimate friends. For the assertion that Pliny served with Titus in Judaea there is no
      authority. He was, however, on intimate terms with Titus, to whom he dedicated his great work.
      Nor is there any evidence that he was ever created senator by Vespasian. It was doubtless at
      this period of his life that he wrote a continuation of the history of Aufidius Bassus, in 31
      books, carrying the narrative down to his own times (<hi rend="ital">H. N.</hi> praef. §
      19). Of his manner of life at this period an interesting account has been preserved by his
      nephew (<hi rend="ital">Epist.</hi> 3.5). It was his practice to begin to spend a portion of
      the night in studying by candle-light, at the festival of the Vulcanalia (towards the end of
      August), at first at a late hour of the night, in winter at one or two o'clock in the morning.
      Before it was light he betook himself to the emperor Vespasian, and after executing such
      commissions as he might be charged with, returned home and <pb n="415"/> devoted the time
      which he still had remaining to study. After a slender meal he would, in the summer time, he
      in the sunshine while some one read to him, he himself making notes and extracts. He never
      read anything without making extracts in this way, for he used to say that there was no book
      so bad but that some good might be got out of it. He would then take a cold bath, and, after a
      slight repast, sleep a very little, and then pursue his studies till the time of the coena.
      During this meal some book was read to, and commented on by him. At table, as night be
      supposed, he spent but a short time. Such was his mode of life when in the midst of the bustle
      and confusion of the city. When in retirement in the country, the time spent in the bath was
      nearly the only interval not allotted to study, and that he reduced to the narrowest limits;
      for during all the process of scraping and rubbing he had some book read to him, or himself
      dictated. When on a journey he had a secretary by his side with a book and tablets, and in the
      winter season made him wear gloves that his writing might not be impeded by the cold. He once
      found fault with his nephew for walking, as by so doing he lost a good deal of time that might
      have been employed in study. By this incessant application, persevered in throughout his
      lifetime, he amassed an enormous amount of materials, and at his death left to his nephew 160
      volumina of notes (<hi rend="ital">electorum comnmentarii</hi>), written extremely small on
      both sides. While procurator in Spain, when the number of them was considerably less, he had
      been offered 400,000 sesterces for them, by one Largius Licinius. With some reason might his
      nephew say that, when compared with Pliny, those who had spent their whole lives in literary
      pursuits seemed as if they had spent them in nothing else than sleep and idleness. When we
      consider the multiplicity of his engagements, both public and private, the time occupied in
      military services, in the discharge of the duties of the offices which he held, in his
      forensic studies and practice, in visits to the emperor, and the performance of the
      miscellaneous commissions entrusted to him by the latter, the extent of his acquisitions is
      indeed astonishing. From the materials which he had in this way collected he compiled his
      celebrated <ref target="phi-0978.001"><title>Historia Naturalis,</title></ref> which he
      dedicated to Titus, and published, as appears from the titles given to Titus in the preface,
      about A. D. 77.</p><p>The circumstances of the death of Pliny were remarkable. The details are given in a letter
      of the younger Pliny to Tacitus (<hi rend="ital">Ep.</hi> 6.16). Pliny had been appointed
      admiral by Vespasian, and in <date when-custom="79">A. D. 79</date> was stationed with the fleet at
      Misenum, when the celebrated eruption of Vesuvius took place, which overwhelmed Herculaneum
      and Pompeii. On the 24th of August, while he was, as usual, engaged in study, his attention
      was called by his sister to a cloud of unusual size and shape, rising to a great height, in
      the form of a pinetree, from Vesuvius (as was afterwards discovered), sometimes white,
      sometimes blackish and spotted, according as the smoke was more or less mixed with cinders and
      earth. He immediately went to a spot from which he could get a better view of the phaenomenon;
      but, desiring to examine it still more closely, he ordered a light vessel to be got ready, in
      which he embarked. taking his tablets with him. The sailors of the ships at Retina, who had
      just escaped from the imminent danger, urged him to turn back. He resolved, however, to
      proceed, and in the hope of rendering assistance to those who were in peril, ordered the ships
      to be launched, and proceeded to the point of danger, retaining calmness and self-possession
      enough to observe and have noted down the various forms which the cloud assumed. Hot cinders
      and pumice stones now fell thickly upon the vessels, and they were in danger of being left
      aground by a sudden retreat of the sea. He hesitated for an instant whether to proceed or not;
      but quoting the maxim of Terence, <hi rend="ital">fortes fortuna adjuvat,</hi> directed the
      steersman to conduct him to Pomponianus, who was at Stabiae, and whom he found preparing to
      set sail. Pliny did his best to restore his courage, and ordered a bath to be prepared for
      himself. He then, with a cheerful countenance, presented himself at the dinner-table,
      endeavouring to induce his friend to believe that the flames which burst out with increased
      violence were only those of some villages which the peasants had abandoned, and afterwards
      retired to rest, and slept soundly. But, as the court of the house was becoming fast filled
      with cinders, so that egress would in a short time have become impossible, he was roused, and
      joined Pomponianus. As the house, from the frequent and violent shocks, was in momentary
      danger of falling, it appeared the safer plan to betake themselves into the open fields, which
      they did, tying pillows upon their heads to protect them from the fallling stones and ashes.
      Though it was already day, the darkness was profound. They went to the shore to see if it were
      possible to embark, but found the sea too tempestuous to allow them to do so. Pliny then lay
      down on a sail which was spread for him. Alarmed by the approach of flames, preceded by a
      smell of sulphur, his companions took to flight. His slaves assisted him to rise, but he
      almost immediately dropped down again, suffocated, as his nephew conjectures, by the vapours,
      for he had naturally weak lungs. His body was afterwards found unhurt, even his clothes not
      being disordered, and his attitude that of one asleep rather than that of a corpse.</p><p>It may easily be supposed that Pliny, with his inordinate appetite for accumulating
      knowledge out of books, was not the man to produce a scientific work of any value. He had no
      genius, as indeed might have been inferred from the bent of his mind. He was not even an
      original observer. The materials which he worked up into his huge encyclopaedic compilation
      were almost all derived at second-hand, though doubtless he has incorporated the results of
      his own observation in a larger number of instances than those in which he indicates such to
      be the case. Nor did he, as a compiler, show either judgment or discrimination in the
      selection of his materials, so that in his accounts the true and the false are found
      intermixed in nearly equal proportion,--the latter, if any thing, predominating, even with
      regard to subjects on which more accurate information might have been obtained; for, as he
      wrote on a multiplicity of subjects with which he had no scientific acquaintance, he was
      entirely at the mercy of those from whose writings he borrowed his information, being
      incapable of correcting their errors, or, as may be seen even from what he has borrowed from
      Aristotle, of determining the relative <pb n="416"/> importance of the facts which he selects
      and those which he passes over. His love of the marvellous, and his contempt for human nature.
      lead him constantly to introduce what is strange or wonderful, or adapted to illustrate the
      wickedness of man, and the unsatisfactory arrangements of Providence. He was, as Cuvier
      remarks, (<hi rend="ital">Biograph. Univ.</hi> art. <hi rend="ital">Pline,</hi> vol. xxxv.),
      "an author without critical judgment, who, after having spent a great deal of time in making
      extracts, has ranged them under certain chapters, to which he has added reflections which have
      no relation to science properly so called, but display alternately either the most
      superstitious credulity, or the declamations of a discontented philosophy, which finds fault
      continually with mankind, with nature, and with the gods themselves." His work is of course
      valuable to us from the vast number of subjects treated of, with regard to many of which we
      have no other sources of information. But what he tells us is often unintelligible, from his
      retailing accounts of things with which he was himself personally unacquainted, and of which
      he in consequence gives no satisfactory idea to the reader. Though a writer on zoology,
      botany, and mineralogy, he has no pretensions to be called a naturalist. His compilations
      exhibit scarcely a trace of scientific arrangement; and frequently it can be shown that he
      does not give the true sense of the authors whom he quotes and translates, giving not
      uncommonly wrong Latin names to the objects spoken of by his Greek authorities. That repeated
      contradictions should occur in such a work is not to be wondered at. It would not, of course,
      be fair to try him by the standard of modern times; yet we need but place him for an instant
      by the side of a mans like Aristotle, whose learning was even more varied, while it was
      incomparably more profound, to see how great was his inferiority as a man of science and
      reflection. Still it is but just to him to add, that he occasionally displays a vigour of
      thought and expression which shows that he might have attained a much higher rank as an
      author, if his mental energies had not been weighed down beneath the mass of unorganized
      materials with which his memory and his note-tablets were overloaded. In private life his
      character seems to have been estimable in a high degree, and his work abounds with grave and
      noble sentiments, exhibiting a love of virtue and honour, and the most unmitigated contempt
      for the luxury, profligacy, and meanness which by his time had so deeply stained the Roman
      people. To philosophical speculation on religious, moral, or metaphysical subjects he does not
      seem to have been much addicted. All that is very distinctive of his views on such matters is
      that he was a decided pantheist.</p><div><head>Works</head><div><head><title xml:lang="la" xml:id="phi-0978.001">Historia Naturalis</title></head><p>With the exception of some minute quotations from his grammatical treatise (Lersch, <hi rend="ital">Sprachphilosophie der Alten,</hi> vol. i. p. 179, &amp;c.), the only work of
        Pliny which has been preserved to us, (for it does not appear that any reliance can be
        placed on the statement that the twenty books on the Germanic wars were seen by Conrad
        Gesner in Augsburg,) is his <ref target="phi-0978.001"><title>Historia
         Naturalis.</title></ref> By Natural History the ancients understood more than modern
        writers would usually include in the subject. It embraced astronomy, meteorology, geography,
        mineralogy, zoology, botany, -- in short, every thing that does not relate to the results of
        human skill or the products of human faculties. Pliny, however, has not kept within even
        these extensive limits. He has broken in upon the plan implied by the title of the work, by
        considerable digressions on human inventions and institutions (book vii.), and on the
        history of the fine arts (xxxv. -- xxxvii.). Minor digressions on similar topics are also
        interspersed in various parts of the work, the arrangement of which in other respects
        exhibits but little scientific discrimination. The younger Pliny fairly enough describes it
        as <hi rend="ital">opus diffusum, eruditum, nec minus varium quam ipsa Natura</hi> (<hi rend="ital">Epist.</hi> 3.5). It comprises, as Pliny says in the preface (§ 17),
        within the compass of thirty-six books, 20,000 matters of importance, drawn from about 2000
        volumes, the works of one hundred authors of authority, the greater part of which were not
        read even by those of professedly literary habits, together with a large number of
        additional matters not known by the authorities from which he drew. Hardouin has drawn up a
        catalogue of the authors quoted by Pliny in the first book, or in the body of the work
        itself, amounting to between 400 and 500. When it is remembered that this work was not the
        result of the undistracted labour of a life, but written in the hours of leisure secured
        from active pursuits, interrupted occasionally by ill health (<hi rend="ital">Praef.</hi>
        § 18), and that too by the author of other extensive works, it is, to say the least, a
        wonderful monument of human industry. Some idea of its nature may be formed from a brief
        outhine of its contents.</p><p>The <ref target="phi-0978.001"><title>Historia Naturalis</title></ref> is divided into 37
        books, the first of which consists of a dedicatory epistle to Titus. followed by a table of
        contents of the other books. It is curious that ancient writers should not more generally
        have adopted this usage. No Roman writer before Pliny had drawn out such a table, except
        Valerius Soranus, whose priority in the idea Pliny frankly confesses. (<hi rend="ital">Praef.</hi> § 26.) Pliny has also adopted a plan in every way worthy of imitation.
        After the table of the subject-matter of each book he has appended a list of the authors
        from whom his materials were derived; an act of honesty rare enough in ancient as well as
        modern times, and for which in his prefatory epistle (§§ 16, 17) he deservedly
        takes credit. It may be noticed too, as indicating the pleasure which he took in the <hi rend="ital">quantity</hi> of the materials which he accumulated, that he very commonly adds
        the exact number of facts, accounts, and observations which the book contains.</p><p>The second book treats of the mundane system, the sun, moon, planets, fixed stars, comets,
        meteoric prodigies, the rainbow, clouds, rain, &amp;c., eclipses, the seasons, winds,
        thunder and lightning, the shape of the earth, changes in its surface, earth-quakes, the
        seas, rivers, fountains, &amp;c. He makes no attempt to distinguish between astronomy and
        meteorology, but jumbles both together in utter confusion. The book opens with a profession
        of the pantheistic creed of the author, who assails the popular mythology with considerable
        force on the ground of the degrading views of the divine nature which it gives (2.5, or 7).
        The consideration of the debasing, idle and conflicting superstitious of man-kind draws from
        him the reflection : <hi rend="ital">Quae singula improvidam mortalitatem involvunt, solum
         ut inter ista certum sit nihil esse certi, nec miserius quidquam homine, aut
         superbius.</hi> Similar half gloomy, half contemptuous views of human nature, and
        complaints <pb n="417"/> against the arrangements of Providence, are of frequent occurrence
        with Pliny. His own appetite for the marvellous however frequently leads him into an excess
        of credulity scarcely distinguishable from the superstition which he condemns ; though we
        must at the same time remember that with Pliny Nature is an active and omnipotent deity; and
        that his love for the marvellous is not mere gaping wonder, but admiration of the
        astonishing operations of that deity. It is a distinctly recognised maxim with him : <hi rend="ital">Mihi existimare de ea.</hi> (<hi rend="ital">H. N.</hi> 11.3.) The mundus is in
        his view divine in its nature, eternal, infinite, though resembling the finite, globular in
        form, the sun being the <hi rend="ital">animus</hi> or <hi rend="ital">mens</hi> of the
        whole, and itself a deity (2.4). He of course supposed this mundus to revolve round an axis
        in 24 hours. The earth he looked upon as globular, being fashioned into that shape by the
        perpetual revolution of the mundus round it, and inhabited on all sides. The fact that such
        is its shape he demonstrates by a variety of pertinent arguments (2.64-71). His ideas with
        regard to the universe, the nature of the stars, &amp;c., their important relation to us as
        the origin of human souls (2.26), are in the main very much the same as those which through
        the influence of the Stoic school became generally prevalent among the Roman philosophers,
        though on various subordinate points Pliny had some singular notions, whether his own, or
        copied from authors with whom we are unacquainted, many of them ingenious, still more
        puerile. The notion which he adopted from the earlier propounders of it, that the germs of
        the innumerable forms of animals, &amp;c., with which the stars and the universe abound,
        find their way to the earth, and there frequently become intermingled, producing all kinds
        of monstrous forms (100.3), accounts for the readiness with which he admits the most
        fabulous and impossible monsters into his zoology.</p><p>The historical and chronological notices with respect to the progress of astronomy which
        he intersperses are very valuable. Of the beneficial effects of the spread of such knowledge
        he speaks with generous enthusiasm (2.12). With respect to the changes in the surface of the
        earth, produced by the depositions of rivers, and the appearance of volcanic islands, he has
        some valuable and interesting statements (2.83, &amp;c.). These changes, and the other
        starthing natural phaenomena which present themselves in considerable number and variety in
        the volcanic region of Italy and Sicily, are to Pliny so many proofs of the manifold <hi rend="ital">divine</hi> activity of nature (100.93). Some of the wonders he adduces are
        however more than apocryphal. On the tides (of the influence of the sun and moon upon which
        he was well aware), currents and marine springs, he has some remarks which show that his
        official duties in Spain did not keep him from a careful observation of natural phaenomena
        (100.97). The wonderful qualities and phaenomena of various waters and fountains (<hi rend="ital">nam nec aquarum natura a miraculis cessat,</hi> 100.103), supply him with
        details, many of them curious and probably true, others requiring the credulity of Pliny for
        their belief. From the wonders of water he passes to those of fire (100.104, &amp;c.), and
        then, by a rather curious arrangement, closes the book with some statements regarding the
        size of the earth and the distance between various points of it.</p><p>The four following books (iii.--vi.) are devoted to geography, and this somewhat small
        space Pliny has still further narrowed by digressions and declamations, so that his notices
        are confined chiefly to the divisions of the countries and the mere names of the places in
        them. Of these he has preserved a very large number which would otherwise have been utterly
        lost, though the lists are considerably swelled by the unconscious repetition of the same
        names, sometimes several times over, in slightly varied forms. Pliny was himself but a poor
        geographer, and his erroneous conception of the forms of different countries often
        materially affected the way in which he made use of the information which he obtained. This
        part of his work contains a curious medley of the geographical knowledge of different ages,
        not distinguished and corrected, but pieced together into one whole in the best way that the
        discordant statements allowed. This discrepancy Pliny sometimes points out, but frequently
        he omits to do this, and strives to blend the ancient and modern accounts together, so that
        he often makes the earlier writers speak as though they had used and been familiar with
        names not in vogue till some time later. (Comp. 4.27, 37.11.) He does not altogether
        discredit the stories of early times, and speaks of the Rhipaean mountains and the
        Hyperboreans with at least as much confidence as of some other better authenticated races.
        His geography of Italy, Greece, and Asia Minor is that of the times of Strabo. For the N. E.
        portion of Asia we have that of the time of Eratosthenes. For the southern Asiatic coast up
        to India we have ancient and recent accounts intermingled; for the North of Europe we have
        the knowledge of his own times, at least as it appears through the somewhat distorted medium
        of his imperfect notions. With regard to India and Ceylon he has some very recent and
        trustworthy accounts.</p><p>Pliny, like Posidonius, makes the habitable earth to extend much farther from east to west
        than from north to south. By the western coast of Europe he understands simply Spain and
        Gaul ; after them begins the northern ocean, the greater part of which he thought had been
        sailed over, a Roman fleet having reached the Cimbrian peninsula, and ascertained that a
        vast sea stretches thence to Scythia. He seems to have imagined that the northern coast of
        Europe ran pretty evenly east and west, with the exception of the break occasioned by the
        Cimbrian Chersonesus (4.13, &amp;c.). Beyond Germany, he says, immense islands had been
        discovered, Scandinavia, Eningia, &amp;c. He also believed the northern coast of the earth
        to have been explored from the east as far as the Caspian sea (which he regarded as an inlet
        of the northern ocean) in the time of Seleucus and Antiochus. More than one voyage had also
        been made between Spain and Arabia (2.67, 68). He evidently considered India the most
        eastern country of the world (6.17). The third and fourth books are devoted to Europe, the
        countries of which he takes up in a somewhat curious order. He begins with Spain, specifying
        its provinces and conventus, and giving lists of the towns, the position of some of which he
        defines, while the greater number are merely enumerated in alphabetical order; mentioning
        the principal rivers, and noting the towns <pb n="418"/> upon them. He gives a few notices
        of the inhabitants of the different provinces, but no clear or comprehensive account of the
        population of the country generally, or any intelligible views even of its physical
        characteristics. After a similar account of Gallia Narbonensis, Pliny proceeds to Italy. His
        account of this country is, on the whole, the best of the kind that he has given. Following
        the division of Augustus, he enumerates the different provinces, going round the coast. The
        extent of coast line was of course favourable for defining the positions of places situated
        on or near it. Where the coast or river does not give him a convenient method of defining
        the position of places, he simply enumerates them, usually in alphabetical order. He has
        been at considerable pains to specify a number of distances between mouths of rivers,
        headlands, and other salient or important points, but his numbers can scarcely ever be
        relied on. Many are egregiously wrong. This may be partly the fault of copyists, but there
        can be little doubt that it is mainly the fault of Pliny himself, from his misunderstanding
        the data of the authors from whom he copied. In connection with the more important sections
        of Italy he enumerates in order the races which successively inhabited them, and where the
        occasion presents itself mentions not only the towns which existed in his own time, but
        those which had been destroyed. The Tiberis and Padus, especially the latter, he describes
        with considerable care. After the provinces on the western coast of Italy, he takes the
        islands between Spain and Italy, and then returns to the mainland.</p><p>Leaving Italy he proceeds to the provinces on the north and east of the Adriatic sea, and
        those south of the Danube--Liburnia, Dalmatia, Noricum, Pannonia, Moesia; and in the fourth
        book takes up the Grecian peninsula. His account of this is a good example of his
        carelessness, indistinctness, and confusion as a geographer. After the provinces on the
        western side of northern Greece (Epeirus, Acarnania, &amp;c.), he takes the Peloponnesus,
        and then comes back to Attica, Boeotia, and Thessaly. His account excludes the Peloponnesus
        from Hellas or Graecia, which begins from the isthmus, the first country in it being Attica,
        in which he includes Megaris (4.7). His notices are of the most meagre description possible,
        consisting of hardly anything but lists of names. All that he says of Attica does not occupy
        twenty lines. After Thessaly come Macedonia, Thrace, the islands round Greece, the Pontus,
        Scythia, and the northern parts of Europe. Of the existence of the Hyperboreans he thinks it
        impossible to doubt, as so many authors affirmed that they used to send offerings to Apollo
        at Delos (4.12). Nor does he express any distrust when recounting the stories of races who
        fed upon horses' hoofs, or of tribes whose ears were large enough to serve as a covering for
        their bodies. His account of Britain, which he makes he over against Germany, Gaul, and
        Spain, is very meagre. From Britain he proceeds to Gallia, in his account of which he mixes
        up Caesar's division according to races with the division according to provinces (Ukert, <hi rend="ital">Geographie der Griechen und Römer,</hi> 2.2. p. 238), and so, not
        unnaturally, is indistinct and contradictory. After Gallia he comes back to the northern and
        western parts of Spain and Lusitania.</p><p>This sketch will give the reader an idea of the clumsy manner in which Pliny treats
        geography. It is unnecessary to follow him in detail through the rest of this part of his
        work. It is carried on in much the same style. When treating of Africa he mentions
        (apparently without disbelief) the monstrous races in the south, some without articulate
        language, others with no heads, having mouths and eyes in their breasts. He accedes to the
        opinion of king Juba, that the Nile rises in a mountain of Mauritania, and that its
        inundations are due to the Etesian winds, which either force the current back upon the land,
        or carry vast quantities of clouds to Aethiopia, the rain from which swells the river. Of
        the races to the north and east of the Pontus and on the Tanais he has preserved a very
        large number of names. With regard to India he has some accounts which show that amid the
        conflicting, and what even Pliny calls incredible statements of different writers, a good
        deal of accurate information had reached the Romans. It is to be regretted that Pliny was
        deterred by the nature of these accounts from giving us more of them. It would have been
        interesting to know what Greeks who had resided at the courts of Indian kings (6.17) told
        their countrymen. We could have spared for that purpose most of the rough and inaccurate
        statements of distances which he has taken the trouble to put in. Some intercourse which had
        taken place with the king of Taprobane in the reign of the emperor Claudius enables Pliny to
        give a somewhat circumstantial account of the island and people. Though of very small value
        as a systematic work, the books on geography are still valuable on account of the extensive
        collection of ancient names which they contain, as well as a variety of incidental facts
        which have been preserved out of the valuable sources to which Pliny had access.</p><p>The five following books (vii.--xi.) are devoted to zoology. The seventh book treats of
        man, and opens with a preface, in which Pliny indulges his querulous dissatisfaction with
        the lot of man, his helpless and unhappy condition when brought into the world, and the
        pains and vices to which he is subject. After bespeaking some measure of belief for the
        marvellous accounts that he will have to give, and suggesting that what appears incredible
        should be regarded in its connection with a great whole (<hi rend="ital">naturae vero rerum
         vis alque majestas in omnibus momentis fide caret, siquis modo partes ejus ac non totam
         complectatur animo</hi>), he enumerates a number of the most astonishing and curious races
        reported to exist upon the earth :--cannibals, men with their feet turned backwards; the
        Psylli, whose bodies produce a secretion which is deadly to serpents; tribes of Androgyni;
        races of enchanters ; the Sciapodae, whose feet are so large, that when the sun's heat is
        very strong they he on their backs and turn their feet upwards to shade themselves; the
        Astomi, who live entirely upon the scents of fruits and flowers; and various others almost
        equally singular. <hi rend="ital">Haec,</hi> he remarks, <hi rend="ital">atque talia ex
         hominum genere ludibria sibi, nobis miracula, ingeniosa fecit natura.</hi> He then proceeds
        to a variety of curious accounts respecting the generation and birth of children, or of
        monsters in their place. An instance of a change of sex he affirms to have come within his
        own knowledge (7.4). The dentition, size, and growth of children, examples of an
        extraordinary precocity, and remarkable bodily strength, swiftness, and keenness of sight
        and hearing, furnish him with <pb n="419"/> some singular details. He then brings forward a
        variety of examples (chiefly of Romans) of persons distinguished for remarkable mental
        powers, moral greatness, courage, wisdom, &amp;c., preserving some interesting anecdotes
        respecting the persons adduced. Then follow some notices of those most distinguished in the
        sciences and arts, and of persons remarkable for their honours or good fortune, in
        connection with which he does not forget to point out how the most prosperous condition is
        frequently marred by adverse circumstances. He then mentions a number of instances of great
        longevity. Men's liability to disease draws from him some pettish remarks, and even some
        instances which he mentions of resuscitation from apparent death only lead to the
        observation : <hi rend="ital">haec est conditio mortalium; ad has et ejusmodi occasiones
         fortunae gignimur, uti de homine ne morti quidem debeat cerdi</hi> (7.52). Sudden death he
        looks upon as an especially remarkable phaenomenon, and at the same time the happiest thing
        that can happen to a man. The idea of a future existence of the soul he treats as
        ridiculous, and as spoiling the greatest blessing of nature--death (100.55 or 56). It must
        have been in some peculiar sense, then, that he believed in apparitions after death (100.52
        or 53). The remainder of the book is occupied with a digression on the most remarkable
        inventions of men, and the authors of them. He remarks that the first thing in which men
        agreed by tacit consent was the use of the alphabet of the Ionians; the second the
        employment of barbers; the third marking the hours.</p><p>The eighth book is occupied with an account of terrestrial animals. They are not
        enumerated in any systematic manner. There is, indeed, some approximation to an arrangement
        according to size, the elephant being the first in the list and the dormouse the last, but
        mammalia and reptiles, quadrupeds, serpents, and snails, are jumbled up together. For
        trustworthy information regarding the habits and organisation of animals the reader will
        commonly look in vain : a good part of almost every article is erroneous, false, or
        fabulous. Pliny's account is, of course, filled with all the most extraordinary stories that
        he had met with, illustrating the habits or instinct of the different animals. The elephant
        he even believes to be a moral and religious animal, and to worship the sun and moon (8.1).
        His entertaining account of the elephant and the lion will give somewhat favourable samples
        of the style in which he discusses natural history (8.1-11, 16). The reader of the seventh
        book will be prepared to find in the eighth the most extraordinary and impossible creatures
        figuring by the side of the lion and the horse. Thus we have the achlis, without joints in
        its legs (100.16); winged horses armed with horns (100.30); the mantichora, with a triple
        row of teeth, the face and ears of a man, the body of a lion, and a tail which pierces like
        that of a scorpion (ib.); the monoceros, with the body of a horse, the head of a stag, the
        feet of an elephant, the tail of a boar, and a black horn on its forehead two cubits long
        (100.31); the catoblepas, whose eves are instantly fatal to any man who meets their glance
        (100.32); and the basilisk, possessed of powers equally remarkable (100.33). Pliny certainly
        was not the man to throw out the taunt : <hi rend="ital">mirum est quo procedat Graeca
         credulitas</hi> (8.22 or 34). He cites Ctesias with as much confidence as Aristotle; and it
        is not unlikely that in some instances he has transformed the symbolical animals sculptured
        at Persepolis into real natural productions. With his usual proneness to ramble off into
        digressions, his account of the sheep furnishes him with an opportunity for giving a variety
        of details regarding different kinds of clothing, and the novelties or improvements
        introduced in it (8.48 or 73).</p><p>In the ninth book he proceeds to the different races inhabiting the water, in which
        element he believes that even more extraordinary animals are produced than on the earth, the
        seeds and germs of living creatures being more intermingled by the agency of the winds and
        waves, so that he assents to the common opinion that there is nothing produced in any other
        part of nature which is not found in the sea, while the latter has many things peculiar to
        itself. Thus he finds no difficulty in believing that a live Triton, of the commonly
        received form, and a Nereid, had been seen and heard on the coast of Spain in the reign of
        Tiberius, and that a great number of dead Nereids had been found on the beach in the reign
        of Augustus, to say nothing of sea-elephants and sea-goats. The story of Arion and the
        dolphin he thinks amply confirmed by numerous undoubted instances of the attachment shown by
        dolphins for men, and especially boys. It seems that these creatures are remarkably apt at
        answering to the name Simon, which they prefer to any other (100.8). Pliny, however, rightly
        terms whales and dolphins <hi rend="ital">beluae,</hi> not <hi rend="ital">pisces,</hi>
        though the only classification of marine animals is one according to their integuments (9.12
        or 14, 13 or 15). His account of the ordinary habits of the whale is tolerably accurate; and
        indeed, generally speaking, the ninth book exhibits much less of the marvellous and
        exaggerated than some of the others. He recognises seventy-four different kinds of fishes,
        with thirty of Crustacea (14 or 16). The eagerness with which pearls, purple dye, and
        shell-fish are sought for excites Pliny to vehement objurgation of the luxury and rapacity
        of the age (100.34). On the supposed origin of pearls, and the mode of extracting the purple
        dye, he enters at considerable length (100.34-41). Indeed, as he sarcastically remarks : <hi rend="ital">abunde tractate est ratio qua se virorum juxta feminarumque forma credit
         amplissimam fieri.</hi></p><p>The tenth book is devoted to an account of birds, beginning with the largest--the ostrich.
        As to the phoenix even Pliny is sceptical; but he has some curious statements about eagles,
        and several other birds. The leading distinction which he recognises among birds is that
        depending on the form of the feet (10.11 or 13). Those, also, which have not talons but
        toes, are subdivided into <hi rend="ital">oscines</hi> and <hi rend="ital">alites,</hi> the
        former being distinguished by their note, the latter by their different sizes (100.19 or
        22). He notices that those with crooked talons are usually carnivorous; that those which are
        heavy feed on grain or fruits; those that fly high, on flesh (100.47). The validity of
        augury he does not seem to question. Though he had found no difficulty in winged horses
        (8.21), he regards as fabulous winged Pegasi with horses' heads. The substance of the bird
        when hatched he states to be derived from the white of the egg, the yolk serving as its food
        (100.53). From his account of eggs he digresses into a general discussion of the phaenomena
        of generation in animals of all kinds (100.62, &amp;c.), in connection with which <pb n="420"/> he has several most extraordinary statements, as, e. gr., that the spinal marrow
        of a man may turn into a serpent (100.66), and that mice can generate by licking each other.
        The generation and fecundity of these little creatures he regards as especially astonishing;
        and what becomes of them all he cannot think, as they are never picked up dead, or dug up in
        winter in the fields (100.65). He then proceeds to some statements as to the relative
        acuteness of the senses in different animals, and other miscellaneous matters. The
        reciprocal enmities and attachments of different animals are frequently touched upon by
        him.</p><p>The first part of the eleventh book is occupied with an account of insects. The phenomena
        of the insect kingdom Pliny regards as exhibiting the wonderful operations of nature in even
        a more surprising manner than the others. He, however, only notices a few of the most common
        insects. On bees he treats at considerable length. He finds space, however, to mention the
        pyralis, an insect which is produced and lives in the fire of furnaces, but dies speedily if
        too long away from the flame (100.36). The remainder of the book (100.37 or 44, &amp;c.) is
        devoted to the subject of comparative anatomy, or at least something of an approximation to
        that science. Considerable ingenuity has been shown by those from whom Pliny copies in
        bringing together a large number of coincidences and differences, though, as might have been
        expected, there are many errors both in the generalisations and in the particular facts.</p><p>Botany, the next division of natural history taken up by Pliny, occupies by far the
        largest portion of the work. Including the books on medical botany, it occupies sixteen
        books, eight on general botany (xii.-xix.), and eight more on medicines derived from plants.
        Pliny's botany is altogether devoid of scientific classification. The twelfth book treats of
        exotics, especially the spice and scent bearing trees of India, Arabia, and Syria. Of the
        trees themselves Pliny's account is extremely unsatisfactory : frequently he merely names
        them. The book is chiefly occupied with an account of their products, the modes of
        collecting and preparing them, &amp;c. The first part of the thirteenth book is occupied
        with a general account of unguents, the history of their use, the modes of compounding them,
        and the plants from which they are chiefly derived. Palms and other exotics, chiefly those
        of Syria, Arabia, and Egypt, taken up without any principle of arrangement, are noticed or
        described in the remainder of the book. His account of the papyrus (100.11 or 21-13 or 27)
        goes considerably into detail. The fourteenth book is occupied with an account of the vine,
        and different notices respecting the various sorts of wines, closing with a somewhat
        spirited review of the effects of drunkenness. The fifteenth book treats of the more common
        sorts of fruit, the olive, apple, fig, &amp;c. The sixteenth passes first to the most common
        kinds of forest trees, and then contains a great variety of remarks on general botany, and
        other miscellaneous notices, especially on the uses of wood and timber, into the midst of
        which there is awkwardly thrust some account of reeds, willows, and other plants of that
        kind. The seventeenth book treats of the cultivation and arrangement of trees and plants,
        the modes of propagating and grafting them, the diseases to which they are subject, with the
        modes of curing them, &amp;c. The eighteenth book opens with an apology, in Pliny's peculiar
        style, on behalf of the earth, the benign parent of all, whom men have unjustly blamed for
        the mischievous use which they themselves have made of some of her products. The rest of the
        book is occupied with an account of the different sorts of grain and pulse, and a general
        account of agriculture. This and the preceding are by far the most valuable of the botanical
        books of the <ref target="phi-0978.001"><title>Historia Naturalis,</title></ref> and exhibit
        a great amount of reading, as well as considerable observation.</p><p>The next eight books (xx.--xxvii.) are devoted, generally speaking, to medical botany,
        though the reader must not expect a writer like Pliny to adhere very strictly to his
        subject. Thus, a great part of the twenty-first book treats of flowers, scents, and the use
        of chaplets; and some of the observations about bees and bee-hives are a little foreign to
        the subject. Indeed, the 20th and part of the 21st book are rather a general account of the
        medical, floral and other productions of <hi rend="ital">gardens</hi> (see 100.49, end).
        Then, after giving an account of various wild plants, and some general botanical remarks
        respecting them, Pliny returns to the subject of medicines. The classification of these is
        chiefly according to the sources front which they are derived, whether garden or other
        cultivated plants (xx.--xxii.), cultivated trees (xxiii.), forest trees (xxiv.), or wild
        plants (xxv.); partly according to the diseases for which they are adapted (xxvi.). Cuvier
         (<hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi>) remarks that almost all that the ancients have told us of the
        virtues of their plants is lost to us, on account of our not knowing what plants they are
        speaking of. If we might believe Pliny, there is hardly a single human malady for which
        nature has not provided a score of remedies.</p><p>In the twenty-eighth book Pliny proceeds to notice the medicines derived from the human
        body, and from other land animals, commencing with what is tantamount to an apology for
        introducing the subject in that part of the work. Three books are devoted to this branch,
        diversified by some notices respecting the history of medicine (29.1-8), and magic, in which
        he does not believe, and which he considers an offshoot front the art of medicine, combined
        with religion and astrology (30.1, &amp;c). The thirty-first book treats of the medical
        properties of various waters; the thirty-second of those of fishes and other aquatic
        creatures.</p><p>The remaining section of the <ref target="phi-0978.001"><title>Historia
         Naturalis</title></ref> would doubtless have been headed by Pliny "Mineralogy," though this
        title would give but a small idea of the nature of the contents. In the 33d book the subject
        of metals is taken up. It begins with various denunciations of the wickedness and cupidity
        of men, who could not be content with what nature had provided for them on the surface of
        the earth, but must needs desecrate even the abode of the Manes to find materials for the
        gratification of their desires. Pliny's account of gold and silver consists chiefly of
        historical disquisitions about rings, money, crowns, plate, statues, and the other various
        objects in the making of which the precious metals have been used, in which he has presented
        us with a number of curious and interesting notices. He also specifies when and how metallic
        products are used as remedies. The mention of bronze (book xxxiv.) leads him to a digression
        about statues and statuaries, again chiefly of an <pb n="421"/> historical kind, and
        preserving several interesting and valuable facts (100.9-19). In the 19th chapter he
        enumerates the chief works of the most celebrated statuaries, but the barren inventory is
        enlivened by very few remarks which can satisfy the curiosity of the artist or the lover of
        art. The introduction of this digression, and the mention of some mineral pigments, leads
        Pliny to take up the subject of painting in the 35th book. His account, however, is chiefly
        that of the historian and anecdote collector, not that of a man who understood or
        appreciated the art. The early stages of it he discusses very summarily; but on its progress
        after it had reached some maturity, and the various steps by which it rose in estimation
        among the Romans, he has many valuable and interesting records. In his account of the
        pigments employed by the ancient painters, he mixes up the medical properties of some of
        them in a way peculiarly his own, though not very conducive to regularity of arrangement.
        His chronological notices of the eras of the art and of the most distinguished painters are
        extremely valuable, and he notices, usually with tolerable clearness, the great improvers of
        the art, and the advances which they respectively made. The reader will find in this part of
        the work many interesting anecdotes of the great painters of Greece; but will often wish
        that instead of a great variety of unimportant details, and accounts of trivial processes
        and mechanical excellences, Pliny had given a more full and satisfactory account of many of
        the masterpieces of antiquity, which he only barely mentions. The excellent materials which
        he had before him in the writings of several of the ancient artists, and others which he
        might have consulted, might have been worked up, in better hands, into a far more
        interesting account. After a short notice of the plastic art, a few chapters at the end of
        the book are devoted to the medical and other properties of various mineral products, the
        use of bricks, &amp;c.</p><p>For the 36th book "<hi rend="ital">lapidum natural restat,</hi>" as Pliny says, "<hi rend="ital">hoc est praecipua morum insania.</hi>" Marble and the other kinds of stone and
        kindred materials used in buildings, or rather the admirable and curious works in which they
        have been employed (including a notice of sculpture and sculptors), occupy the greater
        portion of the book, the remainder of which treats of other minerals, and the medicinal and
        other uses to which they were applied. The 37th book treats, in a similar manner, of gems
        and precious stones, and the fine arts as connected with the department of engraving, the
        whole concluding with an energetic commendation of Italy, as the land of all others the most
        distinguished by the natural endowments and the glory of its inhabitants, by the beauty of
        its situation, and its fertility in everything that can minister to the wants of man.</p><p>The style of Pliny is characterised by a good deal of masculine vigour and elevation of
        tone, though its force is frequently rather the studied vehemence of the rhetorician than
        the spontaneous outburst of impassioned feeling. In his fondness for point and antithesis,
        he is frequently betrayed into harshness, and his pregnant brevity not uncommonly
        degenerates into abruptness and obscurity, though much of this latter characteristic which
        is found in his writings is probably due to the corrupt state of the text.</p><div><head>Editions</head><p>The editions of Pliny's Natural History are very numerous. <bibl>The first was published
          at Venice 1469</bibl>, and was rapidly followed by many others; but the <bibl>first
          edition of any great merit was that by Hardouin (Paris, 1685, in 5 vols. 4to.; 2nd edition
          1723, 3 vols. fol.), which exhibits great industry and learning.</bibl>
         <bibl>The edition published by Panckoucke (Paris, 1829-1833, in 20 vols.) with a French
          translation by Ajasson de Grandsagne is enriched by many valuable notes by Cuvier and
          other eminent scientific and literary men of France.</bibl> These notes are also appended,
         in a Latin form, in another edition in <bibl>six volumes (Paris, 1836-38,
          Panckoucke).</bibl> The most valuable critical edition of the text of Pliny is that by
          <bibl>Sillig (Leipzig, 1831-36, 5 vols. 12mo.).</bibl> The last volume of this edition
         contains a collation of a MS. at Bamberg of great value (containing, however, only the last
         six books), which supplies words and clauses in many passages not suspected before of being
         corrupt, from which it may be inferred that the text of the earlier books is still in a
         mutilated state, and that much of the obscurity of Pliny may be traced to this cause. A
         considerable passage at the end of the last book has been supplied by Sillig from this
         manuscript. It appears from his preface that Sillig is engaged upon a more extensive
         edition of Pliny.</p></div></div></div><div><head>Translations</head><p>The Natural History of Pliny has been translated into almost all languages : into Engish by
        <bibl>Holland (London, 1601)</bibl>; into German by <bibl>Denso (1764-65)</bibl>, and
        <bibl>Grosse (1781-88, 12 vols.)</bibl>; besides translations of parts by
        <bibl>Fritsch</bibl> and <bibl>Külb</bibl>; <bibl>into Italian by Landino (Ven.
        1476)</bibl>, <bibl>Bruccioli (Ven. 1548)</bibl>, and <bibl>Domenichi (Ven. 1561)</bibl>;
       into Spanish by <bibl>Huerta (Madrid, 1624-29)</bibl>; <bibl>into French by Dupinet
        (1562)</bibl>, <bibl>Poinsinet de Sivry (1771-82)</bibl>, and <bibl>Ajasson de
        Grandsagne</bibl>; <bibl>into Dutch (Arnheim, 1617)</bibl>; <bibl>into Arabic by Honain Ibn
        Ishak (Joannitius)</bibl>.</p></div><div><head>Bibliography.</head><p>A great deal of useful erudition will be found in the <bibl><hi rend="ital">Exercitationes
         Plinianae</hi> on the Polyhistor of Solinus, by Salmasius</bibl>. Another valuable work in
       illustration of Pliny is the <bibl><hi rend="ital">Disquisitiones Plinianae,</hi> by A. Jos.
        a Tnrre Rezzonico. Parma, 1763-67, 2 vols. fol.</bibl> (<bibl>Ajasson de Grandsagne, <hi rend="ital">Notice sur la Vie ct les Onvrages de Pline l'ancien ;</hi> Bäihr, <hi rend="ital">Geschichte der Römischen Literatur,</hi> p. 471</bibl>, &amp;c.) </p></div><byline>[<ref target="author.C.P.M">C.P.M</ref>]</byline></div></div></body></text></TEI>
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