(), the rival of Belisarius. This celebrated general
and statesman was perhaps born as early as A. D. 472. He was of
foreign descent and of quite obscure parentage; indeed, it seems that his parents sold him, or
that he was made a prisoner of war when a mere boy, and his fate was that of so many other
boys captured in war: he was castrated. Of his earlier life nothing is known. He came,
however, to Constantinople and was employed in the imperial household. He was of material
service to the emperor Justinian during the Νίκα riots
(532), in which the name of Belisarius likewise became conspicuous. Narses was then
cubicularius or chamberlain, as Theophanes states, and it was perhaps the judicial use he made
of the funds entrusted to him, by bribing over the emperor's opponents, which caused him to be
appointed treasurer to his master. In later years he was employed in several embassies, and
discharged his duties to the complete satisfaction of his master, whose confidence he enjoyed
in the highest degree. In 538 he was sent to Italy with reinforcements for Belisarius, who was
then in the field against the Goths; but it is more than probable that he had secret
instructions to thwart that great commander, and prevent him from obtaining advantages which
might have rendered him dangerous to the suspicious Justinian. The contingent commanded by
Narses consisted of 5000 veterans and 2000 Herules, savage but gallant warriors, and one of
his lieutenants was another Narses, the brother of Aratius, an excellent general, whom
Baronius would not have confounded with the great Narses had he been aware that the second
Narses fell in the battle of Anglone in 543. Narses and Belisarius effected their junction at
Firmium, and soon afterwards they relieved Rimini, an exploit the honour of which was
attributed to Narses, though the fact was that he tried to persuade Belisarius from venturing
his army in such an expedition. Belisarius became soon aware that Narses had not only secret
designs against him, but acted agreeably to Justinian's wishes; for in the council of war he
never proposed any measure of importance without finding Narses of a contrary opinion, and had
the mortification, moreover, to see him supported by a crowd of jealous or disaffected
officers. Vexed at these unfair proceedings, Belisarius claimed absolute obedience, and
produced his imperial commission in which Justinian commanded the officers of every degree to
obey him implicitly; but Narses, pointing out the last words of the letter, in which it was
said "that the officers should obey him in every thing compatible with the welfare of the
empire," continued in his disobedience, pretending that the plans of Belisarius were dangerous
to the empire. Hence arose violent quarrels, and Narses with his troops separated himself from
Belisarius. About this time the Goths, or, more correctly speaking, the Franks and
Burgundians, their allies, had reduced Milan to extremities, after besieging it for a
considerable time ; and, anxious to save that large city, Belisarius sent orders to Joannes
and Justin to hasten to its relief. They answered that they had only to obey orders emanating
from Narses. Belisarius endured this insult with forbearance, and at last prevailed upon
Narses to give his consent to the contemplated expedition of those two generals; but it was
then too late, the Roman garrison of Milan surrendered, and that splendid city was reduced to
a heap of ruins, while its inhabitants were massacred by the victors. Justinian now became
afraid that the jealousy between the two commanders would lead to still greater calamities,
and he consequently recalled Narses (539). This was the first equivocal débutof a general who afterwards put an end to the Gothic dominion in Italy.
During the following twelve years the name of Narses is scarcely mentioned in the annals of
the empire, but he continued nevertheless to exercise a predominant influence in the privy
council of Justinian. The world, however, was more accustomed to look upon him as a statesman
than as a general, and great was consequently the surprise when, in 551, the emperor put him
at the head of a formidable expedition destined to retrieve the fortune of the Roman arms in
Italy, where the Goths had had the upper hand ever since the recall of Belisarins in 548. The
campaign of Narses in Italy 538, had been no proof of his military skill, and the Roman
veterans revolted at fighting under a eunuch, whom the very laws of the country seemed to
exclude from any command over men. Little affected by their demonstrations, and despising the
ridicule which the people tried to throw upon him, Narses, availing himself of the unlimited
confidence of Justinian, drained the imperial treasury, and vigorously pushed on his
preparations for the ensuing campaign. In the spring of 552 every thing was ready, However, Ancona was the only port left to the Romnans in Italy between Ravenna and
Otranto; the Gothic fleet covered the sea; and it was consequently dangerous to trust the
safety of 100,000 men, and the issue of the whole undertaking to the chances of the weather or
a naval battle. However, the Gothic fleet was beaten and destroyed off Sinigaglia. Narses
nevertheless resolved to march round the Adriatic. This road presented no less formidable
difficulties: the whole low country traversed by the Po, the Adige, &c., and their
countless branches, was an impassable swamp; the bridges over the Po and the Adige had been
broken down by the enemy; and the only remaining passage over the latter river, at Verona, was
guarded by the gallant Teias with a strong body of veteran Goths. Narses consequently chose a
middle course. He coasted the Dalmatian shore of the Adriatic as far as the northern corner of
that sea, whence his army continued by land, while the fleet took a parallel course along the
shore, and wherever a river or a canal checked the progress by land, the ships conveyed timber
and other materials to the spot for the speedy construction of bridges. Thus he reached
Ravenna, Teias being all the while quite unable to molest him. He remained nine days in that
city. Thence he marched upon Rimini, and the Gothic garrison having dared to insult him, he
drove them back within their walls, and slew their commander Usdrilas. Without losing time in
besieging Rimini he proceeded on the Flaminian way to Rome, where king Totilas awaited him
with his main army. They met in the plain of Lentaglio, between Tagina (Taginae, Tadinae) and
the tombs of the Gauls: the left of the Romans was under the immediate command of Narses and
Joannes, the nephew of Vitalienus, and the right was commanded by Valerianus, John Phagas, and
Dagistheus. The Romans carried the day: 6000 Goths fell on the field, and king Totilas was
slain in his flight: his armour was sent to Constantinople (July 552). Teias was now chosen
king of the Goths. Narses reaped the fruits of his victory by receiving the keys of the
strongest fortresses of the Goths in that portion of Italy. Rome was forced to surrender by
Dagistheus, a distinguished general, whose name and that of his colleague Bessus are strangely
connected with the chances of warfare; for it was Bessus who commanded in Rome when it was
reduced by the Goths in 546, a misfortune which he afterwards retrieved by reducing Petra, the
bulwark of the empire towards the Caucasus, over which Dagistheus was appointed commander; and
Dagistheus having been compelled to surrender Petra again to the Persians, took in his turn
his revenge by reducing Rome. In the course of the Gothic war Rome had been five times taken
and retaken: in 536 by Belisarius, in 546 by Totilas, in 547 again by Belisarius, in 549 again
by Totilas, and in 552 by Narses. Narses despatched Valerian to the Po for the purpose of
preventing the fugitive Goths from rallying round the headqiarters of Teias at Pavia and
Verona; but Teias enlded his vigilance, and, aided by a body of Franks whose alliance he had
bought, suddenly broke forth from behind his lines, and appeared in Southern Italy to avenge
the death of Totilas. But, instead of avenging it, he shared his fate on the banks of the
Sarnus (Draco), a little river which flows into the bay of Naples (March, 553). In a bloody
battle, which lasted two days, the Gothic army was utterly defeated, Teias and a countless
number were slain, and the rest capitulated, but were allowed to withdraw from Italy: this
condition was never well observed. Narses now marched to the north, reducing one fortress
after the other, and gaining the confidence of the inhabitants through his firm yet generous
and faithful conduct. He thought he had subdued Italy when he was undeceived by the appearance
of a host of 75,000 Alemanni and Franks, who came down the Alps under the command of the two
gallant dukes of the Alemanni, Leutharis and Buccellinus. The Roman vanguard, commanded by
Fulcaris, a brave but rash Herulian, was cut to pieces in the amphitheatre of Parma, and, in
spite of the efforts of Narses, the barbarians rushed down into Southern Italy. Leutharis
ravaged Apulia and Calabria, and Buccellinus plundered Campania, Lucania, and Bruttium; but
they were more formidable as marauders than as soldiers; they could overrun the country, but
they oppressed it too much to be able to maintain themselves in it, and they consequently
thought of returning to the Alps. Their ranks were thinned through losses and diseases, to
which Leutharis fell a victim with his whole band, and while Buccellinus was staying near
Capua, Narses came on with his veterans and slew him and his followers in a fierce battle at
Casilinum, on the Vulturnus. Agathias says, that out of 30,000 men only 5000 escaped in this
battle. The power of the Goths was now irretrievably ruined, and Italy was once more a
province of the Roman empire, which Justinian finally pacified and organised by his famous "
Pragmatica." Narses was appointed governor of Italy, and took up his residence at Ravenna.
During many subsequent years the name of Narses is not once mentioned; but we cannot but
presume that in regulating the domestic affairs of Italy he acted in a way that did credit to
his genius, although we know that his conduct was far from being free from avarice. In 563 he
had an opportunity of proving that he was still the old general. Vidinus, comes, caused a
fierce revolt in Verona and Brescia, and was supported by some Franks and a band of Alemanni
under Amingus, who made sad havoc in Upper Italy, till Narses fell upon them and crushed them
at once, whereupon Verona and Brescia submitted. Sindual, a chief of the Herules, who had
served Narses faithfully during many years, imitated the example of Vidinus and shared his
fate; but while Narses spared the life of the comes he ordered Sindual to be hanged, so
incensed was he at his want of loyalty. These victories caused great joy in Constantinople;
but the death of Justinian, which took place in the same year, and the accession of Justin,
were heavy checks upon the influence of Narses at the imperial court, and finally contributed
to his ruin.
The death of Justinian and the extreme age of Narses caused two movements of great
importance. The administration of the great exarch of Italy was vigorous but oppressive; and
although the Gothic war had impoverished that unhappy country to an enormous degree, he
extracted the last coin from its inhabitants. Had he continued tc send a proportionate share
of it into the imperial treasury, he might have continued his extortions without feeling the
consequences; but it appears that he was less liberal to Justin than to Justinian, and the wealth and oriental luxuries with which he surrounded himself in' his palace
at Ravenna excited the indignation of the Romans. During the life of Justinian, however, they
did not complain, knowing that every attempt to shake Justinian's confidence in his great
minister would have been in vain; but no sooner was he dead than a depntation of Romans waited
upon his successor, exposing the extortions of Narses, and declaring that they would prefer
the rude yet frank despotism of the Goths to the system of craft and avarice carried on by
their present governor. Their complaints were not only listened to with attention, but were
taken up by Justin as a pretext for getting rid of a man who was not his
creature, and Narses was consequently dismissed, and Longinus appointed in his stead. He might
have borne his disgrace with magnanimity but for the insulting message of the empress Sophia,
who bade him leave the profession of arms to men, and resume his former occupations among the
eunuchs, and spin wool with the maidens of the palace. Stung to the quick by this woman-like
yet ungenerous taunt, Narses answered that " he would spin her such a thread as she would not
unravel during her life." (" Narses dicitur haec responsa dedisse: Talem se eidem telam
orditurum qualem ipsa, dum viveret, deponere non posset," Paul. Diacon. de
Gest. Long. 2.6.) Narses retired quietly from office and took up his residence at
Naples. An opportunity for gratifying his revenge was at hand. The Longobards were meditating
an invasion of Italy. a scheme of which Justin was well aware when he dismissed Narses, who
was, however, the only man able to prevent such a calamity. " Full of rage," says Paulus
Diaconus (l.c.), " Narses sent messengers to the Longobards, and invited
them to leave the poor fields of Pannonia and take possession of rich Italy. At the same time
he sent them all kinds of fruits and other products of Italy, in order to make them greedy and
hasten their arrival." King Alboin accordingly descended from the Alps into Italy. No sooner,
however, was Narses informed of it, than he repaired to Rome, and tried to soothe the emperor
by a submissive letter. The invasion of Italy, however, of which he could not but accuse
himself as the cause, preyed upon his mind, and he died of grief (568). All this appears
strange; his conduct seems unaccountable; and weighty doubts have been raised by competent
historians against the authenticity of the tale. But severe critics, Pagi, Muratori, Horatius
Blancus, Petavius, &c., as well as the more modern Le Beau and Gibbon, are of opinion that
there is no ground for disbelieving it. One might ask, why the emperor did not immediately
resent his treachery ? and how Narses, after playing such a dangerous game, could venture to
repair to Rome, instead of joining the Longobards ? The fact of the Romans being disaffected
to Justin and devotedly attached to Narses does not explain the mystery. The following
hypothesis might perhaps throw some light on the matter. The ambition of Narses was not only
unlimited, but it was coupled with that irritable and resentful temper which is peculiar to
women and eunuchs. His deposition was sufficient to rouse the former, and the bitter taunt of
the empress Sophia could not but provoke the latter. He thus invited the Longobards, not in
order that they might conquer Italy, but to compel Justin to put him once more at the head of
the army, since he was the only man who could check the barbarians ; and had death not
prevented him he would certainly have triumphed over his enemies, and taken ample revenge for
the insults he had suffered. Such stratagems have often been invented by adventurers aspiring
to power, as well as by men high in office, aiming at still greater power. It is said that
Narses attained the age of ninety-five. Gibbon doubts it, and perhaps not without reason. "Is
it probable," says he, "that all his exploits were performed at fourscore ?" It is certainly
not probable; but when Blucher performed his great exploits he was past seventy, and he was as
fresh in the field as a young man.
Narses was one of those rare men who are destined by Providence to rise above all others,
and, according to circumstances or the particular shape of their genius, to become either the
benefactors or the scourges of mankind. Of low and perhaps barbarian parentage, slave, eunuch,
with the body of a boy and the voice of a woman, he made himself equal to the greatest, and
was inferior to none, for his soul was that of a hero; his mind, bold and inflexible in its
resolutions, was yet of that elastic kind that adapts itself to circumstances; and through the
labyrinth of schemes and intrigues his talents guided him with the sale security that leads
the plain warrior on the broad way of heroic action. Equal to Belisarius as a general, he was
his superior as a statesman; but his virtues were less pure than those of the unfortunate
hero; and in a moral point of view he stands far below his rival. (Procop. Bell. Goth. 2.13, &c., iii. iv. ; Paul. Diacon. de Gest. Long.
2.1-5; Marcellin. Chron.; Agathias, lib. i. ii.; Zonar. vol. ii. p. 68,
&c.; Cedren. p. 387; Malela, p. 83; Theoph. p. 201-206 (the index confounds the great
Narses with Narses the general of Maurice and Tiberius); Evagrius, 4.24; Anastasius, Histor. p. 62, &c.; Vita Joan. iii. p. 43;
Agnellus, Liber Pontific.)