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                <passage>
                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:base="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><body xml:lang="eng" n="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><div type="textpart" subtype="alphabetic_letter" n="L"><div type="textpart" subtype="entry" xml:id="lucianus-bio-9" n="lucianus_9"><head><persName xml:lang="la" xml:id="tlg-0062"><surname full="yes">Lucianus</surname></persName></head><p>9. Of <hi rend="smallcaps">SAMOSATA.</hi> [See also No. 1.]</p><p> (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Λουκιανός</foreign><note anchored="true" place="margin">* According to
       analogy, the a ought to be long in Lucianus; but Lucian himself makes it short in his first
       epigrami. <foreign xml:lang="grc">Λουκιανὸς τάδʼ ἔγραψε</foreign>, &amp;c.</note>),
      also called <hi rend="smallcaps">LYCINUS</hi>, a witty and voluminous Greek writer, but of
      Syrian parentage, having been born, as he himself tells us, at Samosata, the capital of
      Commagene. (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἁλιεύς</foreign>, § 19; <foreign xml:lang="grc">Πῶς δεῖ ἱστ. συγγρ</foreign>. § 24.) There is no ancient biography
      of Lucian extant, except the short and inaccurate one by Suidas; but some particulars may be
      gleaned from his own writings.</p><p>Considerable difference of opinion has existed respecting the time in which Lucian
      flourished. Suidas places him under Trajan, and subsequently, and in this he is followed by
      Bourdelot. The opinion of Voss (<hi rend="ital">De Histor. Graec.</hi> 2.15), that he
      flourished in the reigns of M. Aurelius Antoninus and Commodus seems, however, more correct,
      and has been generally followed by later critics. It is impossible to fix the exact dates of
      his birth and death, but the following passages will afford some clue to his chronology. In
      the <foreign xml:lang="grc">Πρὸς ἀπαίδευτον</foreign>, § 13, he tells us that there
      existed <hi rend="ital">in his time,</hi> and was probably still alive, a man who had bought
      the lamp of Epictetus for 3000 drachms, in the hope of inheriting his wisdom. As this purchase
      was probably made shortly after the death of Epictetus, the natural inference is, that Lucian
      was alive in the time of that philosopher (hardly that Epictetus died <hi rend="ital">before</hi> the time of Lucian, as Mr. Clinton says, <hi rend="ital">Fasti Rom.</hi>
      <date when-custom="118">A. D. 118</date>). The uncertainty expressed as to whether the purchaser was
      still alive denotes that a considerable period had elapsed between the transaction recorded
      and the date of the <foreign xml:lang="grc">Πρὸς ἀπαίδευτον</foreign>. But that piece
      can be shown to have been written shortly after the extraordinary suicide of Peregrinus, <date when-custom="165">A. D. 165</date>; for in § 14 Lucian mentions another silly fellow who had
       <hi rend="ital">just recently</hi> purchased (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Χθὲς καὶ
       πρώην</foreign>) the stick of the fanatical cynic for a talent. Now Epictetus could hardly
      have survived the reign of Hadrian, who died <date when-custom="138">A. D. 138</date> (<hi rend="smallcaps">EPICTETUS</hi>, and Clinton, <hi rend="ital">l. C.</hi>), and it is more
      likely that he did not reach the middle of it. On these grounds we might at a venture place
      Lucian's birth about the year 120; and this date tallies pretty well with other inferences
      from his writings. The <foreign xml:lang="grc">Πῶς δεῖ ἱστορίαν συγγράφειν</foreign>
      must have been nearly contemporary with the <foreign xml:lang="grc">Πρὸ
       ἀπαίδευτον</foreign>, since it alludes to the Parthian victories of Verus (Clinton, <date when-custom="166">A. D. 166</date>), but was probably written before the final triumph, as from an
      expression in § 2 (<foreign xml:lang="grc">τὰ ἐν ποσὶ ταῦτα κεκίνηται</foreign>)
      the war would seem to have been still going on. These pieces, together with the account of the
      death of Peregrinus (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Περὶ τῆς Περεγίνου τελευτῆς</foreign>),
      which has all the air of a narrative composed immediately after the event it records, are the
      earliest works of Lucian which we can connect with any public transactions. But he tells us
      that he did not abandon the rhetorical profession, and take to a different style of writing,
      till he was about forty (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Δὶς κατηγοπ</foreign>. § 34); and
      though he there more particularly alludes to his Dialogues, we may very probably include in
      the same category all his other works, which, like the preceding, are unconnected with
      rhetoric. If these were his first works of that kind, and if he was forty when he wrote them,
      he would have been born about the year 125. They were, however, in all probability preceded by
      some others, such as the <title>Hermotimus,</title> which he mentions having written about
      forty (§ 13), the <title>Nigrinus,</title> &amp;c. This brings us again to the year 120,
      as a very probable one in which to fix his birth; and thus he might have been contemporary as
      a boy with Epictetus, then in his old age; and with the man who bought his lamp, some 30 or 35
      years, perhaps, before 165. A passage which alludes to later political events occurs in the
       <title>Alexander,</title> 48, where mention is <pb n="813"/> made of the war of Marcus
      Antoninus against the Marcomtanni, <date when-custom="170">A. D. 170</date>-<date when-custom="175">175</date>; and as Marcus is there called <foreign xml:lang="grc">Θεός</foreign>, Voss
      inferred that the piece was written after the death of that emperor in 180. According to the
      computation of Reitz, which is that above given, Lucian would then have been more than sixty
      years old. From § 56, it appears that Lucian's father was still alive when he visited
      Alexander; but the visit might have taken place at least ten years before the account of it
      was written. (Clinton, <hi rend="ital">Fasti Rom.</hi>
      <date when-custom="182">A. D. 182</date>.) That Lucian himself was a man of some consequence at the
      time of it appears from the intimate terms he was on with Rutilianus, § 54, and from the
      governor of Cappadocia having given him a guard of two soldiers (§ 55). This is another
      argument for the visit having taken place when Lucian was well advanced in life, probably
      about fifty; for his youth was spent in struggling with adverse fortune. In the <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἀπολογία περὶ τῶν ἐπὶ μισθῷ συνόντων</foreign>, § 1, he
      mentions having obtained an appointmltent in Egypt, probably under Commodus, when he had one
      foot almost in Charon's boat; but we have no means of determining the age at which he died. On
      the whole, however, Reitz's calculation may be safely adopted, who places his life from the
      year 120 to the end of the century.</p><p>Having thus endeavoured to fix Lucian's chronology, we may proceed to trace those
      particulars of his life which may be gathered from his works. In the piece called <hi rend="ital">The Dream</hi> (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Περὶ τοῦ ἐνυπνίου</foreign>),
      which stands at the beginning of them, he represets his parents as in poor circumstances, and
      as deliberating with their friends about the choice of a profession for himself, then about
      fourteen years of age. Those of the learned sort were too expensive for the family means, and
      it was therefore resolved to apprentice him to some mechanical trade, which light bring in a
      quick return of money. As a schoolboy, he had shown a talent for making little waxen images;
      and his maternal uncle being a statuary in good repute, it was determined that lie should be
      put apprentice to him. Lucian was delighted with the thoughts of his new profession; but his
      very first attempt in it proved unfortunate. Having been ordered to polish a marble tablet, he
      leant too heavily upon it, and broke it. The consequence was, a sound beating from his uncle,
      which Lucian resenting, ran away home to his parents. In the version of the affair which he
      gave to them, he took the liberty to add a little circumstance, which already betrays the
      malice and humour of the boy. he affirmed that his uncle had treated him thus cruelly because
      he was apprehensive of being excelled in his profession ! The event itself may almost be
      regarded as an omen of his future course, and of his being destined from his earliest years to
      be an iconoclast. From the remainder of the <title>Dream,</title> where, in imitation of
      Prodicus's myth of the choice of Herriles, related in Xenophon's <hi rend="ital">Memorabiliua,</hi>
      <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἑρμογλυφική</foreign> (Statuary) and <foreign xml:lang="grc">Παιδεία</foreign> (Education) contend which shall have him for a votary, we can only infer
      that, after some deliberation, Lucian henceforward dedicated himself to the study of rhetoric
      and literature; but of the means which he found to compass his object we have no information.
      From. the <foreign xml:lang="grc">Δὶς κατηγορ</foreign>. § 27, it would appear that,
      after leaving his uncle, he wandered for some time about Ionia, without any settled plan, and
      possessiug as yet but a very imperfect knowledge of the Greek tongue. Subsequently, however,
      we find him an advocate by profession; and if we may trust the authority of Suidas, he seems
      to have practised at Antioch. According to the same writer, being unsuccessful in this
      calling, he employed himself in writing speeches for others, instead of delivering them
      himself. But he could not have remained long at Antioch; for at an early period of his life he
      set out upon his travels, and visited the greater part of Greece, Italy, and Gaul. At that
      period it was customary for professors of the rhetorical art to proceed to different cities,
      where they attracted audiences by their displays, much in the same manner as musicians or
      itinerant lecturers in modern times. The subjects of these displays were accusations of
      tyrants, or panegyrics on the brave and good (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Δὶς
      καρηγ</foreign>., § 32). It may be presumed that his first visit was to Athens, in order
      to acquire a perfect knowledge of the language; and that he remained there a considerable time
      may be inferred as well from his intimate familiarity with all the graces of the Attic
      dialect, as from his acquaintance with Demonax there, whom he tells us he knew for a long
      period. (<hi rend="ital">Demonactis Vita,</hi> § 1.) He did not, however, gain so much
      reputation by his profession in Ionia and Greece as in Italy and Gaul, especially the latter
      country, which he traversed to its western coasts, and where he appears to have acquired a
      good deal of money as well as fame. (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἀπολογία περί τῶν ἐνὶ
       μισθῷ</foreign> § 15; <foreign xml:lang="grc">Δὶς κατηγ</foreign>., § 27.)
      Whether he remained long at Rome is uncertain. From his tract <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἐν προσαγορ</foreign>. <foreign xml:lang="grc">πταίσματος</foreign>, §
      13, he would seem to have acquired some, though perhaps an imperfect, knowledge of the Latin
      tongue; and in the <foreign xml:lang="grc">Περὶ τοῦ ἡλέκτρου</foreign> lie describes
      himself as conversing with the boatmen on the Po. In the <foreign xml:lang="grc">Περὶ τῶν
       ἐπὶ μις</foreign>. <foreign xml:lang="grc">συν</foreign>., he shows an intimate
      acquaintance with Roman manners; but his picture of them in that piece, as well as in the <hi rend="ital">Niginus,</hi> is a very unfavourable one.</p><p>He probably returned to his native country in about his fortieth year, and by way of
      Macedonia. (<hi rend="ital">Herodotus,</hi> § 7.) At this period of his life lie
      abandoned the rhetorical profession, the artifices of which were foreign to his temper, the
      natural enemy of deceit and pretension (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Δὶς κατηγ</foreign>.,
      § 32, <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἀλιεύς</foreign>, § 29); though it was. perhaps,
      the money he had made by it that enabled him to quit it, and to follow his more congenial
      inclinations. In his old age, indeed, he appears to have partially resumed it, as he tells us
      in his <title xml:lang="grc">Ἠρακλῆς</title>, § 7; and to which period of his life
      we must also ascribe his <title xml:lang="grc">Διόνους</title> (§ 8). But these
      latter productions seem to have been confined to that species of declamation called a <foreign xml:lang="grc">προσλαλιά</foreign>, to which the pieces just mentioned belong, and for
      which we have no equivalent term; and they were probably written rather by way of pastime and
      amusement than from any hopes of gam.</p><p>There are no materials for tracing that portion of his life which followed his return to his
      native country. It was, however, at this period that he produced the works to which he owes
      his reputation, and which principally consist of attacks upon the religion and philosophy of
      the age. The bulkiness of them suggests the inference that many years were spent in these
      quiet literary occupations, though not undiversified with occasional travel; since it appears
      from the <foreign xml:lang="grc">Πῶς δεῖ ἱστ</foreign>. <foreign xml:lang="grc">συγ</foreign>., § 14, that he must have been in Achaia and lolnia about <pb n="814"/>
      the close of the Parthian war, <date when-custom="160">A. D. 160</date>-<date when-custom="165">165</date>; on which occasion, too, he seems to have visited Olympia, and beheld the
      self-immolation of Peregrinus. We have already seen that about the year 170, or a little
      previously, he must have visited the false oracle of the impostor Alexander, in Paphlagonia.
      Here Lucian planned several contrivances for detecting the falsehood of his responses and in a
      personal interview with the prophet, instead of kissing his hand, as was the custom, inflicted
      a severe bite upon his thumb. For these and other things, especially his having advised
      Rutilianus not to marry Alexander's daughter by the Moon, that impostor was so enraged against
      Lucian, that he would have murdered him on the spot had he not been protected by a guard of
      two soldiers. Alexander, therefore, dissembled his hatred, and even, pretending friendship,
      dismissed him with many gifts, and lent him a vessel to prosecute his voyage. When well out at
      sea, Lucian observed, by the tears and entreaties of the master towards the rest of the crew,
      that something was amiss, and learnt from the former that Alexander had ordered them to throw
      their passenger into the sea, a fate from which he was saved only by the good offices of the
      master. He was now landed at Aegialos, where he fell in with some ambassadors, proceeding to
      king Eupator in Bithynia, who received him on board their ship, and landed him safely at
      Amastris. (<hi rend="ital">Alex.</hi> 54-58.) We can trace no later circumstances of his life,
      except his obtaining the office of procurator of part of Egypt, bestowed upon him in his old
      age, probably by the emperor Commodus, and which has been already mentioned. From the <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἀπολ. περὶ τῶν ἐπἲ μ</foreign>., 12, it appears that his functions
      were chiefly judicial, that his salary was considerable, and that he even entertained
      expectations of the proconsulship. In what manner he obtained this post we have no means of
      knowing; but from his <title xml:lang="la">Imagines,</title> which sone have supposed to have
      been addressed to a concubine of Verus, and which Wieland conjectures to have been intended
      for the wife of Marcus Antoninus, as well as from his tract <hi rend="ital">Pro Lapsu,</hi> he
      seems to have been neither averse from flattery nor unskilled in the method of applying it. He
      certainly lived to an advanced age, and it is probable that he may have been afflicted with
      the gout; but the inference that he died of it merely from his having written the burlesque
      drama called <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ποδάγρα</foreign> is rather strong. He probably
      married in middle life; and in the <foreign xml:lang="grc">Εὐνοῦχος</foreign>, § 13,
      he mentions having a son.</p><p>The nature of Lucian's writings inevitably procured him many enemies, by whom he has been
      painted in very black colours. According to Suidas he was surnamed <hi rend="ital">the
       Blasphemer,</hi> and was torn to pieces by dogs, or rather, perhaps, died of canine madness,
      as a punishment for his impiety. On this account, however, no reliance can be placed, as it
      was customary with Suidas to invent a horrid death for those whose doctrines he disliked. To
      the account of Suidas, Volaterranus added, but without stating his authority, that Lucian
      apostatised from Christianity, and was accustomed to say he had gained nothing by it but the
      corruption of his name from Lucius to Lucianus. So too the scholiast on the
       <title>Peregrinus,</title> § 13, calls him an apostate (<foreign xml:lang="grc">παραβάτης</foreign>); whilst the scholiasts on the <title xml:lang="la">Verae
       Historiae</title> and other pieces frequently apostrophise him in the bitterest terms, and
      make the most absurd and far-fetched charges against him of ridiculing the Scriptures.</p><p>The whole gravamen of the accusation of blasphemy lies in the point whether Lucian was
      really an apostate. If he had never been initiated into the mysteries of Christianity, it is
      clear that he is no more amenable to the charge than Tacitus, or any other profane author, who
      from ignorance of our religion has been led to vilify and misrepresent it. The charge of
      apostacy might be urged with some colour against Lucian, if it could be shown that he was the
      author of the dialogue entitled <title xml:lang="la">Philopatris.</title> The subject of the
      piece is shortly this. Triephon, who is represented as having been a member of the church,
      meets Critias, and inquires the reason of his disturbed looks and hurried gait. After some
      discourse about paganism and Christianity, Critias relates his having been among an assembly
      of Christians, where he has heard troubles and misfortunes predicted to the state and its
      armies. When he has concluded his story, Cleolaus enters, and announces some military
      successes gained by the emperor in the East. A sneering tone pervades the whole piece, which
      betrays so intimate a knowledge of Christianity that it could hardly have been written but by
      one who had been at some time within the pale of the church.</p><p>Some eminent critics, and amongst them Fabricius, have held the <title xml:id="tlg-0061.007">Philopatris</title> to be genuine. Towards the middle of last century, Gesner wrote his
      dissertation <title xml:lang="la">De Aetate et Auctotre Philopatridis,</title> in which he
      showed satisfactorily that the piece could not have been Lucian's; and he brings forward many
      considerations which render it very probable that the work was composed in the reign of Julian
      the Apostate.</p><p>The scholiast on the <title>Alexander,</title> § 47, asserts that Lucian was an
      Epicurean, and this opinion has been followed by several modern critics. But though his
      natural scepticism may have led him to prefer the tenets of Epicurus to those of any other
      sect, it is most probable that he belonged to none whatever. In the <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἀπολ</foreign>. <foreign xml:lang="grc">περὶ τῶν ἐπὶ μισθῷ συν</foreign>., §
      15, he describes himself as <foreign xml:lang="grc">οὐ σοφός</foreign>, but <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐκ τοῦ πολλοῦ δήμου</foreign>; and in the <title>Hermotimus</title> he
      calls himself <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἰδιώτης</foreign>, in contradistinction to that
      philosopher. In the <foreign xml:lang="grc">Βίων πρᾶσις</foreign>, too, Epicurus is
      treated no better than the other heads of sects.</p><p>Of Lucian's moral character we have no means of judging except from his writings; a method
      which is not always certain. Several of his pieces are loose and licentious, but some
      allowance should be made for the manners of the age. The <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἔρωτες</foreign>, the most objectionable, has been abjudicated by many critics, and for
      Lucian's sake it is to be hoped that they are correct; but in the <foreign xml:lang="grc">Εἰκόνες</foreign> we find allusions to the same perverted tastes, and in § 4 the
      promise of a story respecting the Cnidian Venus, which is actually found in the former piece.
      Yet in the <title>Alexander,</title> § 54, he seems indignant at the charge of immorality
      brought against him by that impostor; and that he must at least have avoided any grievous and
      open scandal may be presumed from the high office conferred upon him in Egypt. Lucian was not
      averse from praising himself, and in the <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἁλιεύς</foreign>, §
      20, has drawn his own character as a hater of pride, falsehood, and vain-glory, and an ardent
      admirer of truth, simplicity, and all that is naturally amiable; nor is there much to object
      against the truth of this autograph portrait. He seems to have retained <pb n="815"/> through
      life a natural taste for the fine arts, as may be inferred from the many lively descriptions
      of pictures and statues interspersed through his works. That he was a warm admirer of dancing
      appears from his treatise <foreign xml:lang="grc">Περὶ ὀρχήσεως</foreign>.</p><div><head>Works</head><p>In giving an account of Lucian's numerous and miscellaneous writings, it is difficult to
       class them under distinct heads with accuracy. Yet an attempt at arrangement seems preferable
       to going through then in the confused order in which they stand in the editions, which has
       not even the merit of being chronological. The main heads under which his pieces may be
       classed, and which are, perhaps, accurate enough for general purposes, are, 1. the
       Rhetorical; 2. the Critical; 3. the Biographical; 4. Romances; 5. Dialogues; 6. Miscellaneous
       pieces; 7. Poems. By some writers Lucian has also been called an historian, a mathematician,
       a physical philosopher, &amp;c. But the works for which these appellations have been bestowed
       upon him are either not his, or fall more properly under one of the preceding divisions.</p><div><head>1. Rhetorical Works.</head><p>Lucian's rhetorical pieces were no doubt for the most part the first productions of his
        pen, for we have already seen that he did not lay aside that profession, and apply himself
        to a different style of writing, till he had reached the age of forty. Of all his pieces
        they are the most unimportant, and betray least of his real character and genius, and
        therefore require but a passing notice. They may be divided into <foreign xml:lang="grc">προσλαλιαί</foreign>, or introductory addresses, delivered in literary assemblies, and
        more regular rhetorical pieces in the demonstrative and deliberative kind. Among the
         <foreign xml:lang="grc">προσλαλιαὶ</foreign> may be reckoned <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.029">Περὶ τοῦ ἐνυπνίου</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Somnium seu
         Vita Luciani,</title> the closing sentence of which shows it to have been addressed to some
        assembly of his countrymen, apparently after his return from his travels. This piece, which
        is valuable for the anecdotes it contains of Lucian's life, has been already mentioned. The
         <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.056">Ἡρόδοτος</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Herodotu sive Aötion,</title> seems to have been addressed to some Macedonian
        assembly. Of Action the painter an account is elsewhere given. [<ref target="aetion-bio-3">AETION.</ref>] From the picture described in this piece, Raphael is said to have taken one
        of his frescoes. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.057">Ζεύξις</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Zeuxis sive Antiochus,</title> also contains the description of a picture
        which Sulla carried off from Athens, and which was lost on its voyage to Rome, but of which
        a copy was extant in the time of Lucian. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.060">Ἁρμονίδης</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Harmonides,</title> which, however, is called
        by Marcilius a <foreign xml:lang="grc">Σύστασις</foreign>, or <title xml:lang="la">Commendatio,</title> contains a/n anecdote of Timotheus and his pupil Harmonides. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.062">Σκύθης ἢ Πρόχενος</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Scytha,</title> turns on the visit of Anacharsis to Athens, and his meeting
        Toxaris, a fellow-countryman, there, who introduces him to the friendship of Solon. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.002">Ἱππίας ἢ Βαλανεῖον</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Hippias seu Balneum,</title> is the description of a bath. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.003">Προσλαλία ἢ Διόνυσος</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Bacchus,</title> turns on the conquests of Bacchus. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.004">Προσλαλία ἢ Ἡρακλῆς</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Hercules
         Gallicus.</title> An account of the Gallic Hercules. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.005">Περί τοῦ ἠλέκτρου ἢ τῶν κύκνων</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">De Electro seu Cygnis.</title> This was probably an early piece, as in §
        2 the author mentions a recent visit to the Po, in which he inquired for the poplars that
        distilled amber, and the singing swans; but without success. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.009">Περὶ τοῦ οἴκου</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">De Domo,</title>
        contains a description of a house, or rather apartment. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.054">Περὶ τῶν διφάδων</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">De
         Dipsadibus.</title> An account of certain Libyan serpents.</p><p>More regular rhetorical pieces are <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.051">Τυραννοκτόνος</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Tyrannicida,</title> a declamation. A man
        intending to kill a tyrant, but not finding him, leaves his sword in the body of his son. At
        this sight the tyrant slays himself; whereupon the murderer claims a reward, as having
        killed him. This piece is perhaps spurious. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.052">Ἀποκηρυττομενος</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Abdicatus.</title> This declamation is
        attributed to Libanius. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.001">Φάλαρις πρῶτος
         καὶ δεύτερος</foreign>, Phalaris <hi rend="ital">prior et alter.</hi> The authenticity of
        these two declamations, on the subject of the tyrant of Agrigentum, has likewise been
        doubted. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.006">Μυίας ἐγκώμιον</foreign>,
         <title xml:lang="la">Encomium Muscae,</title> a playful and ingenious little piece,
        describing the nature and habits of the fly. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.010">Πατρίδος Ἐγκώμιον</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Patriae Encomium.</title> The title
        indicates the subject of this declamation.</p></div><div><head>2. Critical Works.</head><p><foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.014">Δίκη φωνηέντων</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Judicium Vocalium,</title> was probably a juvenile performance, in which a
        brings a complaint of ejection against T. The suit is conducted after the Athenian manner,
        the vowels being the dicasts. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.046">Λεχιφάνης</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Lexiphanes,</title> a humorous dialogue,
        written to ridicule the affectation of strange and obsolete diction. By some it has been
        considered as directed against the <title xml:lang="la">Onomasticon</title> of Pollux; by
        others, against Athenaeus; but in both cases probably without foundation. After Lexiphanes
        has been made to vomit up the strange farrago with which he has overloaded himself, Lucian
        prescribes the following course of wholesome diet, in order to complete a cure. First, to
        read the Greek poets; then the orators; next Thucydides and Plato, with the dramatic
        authors. The piece concludes with some sound critical advice. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.053">Πῶς δεῖ ἱστορίαν συγγράφειν</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Quomodo Historia sit conscribenda</title>, is the best of Lucian's critical works. The
        former portion is employed in ridiculing the would-be historians of the day, whilst the
        latter contains some excellent critical precepts. The 41st section in particular is
        admirable. The historian Du Thou thought so much of this essay, that he drew the rules for
        historical writing in the preface to his work principally from it. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.037">Ῥητόρων διδάσκαλος</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Rhetorum
         Preceptor,</title> is a piece of critical irony, pretending to point out a royal road to
        oratory. It also contains a bitter personal attack upon some apparently Egyptian orator.
         <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.049">Ψευδολογιστής</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Pseudologista,</title> a violent attack upon a brother sophist who had
        ignorantly asserted that the word <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀποφράς</foreign>, used by
        Lucian, was un-Attic. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0061.003">Δημοσθένους
         Ἐγκώμιον</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Demosthenis Encomium,</title> a critical
        dialogue on the merits of Demosthenes. This piece has been reckoned spurious by many
        critics, but perhaps on insufficient grounds. The concluding part contains some interesting
        particulars of the death of the great orator. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.070">Ψευδφοσοφιστής</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Pseudosophista,</title> a dialogue on Attic solecisms, has also been abjudicated, and on
        more certain grounds. Several phrases are given out as solecisms which are not really so,
        and which have even been used by Lucian himself.</p></div><div><head>3. Biographical Works.</head><p>The pieces which entitle Lucian to be called a biographer are the <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.038">Ἀλέχανδρος ν̓̀ Ψευδόμαντις</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Alexander seu Pseudomantis ;</title>
        <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.008">Δημώνακτος βίος</foreign>
        <title xml:lang="la">Vita Demonactis;</title> and <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.042">Περι τῆς Περεγρίνου τελευτῆς</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">De
         Morte Peregrini.</title> They are, however, rather anecdotical memoirs (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀπομνημονεύατα</foreign>), like Xenophon's <title xml:lang="la">Memorabilia Socratis,</title> than regular biographies. Of the first piece the chief
        contents are given elsewhere. [<ref target="alexander-bio-37">ALEXANDER, Vol. I. p.
         123</ref>.] An account of Demonax will also be found under the <pb n="816"/> proper head.
        The life of that philosopher must have been prolonged considerably beyond the reign of
        Hadrian, since Lucian tells us that he was personally acquainted with him for a long period.
         (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Θατέρῳ δὲ τῷ Δημώνακτι</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="grc">καὶ ἐπὶ μήκιστον συνεγενόμην</foreign>,§ 1.) Demonax was a
        philosopher after Lucian's own heart, belonging to no sect, though he had studied the tenets
        of all, and holding the popular mythology in profound contempt. His chief leaning was to the
        school of Socrates, though, in the unconstrained liberty of his way of life, he seemed to
        bear some resemblance to Diogenes. Demonax sacrificed to the Graces, and was equally averse
        from the austerity of the Stoics and the filth of the Cynics. Had he been one of the latter,
        Lucian would never have mentioned him with praise. Of all the philosophic sects, Lucian
        detested the Cynics most, as may be seen in his <title xml:lang="la">Peregrinus</title>,
         <title xml:lang="la">Fugitivi</title>, <title xml:lang="la">Convivium,</title> &amp;c.;
        though he seems to have made an exception in favour of Menippus, on account, perhaps, of his
        satirical writings, to which his own bear some resemblance. It was for his account of
        Demonax that Eunapius ranked Lucian among the biographers. <foreign xml:lang="grc">Περὶ
         τῆς Περεγρίνου τελευτῆς</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">De Morte Peregrini,</title>
        contains some particulars of the life and voluntary <hi rend="ital">auto-da-fé</hi>
        of Peregrinus Proteus, a fanatical cynic and apostate Christian, who publicly burnt himself
        from an impulse of vain-glory shortly after the 236th Olympiad (<date when-custom="165">A. D.
         165</date>), and concerning whom further particulars will be found elsewhere. [<hi rend="smallcaps">PEREGRINUs.</hi>] Lucian seems to have belleld this singular triumph of
        fanaticism with a sort of barbarous exultation, which nearly cost him a beating from the
        Cynics, who surrounded the pyre (§ 37). The <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.011">Μακροβιοι</foreign> may also be referred to this head, as containing
        anecdotes of several Greek and other worthies who had attained to a long life.</p></div><div><head>4. Romances.</head><p>Under this head may be classed the tale entitled <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0061.001">Λούκιος ν̓̀ Ὄνος</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Lucius sive
         Asinus,</title> and the <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.012">Ἀληθοῦς
         ἱστορίας λόγος ά καὶ β́</foreign>, (<title xml:lang="la">Verae Historiae</title>).
        Photius (<bibl n="Phot. Bibl. 129">Phot. Bibl. 129</bibl>) is inclined to believe that
        Lucian's piece was taken from a fable by Lucius of Patrae, but does not speak very
        positively on the subject. It has been thought that Appuleius drew his story of the
         <title>Golden Ass</title> from the same source [<ref target="appuleius-bio-10">APPULEIUS</ref>]; retaining, however, the lengthy narrative and fanatical turn of the
        original tale; whilst Lucian abridged it, and gave it a comic caste, especially in the
         <title>denouement,</title> which, however, is sufficiently gross. M. Courier, on the
        contrary, who published an edition of the piece with a French version and notes (Paris 1818,
        12mo), thinks that Lucian's is the original; and this opinion is acceded to by M. Letronne
        in the <hi rend="ital">Journal des Savans,</hi> July, 1818. There are no means of deciding
        this question satisfactorily. The story turns on the adventures of Lucius. who, from motives
        of curiosity, having arrived at the house of a female magician in Thessaly, and beheld her
        transformation into a bird, is desirous of undergoing a similar metamorphosis. By the help
        of the magician's maid, with whom he has ingratiated himself, he gets access to her magic
        ointments; but, unfortunately, using the wrong one, is deservedly turned into an ass, in
        which shape he meets with a variety of adventures, till he is disenchanted by eating
        rose-leaves. The adventure with the robbers in the cave is thought to have suggested the
        wellknown scene in <hi rend="ital">Gil Blas.</hi> The <title>Verae Historiae</title> were
        composed, as the author tells us in the beginning, to ridicule the authors of extravagant
        tales, including Homer's <hi rend="ital">Odyssey,</hi> the <title>India.</title> of Ctesias,
        and the wonderful accounts of Iambulus of the things contained in the great sea. According
        to Photius (<bibl n="Phot. Bibl. 166">Phot. Bibl. 166</bibl>), Lucian's model was Antonius
        Diogenes, in his work called <foreign xml:lang="grc">Τὰ ὑπὲρ Φούγην
         ἄπιστα</foreign>. That writer, however, was probably later than Lucian. Still Lucian may
        have had predecessors in the style, as Antiphanes. The adventures related are of the most
        extravagant kind, but show great fertility of invention. Lucian tells us plainly what we
        have to expect; that he is going to write about things he has neither seen himself nor heard
        of from others; things, moreover, that neither do, nor can by possibility exist; and that
        the only truth he tells us is when he asserts that he is lying. He then describes how he set
        sail from the columns of Hercules, and was cast by a storm on an enchanted island, which
        appeared, from an inscription, to have been visited by Hercules and Bacchus; where not only
        did the rivers run wine, but the same liquid gushed from the roots of the vines, and where
        they got drunk by eating the fish they caught. On again setting sail, the ship is snatched
        up by a whirlwind, and carried through the air for seven days and nights, till they are
        finally deposited in the moon by certain enormous birds called Hippogypi (horse vultures ).
        Here they are present at a battle between the inhabitants of that planet and those of the
        sun. Afterwards they prosecute their voyage through the Zodiac, and arrive at the city of
        Lanterns, where Lucian recognises his own, and inquires the news at home. They then pass the
        city of Nephelococcygia (Cloud-cuckoo-town), and are at length deposited again in the sea.
        Here they are swallowed up by an immense whale; and their adventures in its belly, which is
        inhabited, complete the first book. The second opens with an account of their escape, by
        setting fire to a forest in the whale's belly, and killing him. After several more wonderful
        adventures, they arrive at the Isle of the Blest (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Μακάρων
         νῆσος</foreign>). Here they fall in with several ancient worthies, and Homer among the
        rest, which affords an opportunity for some remarks on his life and writings. Homer is made
        to condenmn the criticisms of Aristarchus and Zenodotus. He asserts, as Wolf and others have
        since done, that he began the <title>Iliad</title> with the anger of Achilles merely from
        chance, and without any settled plan; and denies that the <title>Odyssey</title> was written
        before the <title>Iliad,</title> then a prevalent opinion. After this they again set sail,
        and arrive at the internal regions, where, among others, they find Ctesias and Herodotus
        undergoing punishment for their falsehoods. The book is concluded with several more
        surprising adventures. That the <title>Verae Historiae</title> supplied hints to Rabelais
        and Swift is sufficiently obvious, not only from the nature and extravagance of the fiction,
        but from the lurking satire.</p></div><div><head>5. Dialogues.</head><p>But Lucian's fame rests chiefly on his dialogues, by which term is here meant those pieces
        which are of an ethical or mythological nature, as well as of a dramatic form; and which
        were intended to ridicule the heathen philosophy and religion; for a few of his pieces which
        have not that scope are also in the shape of dialogue. Lucian has himself explained the
        nature and novelty of his undertaking in his <title xml:lang="la">Prometheus</title>
         (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Πρὸς τὸν εἰπόντα Προμηθεύς εἶ ἐν λόγοις</foreign>,
        § 5), where he tells us that it consists of a mixture of the Platonie <pb n="817"/>
        dialogue with comedy; in other words, a combination of Plato and Aristophanes. In the <title xml:lang="la">Bis Accusatus,</title> § 33, we have a still more complete account of
        his style, where Dialogue personified accuses Lucian of stripping him of his tragic mask,
        and substituting a comic and satyric one; of introdancing scurrilous jokes, and the iambic
        licence; and of mixing him up with Eupolis, Aristophanes, and Menippus, the most snarling of
        the ancient cynics. These dialogues, which form the great bulk of his works, are of very
        various degrees of merit, and are treated in the greatest possible variety of style, from
        seriousness down to the broadest humour and buffoonery. Their subjects and tendency, too,
        vary considerably; for whilst some, as it has been said, are employed in attacking the
        heathen philosophy and religion, others are mere pictures of manners without any polemic
        drift. For the sake of convenience, we may first consider those which are more exclusively
        directed against the heathen mythology; next, those which attack the ancient philosophy; and
        lastly, those in which both the preceding objects are combined, or which, having no such
        tendency, are mere satires on the manners of the day and the follies and ices natural to
        mankind.</p><p>In the first class may be placed <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.020">Προμηθεύς ν̓̀ Καύκασος</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Prometheus seu
         Caucasus,</title> which is properly a dialogue of the gods, and to which it forms a very
        fitting introduction, as it opens up the relationship between gods and men, and puts Zeus
        completely in the wrong for crucifying Promethens. Though a good dialogue, it is in the
        grave style, ald has little of Lucian's characteristic humour. The <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.068">Θεῶν Διάλογοι</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Deorum
         Dialogi,</title> twenty-six in number, consist of short dramatic narratives of sone of the
        most popular incidents in the heathen mythology. The reader, however, is generally left to
        draw his own conclusions from the story, the author only taking care to put it in the most
        absurd point of view. Hence, perhaps, we may conclude that, like some of Lucian's more
        serious dialogues, they were along his earlier attempts, before he had summoned hardihood
        enough to venture on those more open and scurrilous attacks which he afterwards made. Of the
        same class, but inferior in point of execution, are the fifteen dialogues of the <title xml:lang="la">Dei Martini,</title>
        <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.067">Ἐνάλιοι Διάλογοι</foreign>. In the
        last, that of <title>Zephyr and Notus,</title> the beautiful and graphic description of the
        rape of Europa is worthy of remark, which, as Hemsterhuis observes, was probably taken from
        some picture. In the <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.017">Ζεύς
         Ἐλεγχόμενος</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Jupiter Confutatus,</title> a bolder style
        of attack is adopted; and the cynic proves to Zeus's face, that every thing being under the
        dominion of fate, he has no power whatever. As this dialogue shows Zeus's want of power, so
        the <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.018">Ζεὺς τραγωδός</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Jupiter Tragoedus,</title> strikes at his very existence, and that of the
        other deities. The subject is a dispute at Athens between Timocles, a Stoic, and Damis, an
        Epicurean, respecting the being of the gods. Anxious as to its result, Zeus summons all the
        deities to hear the arguments. Hermes first calls the golden ones, then the silver, and so
        forth; not according to the beauty of their workmanship, but the richness of their
        materials. On meeting, a squabble takes place about precedence, which is with some
        difficulty quelled. Timocles then goes through his arguments for the existence of the gods,
        which Damis refutes and ridicules. At this result, Zeus becomes dejected; but Hermes
        consoles him with the reflection that though some few may be convinced by Damis, the great
        mass of the Greeks, and all the barbarians, will ever be of a contrary opinion. The abuse of
        the stoic on finding himself worsted is highly natural. Much of the same tendency is the
         <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.050">Θεῶν ἐκκλησία</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Deorum Concilium,</title> which is in fact a dialogue of the gods. Momus
        complains of the rabble which has been introduced into heaven, not only mere mortals, but
        barbarians, and even apes and other beasts. In this class may also be enumerated the
         <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.055">Τὰ πρὸς Κρόνον</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Saturnalia,</title> which contains a laugh at the ancient fable of
        Cronos.</p><p>In the second class of Dialogues, namely, those in which the ancient philosophy is the
        more immediate object of attack, may be placed the following: <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.024">Βίων πρᾶσις</foreign> (<title xml:lang="la">Vitarum
        Auctio</title>). In this humorous piece the heads of the different sects are put up to sale,
        Hermes being the auctioneer. Pythagoras fetches ten minae. Diogenes, with his rags and
        cynicism, goes for two obols-he may be useful as a house-dog. Aristippus is too fine a
        gentleman for any body to venture on. Democritus and Heraclitus are likewise unsaleable.
        Socrates, with whom Lucian seems to confound the Platonic philosophy, after being well
        ridiculed and abused, is bought by Dion of Syracuse for the large sum of two talents.
        Epicurus fetches two minae. Chrysippus, the stoic, who gives some extraordinary specimens of
        his logic, and for whom there is a great competition, is knocked down for twelve minae. A
        peripatetic, a double person (exoteric and esoteric) with his physical knowledge, brings
        twenty minae. Pyrrho, the sceptic, comes last, who, after having been disposed of, and in
        the hands of the buyer, is still in doubt whether lie has been sold or not. From the
        conclusion, it appears that Lucian intended to include in another auction the lives of other
        members of the community ; but this piece is either lost, or was never executed. The
         <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.025">Ἁλιεύς ν̓̀ Ἀναβιοῦντες</foreign>,
         <title xml:lang="la">Piscator seu Reviviscentes,</title> is a sort of apology for the
        preceding piece, and may be reckoned among Lucian's best dialogues. The philosophers are
        represented as having obtained a day's life for the purpose of taking vengeance upon Lucian,
        who in some degree makes the <hi rend="ital">amende honorable</hi> by confessing that he has
        borrowed the chief beauties of his writings from them. He begs not to be condemned without a
        trial; and it is agreed that Philosophy herself shall be the judge; but Lucian expresses his
        fears that he shall never be able to find her abode, having been so often misdirected. On
        their way, however, they meet Philosophy, who is astonished to see so many of her chief
        professors again alive, and is surprised they should be angry at her being abused, when she
        has already endured so mulch from Comedy. It is with great difficulty that Lucian discovers
        Truth among her retinue, the allegorical description of which personage is very good.
        Lucian, indeed, excels in that kind of writing. The philosophers now open their case against
        him. He is charged with taking Dialogue out of their hands, and with persuading Menippus to
        side with him, the only philosopher who does not appear among his accusers. This may afford
        another answer to those who would make Lucian an Epicurean. Under the name of Parrhesiades,
        Lucian advocates his own cause; and having gained it, becomes, in turn, accuser. The
        philosophers of the age are summoned to the Acropolis, in the name of Virtne, <pb n="818"/>
        Plilosophy, and Justice, but scarce one obeys the call. Lucian undertakes to assemble them
        by offering rewards. Immediately a vast concourse appear, quarrelling among themselves; but
        when they find that Philosophy herself is to be the judge, they all run away. In his haste
        to escape, a cynic drops his wallet, which, instead of lupins, brown bread, or a book, is
        found to contain gold, pomatum, a sacrificing knife, a mirror, and dice. Truth orders their
        lives to be inquired into by Logic, and the pretenders to be branded with the figure of a
        fox or an ape. Lucian then borrows a fishing-rod from the temple; and having baited his hook
        with figs and gold, flings his line from the Acropolis. He draws up a great many different
        philosophers, but Plato, Chrysippus, Aristotle, &amp;c., disown them all, and they are cast
        down headlong. This piece is valuable, not only from its own merits, but from containing
        some particulars of Lucian's life. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.063">Ἑρμότιμος</foreign> is chiefly an attack upon the Stoics, but its design is also to
        show the impossibility of becoming a true philosopher. The irony is of a serious and
        Socratic turn, and the piece, though carefully written, has little of Lucian's native in
        humour. From § 13 it appears he was about forty when he wrote it; and like the
         <title>Nigrinus,</title> it was probably, therefore, one of his earliest productions in
        this style. The <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.047">Εὐνοῦχος</foreign>,
         <title xml:lang="la">Eunuchus,</title> is a ridiculous dispute between two philosophic
        rivals for the emperor's prize, the objection being that the <hi rend="ital">eunuchus</hi>
        is <hi rend="ital">ipso facto</hi> a disqualified person, and incapable of becoming a
        philosopher. From § 12, it appears to have been written at Athens. The <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.031">Φιλοψευδής</foreign> may be ranked in this class.
        It is a dialogue on the love of falsehood, natural to some men purely for its own sake. In
        § 2 Herodotus and Ctesias are attacked as in the <title>Verae Historiae,</title> as
        well as Hesiod and Homer. Poets, however, may be pardoned, but not whole states that adopt
        their fictions; and Lucian thinks it very hard to be accused of impiety for disbelieving
        such extravagancies. Some commentators have thought that the Christian miracles are alluded
        to in § 13 and § 16; but this does not seem probable. The main subject of the
        piece is the relation of several absurd stories of ghosts, &amp;c., by a company of
        whitebearded philosophers. The <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.043">Δραπετραί</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Fugitivi,</title> is directed against the
        cynics, by whom Lucian seems to have been attacked for his life of Peregrinus. In a
        conversation between Apollo and Zeus, the latter asserts that he was so annoyed by the
        stench that ascended from the pyre, that, though he fled into Arabia, all the frankincense
        there could hardly drive it out. He is about to relate the whole history to Apollo, when
        Philosophy rushes in, in tears and trouble, and complains of the philosophers, especially
        the cynics. She gives a history of her progress in India, Egypt, Chaldaea, &amp;c., before
        she reached the Greeks, and concludes with a complaint against the cynics. Apollo advises
        Jupiter to send Mercury and Hercules to inquire into the lives of the cynics, and to punish
        the evil doers; the greater part being mere vagabonds and runaway slaves. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.015">Συμπόσιον ν̓̀ Λαπίθαι</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Convivium seu Lapithae,</title> is one of Lucian's most humorous attacks on
        the philosophers. The scene is a wedding feast, at which a representative of each of the
        principal philosophic sects is present. Of all the guests these are the only absurd and
        troublesome ones, the unlettered portion behaving themselves with decency and propriety. The
        cynic Alcidamas, who comes uninvited, is particularly offensive in his behaviour. In the
        midst of the banquet an absurd letter arrives from Hetoimocles, a stoic, expostulating with
        Aristaenetus, the host, for not having been invited. The discussion that ensues sets all the
        philosophers by the ears, and ends in a pitched battle. In the midst of the confusion,
        Alcidamas upsets the chandelier; and when lights are again brought, strange scenes are
        discovered. The cynic is making free with one of the music-women; the stoic, Dionysidorus,
        is endeavouring to conceal a cup under his cloak. The similarity of this piece, and the 55th
        epistle of the third book of Alciphron, is too marked to be the result of accident. The
        relative chronology of Alciphron and Lucian cannot be accurately settled [<hi rend="smallcaps">ALCIPHRON</hi>]; but the dialogue is so much more highly wrought than the
        epistle, as to render Bergler's notion probable, that Lucian was the copyist. Under this
        head we may also notice the <title xml:id="tlg-0062.007">Nigrinus</title> and the
         <title>Parasite</title> (<foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.030">Περὶ παρασίτου
         ἤτοι τέχνη Παρασιτική</foreign>). The Nigrinus has been reckoned one of Lucian's first
        efforts in this style, and this seems borne out by a passage § 35. Wieland calls it a
        declaration of war against the philosophers, and thinks that it still bears traces of
        Lucian's rhetorical style. But though the piece may be considered as an attack on
        philosophic pride, its main scope is to satirise the Romans. whose pomp, vain-glory, and
        luxury, are unfavourably contrasted with the simple habits of the Athenians. The
         <title>Parasitus</title> is a mere piece of <hi rend="ital">persiflae</hi> throughout. The
        dialogue is conducted like those of Socrates with the sophists, though the parasite, who may
        stand for the sophist, gets the better of the argument. The philosophical definition of
        parasitism in § 9 is highly humorous, as well as the demonstration of its superiority
        to philosophy, on account of its unity and definiteness, in which it equals arithmetic; for
        two and two are four with the Persians as well as the Greeks, but no two philosophers agree
        in their principles. So also it is shown to be superior to philosophy, because no parasite
        ever turned philosopher, but many philosophers have been parasites. The demonstration of the
        non-existence of philosophy, § 28, 29, seems directed against Plato's <title xml:lang="la">Parmenides.</title></p><p>The third and more miscellaneous class of Lucian's dialogues, in which the attacks upon
        mythology and philosophy are not direct but incidental, or which are mere pictures of
        manners, contains some of his best. At the head must be placed <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.022">Τίμων ν̓̀ μισάνθρωπος</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Timon,</title> which may perhaps be regarded as Lucian's masterpiece. The story is that of
        the well-known Athenian misanthrope mentioned by Plato, whose tower, Pausanias tells us
        (1.30.4), still existed in his time. The introduction affords an opportunity for some sneers
        at Zeus. The dialogue between Plutus and Hermes, in which the former describes his way of
        proceeding with mankind, is very humorous and well-sustained, though the imitation of
        Aristophanes is obvious. The story of Timon, which is very dramatically told, is too well
        known to need description here. The <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.066">Νεκρικοὶ Διαλογοι</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Diologi Mortuorum,</title> are
        perhaps the best known of all Lucian's works. The subject affords great scope for moral
        reflection, and for satire on the vanity of human pursuits. Wealth, power, beauty, strength,
        not forgetting the vain disputations of philosophy, afford the materials; and some cynic
        philosopher, Diogenes or Menippus, is generally the commentator. <pb n="819"/> When Croesus
        and Menippus meet on the banks of the Styx, it is easy to see which will have the advantage.
        The disappointments of those who lie in wait for the inheritance of the rich, afford a
        fertile theme, which, however, Lucian has worn rather thread-bare. In a few of the dialogues
        it must be owned that some of the great men of antiquity are flippantly and unjustly
        attacked, and especially Socrates. Among the moderns these dialogues have been imitated by
        Fontenelle and Lord Lyttelton. The <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.035">Μένιππος ν̓̀ Νεκυομαντεία</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Necyomanteia,</title> bears
        some analogy to the Dialogues of the dead. Menippus relates his descent into
         <title>Hades,</title> and the sights that he sees there, particularly the punishment of the
        great and powerful. The genuineness of this piece has been doubted. Du Soul thought that it
        was written by Menippus himself, who, as we learn from Diogenes Laertius (6.101), wrote a
         <title xml:lang="la">Necyomanteia,</title> but Hemsterhuis discards this onjecture. It
        certainly wants Lucian's pungency; but arguments from style are not always safe. In the
         <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.021">Ἰκαρομένιππος ν̓̀
         Ὑπερνέφελος</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Icaro-Menippus,</title> on the contrary,
        which is in Lucian's best vein, and a master-piece of Aristophanic humour, Menippus,
        disgusted with the disputes and pretensions of the philosophers, resolves on a visit to the
        stars, for the purpose of seeing how far their theories are correct. By the mechanical aid
        of a pair of wings he reaches the moon, and surveys thence the miserable passions and
        quarrels of men. Hence he proceeds to Olympus, and is introduced to the Thunderer himself.
        Here he is witness of the manner in which human prayers are received in heaven. They ascend
        by enormous ventholes, and become audible when Zeus removes the covers. Strange is the
        variety of their tenor ! Some pray to be kings, others that their onions may grow ; one
        sailor begs a north wind, another a south; the husbandman wants rain; the fuller, sunshine.
        Zeus himself is represented as a partial judge, and as influenced by the largeness of the
        rewards promised to him. At the end he pronounces judgment against the philosophers, and
        threatens in four days to destroy them all. Then he cuts Menippus's wings, and hands him
        over to Hermes, who carries him to earth by the ear. With a malicious pleasure Menippus
        hastens to the Poecile to announce to the assembled philosophers their approaching
        destruction. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.023">Χάρων ν̓̀
         ἐπισκοῦνοτες</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Contemplantes,</title> is a very elegant
        dialogue, but of a graver turn than the preceding. Charon visits the earth to see the course
        of life there, and what it is that always makes men weep when they enter his boat. He
        requests Hermes to be his <title xml:lang="la">Cicerone.</title> To get a good view they
        pile Pelion upon Ossa; but this not being high enough, Oeta must follow, and then Parnassus:
        a passage evidently meant to ridicule Homer. Parnassus being at top Charon and Hermes seat
        themselves on each of the peaks. Then pass in review Milo the wrestler, Cyrus, Croesus, and
        other celebrated characters. In this piece, as Hemsterhuis observes, our author has not been
        very scrupulous about chronology. In the interview between Croesus and Solon, Lucian follows
        Herodotus, but inverts the order of the happy. Of all Lucian's dialogues this is perhaps the
        most poetical: as in the description of the passions flying about; the comparison of cities
        to bee-hives attacked by wasps; the likening of human lives to bubbles; the death of cities
        as well as individuals. The whole is a picture of the smallness of mankind when viewed from
        a philosophic, as well as a physical height. Lucian seems to have put his own sentiment into
        the mouth of Charon (§ 16), <foreign xml:lang="grc">παγγελοῖα ταῦτα</foreign>,
         <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὦ Ἑρμῆ</foreign>. The <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.016">Κατάπλους ν̓̀ Τύραννος</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Cataplus
         sive Tyrannus,</title> is in fact a dialogue of the dead. The persons are Charon, Clotho,
        Hermes, a cynic philosopher, the tyrant Megapenthes, the cobbler Micyllus, and certain rich
        men. The reluctance of Megapenthes to obey the summons of Clotho, and his ludicrous attempts
        at evasion, are happily contrasted with the alacrity of Micyllus. The latter being left
        behind on the banks of the Styx, swims after Charon's boat, which being full, he finds a
        place on the shoulders of the tyrant, and does not cease tormenting him the whole way. There
        is considerable drollery in his pretended lament for his old lasts and slippers, when
        requested by Mercury to grieve a little, just for the sake of keeping up the custom.
        Megapenthes' description of the indignities which his household offer to his body while
        lying in state, and which, though conscious of them, he is powerless to resist, is very
        striking. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.019">Ὄνειρος ν̓̀
         Ἀλεκτρύων</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Somnium seu Gallus.</title> Here we have the
        cobbler Micyllus again, who has been dreaming that he has fallen heir to Eucrates, a <hi rend="ital">nouveau riche.</hi> From this state of felicity he is awakened by the crowing
        of his cock, which he threatens to kill as soon as he gets up. The cock discovers himself to
        be Pythagoras in one of his transmigratory states, which gives occasion to some jokes at the
        expense of that philosophy. The cock then endeavours to persuade Micyllus that he is much
        happier than the rich men whom he envies, and in order to convince him, desires him to pluck
        one of the long feathers from his tail, which has the power of conferring invisibility.
        Micyllus, who has evidently a lurking spite against the bird, plucks out both his long
        feathers, much to the discomfiture of Pythagoras, whom, however, the cobbler consoles by
        telling that he looks much handsomer so than he would with only one. Being now invisible,
        Pythagoras and Micyllus go round to the houses of several rich men, and behold their
        miseries and vices. This piece may be reckoned among the best of Lucian's. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.026">Δὶς κατηγορούμενος</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Bis Accusatus,</title> so called from Lucian's being arraigned by Rhetoric
        and Dialogue, is chiefly valuable for the information it contains of the author's life and
        literary pursuits. Zeus finds fault with Homer for calling the gods happy, when they have
        got so much to do, and when there are still so many undecided causes on hand. To clear these
        off a court is appointed, at which Justice is to preside. The first cause is Drunkenness <hi rend="ital">versus</hi> the Academy, for depriving him of Polemo. The plaintiff being
        naturally disqualified for pleading, the Academy undertakes both sides of the question. Next
        we have the Porch <hi rend="ital">versus</hi> Pleasure, which is defended by Epicurus. After
        two or three more causes Lucian is accused by Rhetoric of desertion, and by Dialogue of
        having lowered and perverted his style. We may here also mention the <foreign xml:lang="grc" n="tlg_0062.010">Κρονοσόλων</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Crone
         Solon,</title> and the <foreign xml:lang="grc" n="tlg_0062.055">Ἐπιστολαί
         Κρονικαί</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Epistolae Saturnales,</title> which turn on the
        institution and customs of the <title>Saturnalia.</title></p><p>Amongst the dialogues which may be regarded as mere pictures of manners, without any
        polemical tendency, may be reckoned the <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἔρωτες</foreign>, to
        which allusion has already been made in a former part of this notice. The <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.069">Ἑταιρικοὶ Διάλογοι</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Dialogi Meretricii,</title>
        <pb n="820"/> describe the manners of the Greek Hetaerae or courtesans, with liveliness and
        fidelity ; perhaps too much so for the interests of morality. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.065">Πλοῖον ὴ Εὐχαί</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Navigium seu
         Vota.</title> In this piece the company form various wishes, which are in turn derided by
        Lucian. The imitation of Plato in the opening is very strong.</p><p>Dialogues which cannot with propriety be placed under any of the preceding heads, are the
         <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.039">Εἰκόνες</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Imagines,</title> which has been already adverted to in the sketch of Lucian's life.
         <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.040">Ὑπὲρ τῶν Εἰκόνων</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Pro Imaginibus,</title> a defence of the preceding, with the flattery of
        which the lady who was the subject of it pretended to be displeased. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.044">Τόξαρις</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Toxaris,</title> a dialogue between a Greek and Scythian, on the subject of friendship, in
        which several remarkable instances are related on both sides. It is in the grave style. The
         <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.034">Ἀνάχαρσις</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Anacharsis.</title> is an attack upon the Greek gymnasia, in a dialogue
        between Solon and Anacharsis. It also turns on the education of youth. Here too the irony is
        of a serious cast. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.045">Περὶ
         ὀρχήσεως</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">De Saltatione,</title> a disputation between
        Lucian and Crates, a stoic philosopher, respecting dancing. It has been observed before that
        Lucian was an ardent admirer of dancing, especially the pantomimic sort, to which he here
        gives the advantage over tragedy. The piece is hardly worthy of Lucian, but contains some
        curious particulars of the art of dancing among the ancients. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.061">Διάλεξις πρὸς Ἡσίοδον</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Dissertatio cum Hesiodo.</title> A charge against that poet that he cannot predict
        futurity, as he gave out. The genuineness is doubtful.</p></div><div><head>6. Miscellaneous Pieces.</head><p>We are now to enumerate those few works of Lucian which do not fall under any of the
        preceding divisions, and which not being in the form of dialogues, bear some analogy to the
        modern essay. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.064">Πρὸς τον εἰπόντα
         Προμηθεὺς εἶ ἐν λόγοις</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Ad eum qui dixerat Prometheus
         es in Verbis.</title> A reply to somebody who had compared him to Prometheus. Allusion has
        already been made to this piece, which, as the title implies, turns chiefly on his own
        works. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.027">Περὶ θυσίων</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">De Sacrificiis.</title> The absurdities of the heathen worship, especially of
        the Egyptian. are pointed out in a serious style. This was probably an early production.
         <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.033">Περὶ τῶν ἐπὶ μισθῷ
         συνόντων</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">De Mercede Conductis,</title> was written to
        dissuade a Greek philosopher from accepting a place in a Roman household, by giving a
        humorous description of the miseries attending it. This little piece abounds with wit and
        good sense, and may be placed among Lucian's most amusing productions. It is likewise
        valuable for the picture it contains of Roman manners, which Lucian has here painted in
        highly unfavourable colours, but perhaps with some exaggeration and caricature. The <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.059">Ἀπολογία περὶ τῶν ἐπὶ μισθῷ
         συνόντων</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Apologia pro de Merc. Cond.,</title> is Lucian's
        defence against a charge of inconsistency, in having accepted his Egyptian office, after
        having written the foregoing piece. The chief ground of defence is the difference between a
        public and private office, and indeed the charge was absurd. As already mentioned, this
        piece contains some particulars of Lucian's life. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.058">Ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἐν τῇ προσαγορεύσει πταίσματος</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Pro Lapsu in Salutando,</title> a playful little piece, though containing
        some curious learning, in which Lucian excuses himself for having saluted a great man with
         <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὑγίαινε</foreign> in the morning, instead of <foreign xml:lang="grc">χαῖρε</foreign>. In the <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.036">Περὶ πενθοῦς</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">De Luctu,</title> the received opinion
        concerning the infernal regions is reviewed, and the folly of grief demonstrated in a rather
        serious manner. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.028">Πρὸς
         ἀπαίδευτον</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Adversus Indoctum,</title> is a bitter attack
        upon a rich man who thought to acquire a character for learning by collecting a large
        library. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.013">Περὶ τοῦ μὴ ῥᾳδίως
         πιστεύειν διαβολῆ, νον τεμερε ξρεδενδεμ͂ͅ</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Non temere
         credendum esse Delationi.</title> The title of this piece sufficiently explains its
        subject. It is in the grave style; but is well written, and has something of the air of a
        rhetorical declamation.</p></div><div><head>7. Poems.</head><p>These consist of two mock tragedies, called <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.071">Τραγοποδάγρα</foreign> and <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0061.005">Ὠκίπους</foreign>, <title>Ocypus,</title> and about fifty
        epigrams. The <title>Tragopodagra,</title> as its name implies, turns on the subject of the
        gout; its malignity and pertinacity are set forth, and the physicians who pretend to cure it
        exposed. This little drama displays considerable vigour of fancy. It has been thought that
        Lucian wrote it to beguile a fit of the malady which forms its subject. The
         <title>Ocypus,</title> which turns on the same theme, is munch inferior, and perhaps a
        frigid imitation by some other hand. Of the epigrams some are tolerable, but the greater
        part indifferent, and calculated to add but little to Lucian's fame. Of some the genuineness
        may be suspected.</p></div><div><head>8. Spurious and Lost Works</head><p>In the preceding account of Lucian's works those have been omitted, of whose spuriousness
        scarce a doubt can be entertained. These are :-- <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0061.004">Ἀλκὺων ἢ περι Μεταμορφώσεως</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Halcyon seu de Transformatione.</title> This dialogue is completely opposed to Lucian's
        manner, as the fabulous tale of the Halcyon, which he would have ridiculed, is treated
        seriously. It has been attributed to Leo the academician. For the rest, the style is
        agreeable enough. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.048">Περὶ τῆς
         Ἀστρολογίης</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">De Astrologia,</title> containing a serious
        defence of astrology, can never have been Lucian's. The Ionic dialect, too, condemns it; the
        affected use of which Lucian ridicules in his <title xml:lang="la">Quom. Hist.</title>
        § 18. The same objections apply to the <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0062.041">Περὶ τῆς Συρίης θεοῦ</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">De Dea Syria,</title> also in
        the Ionic dialect. Though the scholiast on the <title>Nubes</title> of Aristophanes ascribes
        it to Lucian we may safely reject it. Such a narrative of superstitious rites could never
        have come from his pen, without at least a sneer, or a word of castigation. Nor would he
        have sacrificed his beard at the temple of Hierapolis, as in the last sentence the author
        represents himself as having done. The <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0061.006">Κυνικός</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Cynicus,</title> is abjudicated by the
        scholiast, and with reason; for the cynic worsts Lucian in the argument about his tenets.
        The <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0061.008">Χαρίδημος ἢ περὶ
        καλλοῦς</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Charidemus seu de Pulchro,</title> is a frigid
        imitation of Plato, bearing no mark of Lucian's hand, and has been rejected by the best
        critics. <foreign xml:lang="grc" xml:id="tlg-0061.002">Νέρων ἢ περὶ τῆς ὀρυχῆς
         τοῦ Ἰσθμοῦ</foreign>, <title xml:lang="la">Nero, seu de Fossione Isthmi.</title>
        Wieland seems to have stood alone in asserting this dialogue to be Lucian's. From the
        concluding part the author appears to have been alive at the time of Nero's death. It
        contains some curious particulars of that emperor's singing. The spuriousness of the
         <title>Philopatris</title> has been already shown.</p><p>It is probable that several of Lucian's works are lost. In the <title>Life of
         Demonax,</title> § 1, he mentions having written a life of Sostratus, which is not now
        extant. Of his rhetorical pieces perhaps the greater part is lost, as Suidas says of them
         <foreign xml:lang="grc">γέγραπται αὐτῷ ἄπειρα</foreign>.</p></div></div><div><head>Assessment</head><p>Lucian's merits as a writer consist in his knowledge of human nature, which, however, he
       generally viewed on its worst side; his strong common <pb n="821"/> sense; the fertility of
       his invention; the raciness of his humour; and the simplicity and Attic grace of his diction.
       His knowledge was probably not very profound, and it may be suspected that he was not always
       master of the philosophy that he attacked. He nowhere grapples with the tenets of a sect, but
       confines himself to ridiculing the manners of the philosophers, or at most some of the
       salient and obvious points of their doctrines. Du Soul, in a note on the
        <title>Hippias,</title> § 3, has collected two or three passages to show Lucian's
       ignorance of the elements of mathematics; and from this charge he has hardly, perhaps, been
       rescued by the defence of Belin de Ballu. He had, however, the talent of displaying what he
       did know to the best advantage; and as he had travelled much and held extensive intercourse
       with mankind, he had opportunities to acquire that sort of knowledge which books alone can
       never give. Gesner justly calls him <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἠθικώτατος</foreign>, and
       affirms that there is scarcely a sect or race of men whose history or chief characteristics
       he has not noted: presenting us with the portraits of philosophers of almost every sect;
       rhetors, flatterers, parasites; rich and poor, old and young; the superstitious and the
       atheistic; Romans, Athenians, Scythians; impostors, actors, courtezans, soldiers, clowns,
       kings, tyrants, gods and goddesses. (<hi rend="ital">Dissert. de Philop.</hi> xvi ) His
       writings have a more modern air than those of any other classic author; and the keenness of
       his wit, the richness, yet extravagance of his humour, the fertility and liveliness of his
       fancy, his proneness to scepticism, and the clearness and simplicity of his style, present us
       with a kind of compound between Swift and Voltaire. There was abundance to justify his
       attacks in the systems against which they were directed. Yet he establishes nothing in their
       stead. His aim is only to pull down; to spread a universal scepticism. Nor were his assaults
       confined to religion and philosophy, but extended to every thing old and venerated, the poems
       of Homer and Hesiod, and the history of Herodotus. Yet writing as he did amidst the doomed
       idols of an absurd superstition, and the contradictory tenets of an almost equally absurd
       philosophy, his works had undoubtedly a beneficial influence on the cause of truth. That they
       were indirectly serviceable to Christianity, can hardly be disputed; but, though Lucian is
       generally just in his representations of the Christians, we may be sure that such a result
       was as far from his wishes as from his thoughts.</p><p>Photius (<bibl n="Phot. Bibl. 128">Phot. Bibl. 128</bibl>) gives a very high character of
       Lucian's style, of the purity of which he piqued himself, as may be seen in the <hi rend="ital">Bis Acc.</hi> § 34, and other places, though occasional exceptions might
       perhaps be pointed out. Erasmus, who was a great admirer of Lucian, and translated many of
       his works into Latin, gives the following character of his writings in one of his epistles,
       and which, making a little allowance for the studied antithesis of the style, is not far from
       the truth. <quote xml:lang="la">Tantum obtinet in dicendo gratiae, tantum in inveniendo
        felicitatis, tantum in jocando leporis, in mordendo aceti; sic titillat allusionibus, sic
        seria nugis, nugas series miscet; sic ridens vera dicit, vera dicendo ridet; sic hominum
        mores, affectus, studia, quasi penicillo depingit, neque legenda, sed plane spectanda,
        oculis exponit, ut nulla comoedia, nulla satyra, cum hujus dialogis conferri debeat, seu
        voluptatem spectes, seu spectes utilitatem.</quote></p></div><div><head>Editions</head><p>The following are some of the principal editions of Lucian's works :--<bibl>Florence, 1496,
        fol. (printer unknown) <hi rend="ital">Editio Princeps.</hi></bibl>
       <bibl>First Aldine edition, Venice, 1503,fol.</bibl> This edition, printed from bad MSS. and
       very incorrect, was somewhat improved in <bibl>the second Aldine, 1522, fol.</bibl>, but is
       still inferior to the Florentine. In this edition the <title>Peregrinus</title> and <hi rend="ital">Philopatris</hi> are generally wanting, which had been put into the <title>Index
        Expurgatorius,</title> by the court of Rome. The Aldine, however, served as the basis of
       subsequent editions, till <bibl>1615, when Bourdelot published at Paris a Greek and Latin
        edition in folio, the text corrected from MSS. and the <title>Editio
        Princeps.</title></bibl> This was repeated with emendations in <bibl>the Saumur edition,
        1619</bibl>. <bibl>Le Clerc's edition, 2 vols. 8vo., Amsterdam, 1687</bibl>, is very
       incorrect. <bibl>In 1730 Tib. Hemsterhuis began to print his excellent edition, but dying in
        1736 before a quarter of it had been finished, the editorship was assigned to J. F. Reitz,
        and the book was published at Amsterdam, in 3 vols. 4to., in 1743</bibl>. <bibl>In 1746 K.
        K. Reitz, brother of the editor, printed at Utrecht an Index, or <hi rend="ital">Lexicon
         Lucianeum,</hi> in 1 vol. 4to., which, though extensive, is not complete.</bibl> The
       edition of Hemsterhuis, besides his own notes, also contains those of Jensius, Kuster, L.
       Bos, Vitringa, Du Soul, Gesner, Reitz, and other commentators. <bibl>An appendix to the notes
        of Hemsterhuis, taken from a MS. in the Leyden library, was published at that place by J.
        Geel, 1824, 4to.</bibl>
       <bibl>Hemsterhuis corrected the Latin version for his edition as far as <hi rend="ital">De
         Sacrificiis ;</hi> and of the remainder a new translation was made by Gesner.</bibl>
       <bibl>The reprint by Schmidt, Mittau 1776-80, 8 vols. 8vo., is incorrect.</bibl>
       <bibl>The Bipont edition, in 10 vols. 8vo., 1789-93</bibl>, is an accurate and elegant
       reprint of Hemsterhuis's edition, with the addition of collations of Parisian MSS.; but the
       omission of the Greek index is a drawback to it. <bibl>A good edition of the text and scholia
        only is that of Schmieder, Halle, 1800-1801, 2 vols. 8vo.</bibl>
       <bibl>Lehman's edition, Leipzig, 1821-31, 9 vols. 8vo.</bibl>, is well spoken of. There is a
       very convenient edition of the text by <bibl>W. Dindorf, with a Latin version, but without
        notes, published at Paris, 1840, 8vo.</bibl></p><p>Amongst editions of separate pieces may be named <bibl><hi rend="ital">Colloquia
         Selecta,</hi> by Hemsterhuis, Amst. 1708, 12mo., and 1732</bibl>. <bibl><hi rend="ital">Dialogi Selecti,</hi> by Edward Leedes, London, 8vo., 1710 and 1726.</bibl>
       <bibl><hi rend="ital">Mythologie Dramatique de Lucien,</hi> avec le texte Grecque par J. B.
        Gail, Paris, 1798, 4to.</bibl>
       <bibl><hi rend="ital">Dialogues des Morts,</hi> par le même, Paris, 1806, 8vo.</bibl>
       <bibl><hi rend="ital">La Luciade,</hi> avec le texte Grecque par Courier, Paris, 1818,
        12mo.</bibl>
       <bibl><hi rend="ital">Toxaris,</hi> Halle, 1825</bibl>, and <bibl><hi rend="ital">Alexander,</hi> Cöln, 1828 8vo., with notes and prolegomena by K. G. Jacob.</bibl>
       <bibl><hi rend="ital">Alexander, Demonax, Gallus, Icaromenippus,</hi> &amp;c., by Fritzsche,
        Leipzig, 1826.</bibl>
       <bibl><hi rend="ital">Dialogi Deorum,</hi> Ibid. 1829.</bibl></p></div><div><head>Translations</head><p>Lucian has been translated into most of the European languages. <bibl>In German there is an
        excellent version by Wieland (Leipzig, 1788-9, 6 vols. 8vo.), accompanied with valuable
        comments and illustrations.</bibl>
       <bibl>The French translation of D'Ablancourt (Paris, 1654, 2 vols. 4to.) is elegant but
        unfaithful.</bibl>
       <bibl>There is another version by B. de Ballu, Paris, 1788, 6 vols. 8vo.</bibl>
       <bibl>In Italian there is a translation by Manzi, 1819-20.</bibl></p><p>Among the English versions may be named one by several hands, including <bibl>W. Moyle, Sir
        H. Shere, and Charles Blount, London, 1711</bibl>. For this edition, which had been
       undertaken several years before it was published, <bibl>Dryden wrote a life of Lucian, a <pb n="822"/> hasty performance, containing some gross errors.</bibl>
       <bibl>The best English version is that of Dr. Franklin, 2 vols. 4to. London, 1780, and 4
        vols. 8vo. London, 1781; but some of the pieces are omitted.</bibl>
       <bibl>Mr. Tooke's version (2 vols. 4to. London, 1820)</bibl> is of little value. </p></div><byline>[<ref target="author.T.D">T.D</ref>]</byline></div></div></body></text></TEI>
                </passage>
            </reply>
            </GetPassage>