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                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:base="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><body xml:lang="eng" n="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><div type="textpart" subtype="alphabetic_letter" n="H"><div type="textpart" subtype="entry" xml:id="hephaestion-bio-1" n="hephaestion_1"><head><persName xml:lang="la"><surname full="yes">Hephae'stion</surname></persName></head><p>(<label xml:lang="grc">Ἡφαιστίων</label>), son of Amyntor, a Macedonian of Pella,
      celebrated as the companion and friend of Alexander the Great. We are told that he was of the
      same age with the great conqueror himself, and that he had been brought up with him (<bibl n="Curt. 3.12">Curt. 3.12</bibl>); but the latter statement apparently refers only to the
      period of childhood, as we find no mention of him among those who shared with <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> the instruction and society of Aristotle.
      Nor does the name of Hephaestion occur amidst the intrigues and dissensions between <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> and his father, which agitated the close
      of the reign of Philip. The first occasion on which he is mentioned is that of <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander's</ref> visit to Troy, when Hephaestion is said
      to have paid the same honours to the tomb of Patroclus that were bestowed by the king himself
      on that of Achilles,--an apt type of the relation subsisting between the two. (<bibl n="Arr. An. 1.12.2">Arr. Anab. 1.12.2</bibl>; <bibl n="Ael. VH 12.6">Ael. VH 12.6</bibl>.)
      For it is equally to the credit of Hephaestion and <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref>, that though the former undoubtedly owed his elevation to the personal
      favour and affection of the king, rather than to any abilities or achievements of his own, he
      never allowed himself to degenerate into the position of a flatterer or mere favourite, and
      the inercourse between the two appears to have been uniformly characterised by the frankness
      and sincerity of a true friendship. It is unnecessary to do more than allude to such
      well-known anecdotes as the visit paid by the king and Hephaestion to the tent of Dareius
      after the battle of Issus, or the delicate reproof conveyed by <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> to his friend when he found him reading
      over his shoulder a letter from Olympias. If we can trust the expression of Plutarch, on the
      latter occasion, that it was no more than he was accustomed to do (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἅμα τοῦ Ἡφαιστίωνος</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὥσπερ εἰώθει</foreign>,
       <foreign xml:lang="grc">συναναγινώσκοντος</foreign>), there cannot well be a stronger
      proof of the complete familiarity subsisting between them. (<bibl n="Arr. An. 2.12">Arr. Anab.
       2.12</bibl>; <bibl n="Curt. 3.12">Curt. 3.12</bibl>; <bibl n="Diod. 17.37">Diod.
      17.37</bibl>; <bibl n="Plut. Alex. 39">Plut. Alex. 39</bibl>, <hi rend="ital">Apophth.</hi> p.
      180d., <hi rend="ital">De fort. Alex. Or.</hi> 1.11.) But it appears that <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander's</ref> attachment to Hephaestion never blinded
      him to the fact that his friend was not possessed of abilities that qualified him to take the
      sole command of important enterrises, and that he would not in fact have attained to eminence
      by his own exertions alone. On one occasion, indeed, he is said to have expressed this truth
      in the strongest manner, when finding his favourite engaged in an open quarrel with Craterus,
      he exclaimed that Hephaestion must be mad if he were not aware that without <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> he would be nothing. Throughout his life
      he appears to have retained a just sense of their different merits; and while he loved
      Hephaestion the most, he yet regarded Craterus with the greater reverence: the one, he often
      observed, was his own private friend (<foreign xml:lang="grc">φιλαλέξανδρος</foreign>), the
      other that of the king (<foreign xml:lang="grc">φιλοβασιλεύς</foreign>). (<bibl n="Plut. Alex. 47">Plut. Alex. 47</bibl>.)</p><p>During the first years of <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander's</ref>
      expedition in Asia we scarcely find any mention of Hephaestion as employed in any military
      capacity. Curtius, indeed, tells us (4.5.10) that he was appointed to command the fleet which
      accompanied the army of <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> along the
      coast of Phoenicia, in <date when-custom="-332">B. C. 332</date>, but this was at a time when there
      was little fear of hostility. In the following year, however, he served with distinction at
      the battle of Arbela, where he was wounded in the arm. (<bibl n="Arr. An. 3.15">Arr. Anab.
       3.15</bibl>; <bibl n="Curt. 4.16.32">Curt. 4.16.32</bibl>; )iod. 17.61.) On this occasion he
      is called by Diodorus the chief of the body-guards. We have no account of the time when he
      obtained this important post, but it is certain that he was one of the seven select officers
      who, under the title of body-guards (<foreign xml:lang="grc">σωματοφύλακες</foreign>), were
      in close attendance upon the king's person. (<bibl n="Arr. An. 6.28.6">Arr. Anab.
       6.28.6</bibl>.) Afterthe death <pb n="383"/> of Philotas (<date when-custom="_330">B. C.
      330</date>), the command of the select cavalry called <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἑταῖροι</foreign>, or horse-guards, was divided for a time between Hephaestion and
      Cleitus, but it does not appear that on the death of the latter any one was appointed to
      succeed him, and thenceforward Hephaestion held the sole command of that Important corps,--a
      post which was regarded as the highest dignity in the whole army. (<bibl n="Arr. An. 3.27">Arr. Anab. 3.27</bibl>, <bibl n="Arr. An. 7.14">7.14</bibl>, apud <hi rend="ital">Phot.</hi>
      p. 69a.; <bibl n="Diod. 18.3">Diod. 18.3</bibl>.) From this time forward--whether <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> trusted to experience having supplied any
      original deficiency of military talent, or that he had really seen occasion for placing
      greater confidence in his favourite--we find Hephaestion frequently entrusted with separate
      commands of importance, during the campaigns in Bactria and Sogdiana, and still more during
      the expedition to India. Thus he was not only charged by <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> with the care of founding new cities and
      colonies, with preparing the bridge over the Indus, and with the construction of the fleet on
      the Acesines, which was to descend that river and the Indus, but was detached on several
      occasions with a large force for strictly military objects. When <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> approached the Indus in <date when-custom="-327">B. C. 327</date>, Hephaestion was ordered to advance, together with Perdiccas and the Indian
      king Taxiles, by the direct line down the valley of the Cophen, while the king was engaged in
      subduing the warlike tribes farther north; and on reaching the Indus, he reduced an important
      fortress, after a siege of thirty days. Again, after the passage of the Acesines, and the
      defeat of Porus, the task of subduing the other king of that name was assigned to Hephaestion,
      a service of which he acquitted himself with much distinction. After this he was appointed to
      conduct one division of the army along the left bank of the river, while Craterus led the
      other on the opposite side; and throughout the descent of the Indus, and the subsequent march
      through Gedrosia, the command of the main body of the army, whenever it was separated from the
      king, devolved upon Hephaestion, either singly or in conjunction with Craterus. (<bibl n="Arr. An. 4.16">Arr. Anab. 4.16</bibl>, <bibl n="Arr. An. 4.22">22</bibl>, <bibl n="Arr. An. 5.21">5.21</bibl>,29, 6.2, 4, 5, 13, 17, 18, 20_22, 28, <hi rend="ital">Ind.</hi>
      19; <bibl n="Diod. 17.91">Diod. 17.91</bibl>, <bibl n="Diod. 17.93">93</bibl>, <bibl n="Diod. 17.96">96</bibl>; <bibl n="Curt. 8.1">Curt. 8.1</bibl>, <bibl n="Curt. 8.2">2</bibl>, <bibl n="Curt. 8.10">10</bibl>, <bibl n="Curt. 9.1">9.1</bibl>, <bibl n="Curt. 9.10">10</bibl>.) By his services during this period Hephaestion earned the
      distinction of being among those rewarded by <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> with crowns of gold on his arrival at Susa (<date when-custom="-324">B. C.
       324</date>): a still higher honour was conferred on him at the same time by <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander's</ref> giving him in marriage Drypetis, the
      daughter of Dareius and sister of his own bride Stateira. (<bibl n="Arr. An. 7.4">Arr. Anab.
       7.4</bibl>; <bibl n="Diod. 17.107">Diod. 17.107</bibl>.) Hephaestion now found himself in
      possession of the highest power and distinction to which a subject could aspire; but he was
      not destined long to enjoy these accumulated honours. From Susa he accompanied <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref>, towards the close of the year 325, to
      Ecbatana, where he was attacked by a fever, which carried him off, after an illness of only
      seven days. <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander's</ref> grief for his loss was
      passionate and violent, and found a vent in the most extravagant demonstrations. A general
      mourning was ordered throughout the empire, and a funeral pile and monument erected to him at
      Babylon (whither his body had been conveyed from Ecbatana), at a cost, it is said, of 10,000
      talents. Orders were at the same time given to pay honours to the deceased as to a hero--a
      piece of flattery which is said to have been dictated by the oracle of Ammon. <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> also refused to appoint a successor to him
      in his military command, and ordered that the division of cavalry of which he had been
      chiliarch should continue to bear his name. (<bibl n="Arr. An. 7.14">Arr. Anab. 7.14</bibl>;
       <bibl n="Diod. 3.110">Diod. 3.110</bibl>, <bibl n="Diod. 3.114">114</bibl>, <bibl n="Diod. 3.115">115</bibl>; <bibl n="Plut. Alex. 72">Plut. Alex. 72</bibl>; Justin, <bibl n="Just. 12.12">12.12</bibl>.)</p><p>It was fortunate for Hephaestion that his premature death saved him from encountering the
      troubles and dissensions which followed that of <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref>, and in which he was evidently ill qualified to compete with the sterner and
      more energetic spirits that surrounded him. Even during the lifetime of the king, the enmity
      between him and Eumenes, as well as that already adverted to with Craterus, had repeatedly
      broken out, with a vehemence which required the utmost exertions of <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> to repress them; and it is but justice to
      the latter to observe, that his authority was employed on these occasions without any apparent
      partiality to his favourite. (<bibl n="Plut. Alex. 47">Plut. Alex. 47</bibl>, <hi rend="ital">Eum.</hi> 2; <bibl n="Arr. An. 7.13">Arr. Anab. 7.13</bibl>, <bibl n="Arr. An. 7.14">14</bibl>.) If, indeed, we cannot refuse this obnoxious name to Hephaestion, nor affirm that
      he was altogether exempt from the weaknesses and faults incident to such a position, it may
      yet be fairly asserted that history affords few examples of a favourite who abused his
      advantages so little. </p><byline>[<ref target="author.E.H.B">E.H.B</ref>]</byline></div></div></body></text></TEI>
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