<GetPassage xmlns:tei="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xmlns="http://chs.harvard.edu/xmlns/cts">
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                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:base="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><body xml:lang="eng" n="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><div type="textpart" subtype="alphabetic_letter" n="C"><div type="textpart" subtype="entry" xml:id="callisthenes-bio-1" n="callisthenes_1"><head><persName xml:lang="la" xml:id="tlg-0534"><surname full="yes">Calli'sthenes</surname></persName></head><p>(<label xml:lang="grc">Καλλισθένης</label>).</p><p>1. A philosopher, born at Olynthus. His mother, Hero, was a cousin of Aristotle's, and by
      him Callisthenes was brought up, studying under him at Stageira, together, as we may infer,
      with <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref>, and certainly with Theophrastus,
      with whom Aristotle is said to have contrasted him, saying, that Theophrastus needed the rein,
      but Callisthenes the spur [but see p. 317b.]. When <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> set forth on his Asiatic expedition, <date when-custom="-334">B. C. 334</date>, he
      took Callisthenes with him by Aristotle's recommendation. The latter, however, was aware of
      the faults of his kinsman's character, of his total want of tact and prudence, and of his
      wrong-headed propensity to the unseasonable exhibition of his independent spirit; and against
      these he warned him to guard in his intercourse with the king. The warning was give in vain.
      Callisthenes became indignant at <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander's</ref>
      adoption of oriental customs, and especially at the requirement of the ceremony of adoration,
      which he deemed <pb n="576"/> derogatory to free Greeks and Macedonians; and it may be that he
      was the more open in the expression of his sentiments, because of the opposite extreme of
      supple flattery adopted by his opponent Anaxarchus. When <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> was overwhelmed with remorse for the
      murder of Cleitus, both these philosophers were sent to console him; but the suggestions of
      Callisthenes, though apparently on this occasion more judicious than usual, were quite
      eclipsed by the bold adulation of Anaxarchus, who openly affirmed, that " whatever kings did,
      must therefore of necessity be lawful and just." Several anecdotes are recorded by Arrian and
      Plutarch, illustrative of the freedom of language in which Callisthenes indulged, and of his
      coarse and unconciliating demeanour--qualities which, while they alienated the king from him
      and procured him a number of enemies, rendered him also popular with many who looked on <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander's</ref> innovations with a jealous eye; and the
      young men in particular are said to have flocked to hear his discourses, regarding him as the
      only free-spirited man in the royal retinue. It was this which ultimately proved fatal to him.
      When the plot of Hermolaus and others to assassinate <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> was discovered, Callisthenes was involved in the charge. Aristobulus and
      Ptolemy indeed both asserted in their histories that Hermolaus and his accomplices, when under
      the torture, had named him as the chief instigator of their attempt; but this is rendered at
      least doubtful by a letter on the subject from <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> himself to Craterus, which is preserved by Plutarch (<bibl n="Plut. Alex. 55">Plut. Alex. 55</bibl>), and in which the sufferers are expressly said to
      have denied that any one was privy to their design. It would seem more probable that the
      suspicions of <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> were excited or revived,
      after the death of the traitors, by the suggestions of the enemies of Callisthenes, acting on
      a mind already exasperated against him. Every rash expression he had ever used, every
      rhetorical common-place he had ever uttered on the patriotism and glory of regicides, were
      raked up and made to tell against him. In another letter, written by <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> to Antipater, subsequently to the one
      above-mentioned, and also quoted by Plutarch (<hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi>) the king expresses
      his intention of " punishing the sophist and those who sent him out," the last words being, as
      Plutarch thinks, a clear allusion to Aristotle. The mode in which Callisthenes was put to
      death (about <date when-custom="-328">B. C. 328</date>) is variously reported. Even the contemporary
      writers, Ptolemy and Aristobulus, differed on the point. Aristobulus recorded, that he was
      carried about in chains and died of disease; Ptolemy, that he was tortured and crucified. The
      former account, however, seems to agree with that of Chares of Mytilene, who was <foreign xml:lang="grc">εἰσαγγελεύς</foreign>, or lord-in-waiting, to <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> (see <hi rend="ital">Philol. Mus.</hi> i.
      p. 373, &amp;c.), and who related that he was kept in confinement with the intention of
      bringing him ultimately to trial in the presence of Aristotle; but that, after an imprisonment
      of seven months, he died of a disgusting disease arising from his excessive corpulence. The
      accounts preserved in Justin and Diogenes Laertius (one of which is a perversion of the other,
      while the former is clearly a romance) are entitled to less credit. (Arrian, <bibl n="Arr. An. 4.10">Arr. Anab. 4.10</bibl>_<bibl n="Arr. An. 4.14">14</bibl>; <bibl n="Plut. Alex. 52">Plut. Alex. 52</bibl>_<bibl n="Plut. Alex. 55">55</bibl>, <hi rend="ital">Sull.</hi> 36; <bibl n="Curt. 8.5">Curt. 8.5</bibl>_<bibl n="Curt. 8.8">8</bibl>; Freinsh.
       <hi rend="ital">ad Curt.</hi> 8.5.13, 8.21; <bibl n="Just. 12.6">Just. 12.6</bibl>, <bibl n="Just. 12.7">7</bibl>, <bibl n="Just. 15.3">15.3</bibl>; <bibl n="D. L. 5.4">D. L.
       5.4</bibl>, <bibl n="D. L. 5.5">5</bibl>, <bibl n="D. L. 5.39">39</bibl>; Menag. <hi rend="ital">ad Diog. Laert.</hi> 5.4, 5; Suidas, <hi rend="ital">s. v.</hi>
      <foreign xml:lang="grc">Καλλισθένης</foreign>; Thirlwall's <hi rend="ital">Greece,</hi>
      vol. vi. pp. 317-325; Blakesley's <hi rend="ital">Life of Aristotle,</hi> pp. 56, 73-84.)</p><div><head>Works</head><p>Some manuscripts are still extant, professing to contain writings of Callisthenes; but they
       are spurious, and none of his works have come down to us. Besides an account of <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander's</ref> expedition (which he arrogantly said
       would be the main support of the conqueror's glory, and which is referred to in several
       places by Plutarch and Strabo), he also wrote a history of Greece, in ten books, from the
       peace of Antalcidas to the seizure of the Delphic temple by Philomelus. (<date when-custom="-387">B. C. 387</date>-<date when-custom="-357">357</date>.) Cicero mentions too a work of his on the
       Trojan war. The loss, however, of his writings we have not much reason to regret, if we may
       trust the criticisms passed on them by those to whom they were known. Thus Polybius censures
       him for his unskilfulness in his relation of military affairs; Cicero finds fault with his
       style as fitted rather for rhetorical declamation than for history, and contrasts it with
       that of Xenophon; and Strabo speaks disparagingly of his accuracy and veracity. He seems
       indeed to have been far more a rhetorician than either a philosopher or a historian, and,
       even as a rhetorician, to have had more of the spirit of Isocrates than of his own great
       master. His readiness and fluency, no less than his extreme indiscretion, are illustrated by
       the anecdote given by Plutarch (<bibl n="Plut. Alex. 53">Plut. Alex. 53</bibl>) of his
       speaking with great applause in praise of the Macedonians at a banquet, and then, on <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander's</ref> challenging him to take the other side,
       launching forth into the bitterest invective against them. In philosophy he probably followed
       Aristotle, so far indeed as he threw himself into any system at all. The recension of Homer
        (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἡ ἀπὸ νάρθηκος</foreign>), kept by <ref target="alexander-the-great-bio-1">Alexander</ref> in a precious casket, and usually
       ascribed to Aristotle, was made, according to Strabo (<bibl n="Strabo xiii.p.594">xiii.
        p.594</bibl>), by Callisthenes and Anaxarchus.</p></div><div><head>Further Information</head><p><bibl n="Diod. 4.1">Diod. 4.1</bibl>, <bibl n="Diod. 14.117">14.117</bibl>, <bibl n="Diod. 16.14">16.14</bibl>; <bibl n="Cic. Fam. 5.15">Cic. Fam. 5.15</bibl>, <hi rend="ital">ad Q. Fratr.</hi> 2.12, <hi rend="ital">de Orat.</hi> 2.14, <hi rend="ital">de
        Dix.</hi> 1.34, 2.25; <bibl n="Strabo xi.p.531">Strab. xi. p.531</bibl>, xii. p. 542, xiv.
       p. 680, xvii. p. 814; <bibl n="Plut. Alex. 27">Plut. Alex. 27</bibl>, <bibl n="Plut. Alex. 33">33</bibl>; <bibl n="Plb. 12.17">Plb. 12.17</bibl>_<bibl n="Plb. 12.21">21</bibl>; Suidas, <hi rend="ital">l.c.;</hi> Fabric. <hi rend="ital">Bibl. Graec.</hi>
       vol. iii. p. 480; Clint. <hi rend="ital">Fast.</hi> iii. p. 376, note k.</p></div></div></div></body></text></TEI>
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