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                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:base="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><body xml:lang="eng" n="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><div type="textpart" subtype="alphabetic_letter" n="A"><div type="textpart" subtype="entry" xml:id="athenaeus-bio-11" n="athenaeus_11"><head><persName xml:lang="la" xml:id="tlg-0008"><surname full="yes">Athenaeus</surname></persName></head><p>(<persName xml:lang="grc"><surname full="yes">Ἀθήναιος</surname></persName>), a native of
      Naucratis, a town on the left side of the Canopic mouth of the Nile, is called by Suidas a
       <foreign xml:lang="grc">γραμματικός</foreign>, a term which may be best rendered into
      English, <hi rend="ital">a literary man.</hi> Suidas places him in the "times of <hi rend="ital">Marcus,</hi>" but whether by this is meant Marcus Aurelius is uncertain, as
      Caracalla was also Marcus Antoninus. We know, however, that Oppian, who wrote a work called
       <hi rend="ital">Halieutica</hi> inscribed to Caracalla, was a little anterior to him (<bibl n="Ath. 1.13">Athen. 1.13</bibl>), and that Commodus was dead when he wrote (xii. p. 537), so
      that he may have been born in the reign of Aurelius, but flourished under his successors. Part
      of his work must have been written after <date when-custom="228">A. D. 228</date>, the date given by
      Dio Cassius for the death of Ulpian the lawyer, which event he mentions. (xv. p. 686.)</p><div><head>Work</head><div><head><title xml:lang="la" xml:id="tlg-0008.001">Deipnosophistae</title>, i.e. the
         <title>Banquet of the Learned</title></head><p>Athenaeus' extant work is entitled the <title>Deipnosophistae</title>, i.e. the
         <title>Banquet of the Learned,</title> or else, perhaps, as has lately been suggested, <hi rend="ital">The Contrivers of Feasts.</hi> It may be considered one of the earliest
        collections of what are called <hi rend="ital">Ana,</hi> being an immense mass of anecdotes,
        extracts from the writings of poets, historians, dramatists, philosophers, orators, and
        physicians, of facts in natural history, criticisms, and discussions on almost every
        conceivable subject, especially on Gastronomy, upon which noble science he mentions a work
        (now lost) of Archestratus [<hi rend="smallcaps">ARCHESTRATUS</hi>], whose place his own 15
        books have probably supplied. It is in short a collection of stories from the memory and
        common-place book of a Greek gentleman of the third century of the Christian era, of
        enormous reading, extreme love of good eating, and respectable ability. Some notion of the
        materials which he had amassed for the work, may be formed from the fact, which he tells us
        himself, that he had read and made extracts from 800 plays of the middle comedy only. (viii.
        p. 336.)</p><p>Athenaeus represents himself as describing to his friend Timocrates, a banquet given at
        the house of Laurentius (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Λαρήνσιος</foreign>), a noble Roman, to
        several guests, of whom the best known are Galen, a physician, and Ulpian, the lawyer. The
        work is in the form of a dialogue, in which these guests are the interlocutors, related to
        Timocrates: a double machinery, which would have been inconvenient to an author who had a
        real talent for dramatic writing, but which in the hands of Athenaeus, who had none, is
        wholly unmanageable. As a work of art the failure is complete. Unity of time and dramatic
        probability are utterly violated by the supposition that so immense a work is the record of
        the conversation at a single banquet, and <pb n="401"/> by the absurdity of collecting at it
        the produce of every season of the year. Long quotations and intricate discussions
        introduced apropos of some trifling incident, entirely destroy the form of the dialogue, so
        that before we have finished a speech we forget who was the speaker. And when in addition to
        this confusion we are suddenly brought back to the tiresome Timocrates, we are quite
        provoked at the clumsy way in which the book is put together. But as a work illustrative of
        ancient manners, as a collection of curious facts, names of authors and fragments, which,
        but for Athenaeus, would utterly have perished; in short, as a body of amusing antiquarian
        research, it would be difficult to praise the Deipnosophistae too highly.</p><p>The work begins, somewhat absurdly, considering the difference between a discussion on the
        Immortality of the Soul, and one on the Pleasures of the Stomach, with an exact imitation of
        the opening of Plato's Phaedo,--Athenaeus and Timocrates being substituted for Phaedo and
        Echecrates. The praises of Laurentius are then introduced, and the conversation of the
        savants begins. It would be impossible to give an account of the contents of the book; a few
        specimens therefore must suffice. We have anecdotes of gourmands, as of Apicius (the second
        of the three illustrious gluttons of that name), who is said to have spent many thousands on
        his stomach, and to have lived at Minturnae in the reign of Tiberius, whence he sailed to
        Africa, in search of good lobsters; but finding, as he approached the shore, that they were
        no larger than those which he ate in Italy, he turned back without landing. Sometimes we
        have anecdotes to prove assertions in natural history, <hi rend="ital">e. g.</hi> it is
        shewn that water is nutritious (1), by the statement that it nourishes the <foreign xml:lang="grc">τέττιξ</foreign>, and (2) because fluids generally are so, as milk and
        honey, by the latter of which Democritus of Abdera allowed himself to be kept alive over the
        Thesmophoria (though he had determined to starve himself), in order that the mourning for
        his death might not prevent his maidservants from celebrating the festival. The story of the
        Pinna and Pinnoteer (<foreign xml:lang="grc">πιννοφύλαξ</foreign> or <foreign xml:lang="grc">πιννοτήρης</foreign>) is told in the course of the disquisitions on
        shell-fish. The pinna is a bivalve shell-fish (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ὄστρεον</foreign>), the pinnoteer a small crab, who inhabits the pinna's shell. As soon
        as the small fish on which the pinna subsists have swum in, the pinnoteer bites the pinna as
        a signal to him to close his shell and secure them. Grammatical discussions are mixed up
        with gastronomic; <hi rend="ital">e. g.</hi> the account of the <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀμυγδάλη</foreign> begins with the laws of its accentuation; of eggs, by an inquiry into
        the spelling of the word, whether <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὠόν</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὤϊον</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὤεον</foreign>, or <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὠάριον</foreign>. Quotations are made in support of each, and we are
        told that <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὠά</foreign> was fonnerly the same as <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὑπερῷα</foreign>, from which fact he deduces an explanation of the
        story of Helen's birth from an egg. This suggests to him a quotation from Eriphus, who says
        that Leda produced goose's eggs; and so he wanders on through every variety of subject
        connected with eggs. This will give some notion of the discursive manner in which he
        extracts all kinds of facts from the vast stores of his erudition. Sometimes he connects
        different pieces of knowledge by a mere similarity of sounds. Cynulcus, one of the guests,
        calls for bread (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ά̀ρτος</foreign>),"not however for <hi rend="ital">Artus</hi> king of the Messapians ;" and then we are led back from Artus the
        king to Artus the eatable, and from that to salted meats, which brings in a grammatical
        discussion on the word <foreign xml:lang="grc">τάριχος</foreign>, whether it is masculine
        in Attic or not. Sometimes antiquarian points are discussed, especially Homeric. Thus, he
        examines the times of day at which the Homeric meals took place, and the genuineness of some
        of the lines in the <title>Iliad</title> and Odyssey, as <quote xml:lang="grc" rend="blockquote">ᾔδεε γὰρ κατὰ Δυμὸν ἀδελφέον, ὡς ἐπονεῖτο,</quote> which he
        pronounces spurious, and only introduced to explain <quote xml:lang="grc" rend="blockquote">αὐτόματος δὲ οἱ ἦλθε βοὴν ἀγαθὸς Μενέλαος.</quote></p><p>His etymological conjectures are in the usual style of ancient philology. In proving the
        religious duty of drunkenness, as he considers it, he derives <foreign xml:lang="grc">θοίνη</foreign> from <foreign xml:lang="grc">θεῶν ἕνεκα οἰνοῦσθαι</foreign> and
         <foreign xml:lang="grc">μεθύειν</foreign> from <foreign xml:lang="grc">μετὰ τὸ
         θύειν</foreign>. We often obtain from him curious pieces of information on subjects
        connected with ancient art, as that the kind of drinking-cup called <foreign xml:lang="grc">ῥυτόν</foreign> was first devised by Ptolemy Philadelphus as an ornament
        for the statues of his queen, Arsinoe. [<hi rend="smallcaps">ARSINOE</hi>, No. 2.] At the
        end of the work is a collection of scolia and other songs, which the savans recite. One of
        these is a real curiosity,--a song by Aristotle in praise of <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀρετή</foreign>.</p><p>Among the authors, whose works are now lost, from whom Athenaeus gives extracts, are
        Alcaeus, Agathon the tragic poet, Antisthenes the philosopher, Archilochus the inventor of
        iambics, Menander and his contemporary Diphilus, Epiimenides of Crete, Empedocles of
        Agrigentum, Cratinus, Eupolis (Hor. <hi rend="ital">Sat.</hi> 1.4.1), Alcman, Epicurus (whom
        he represents as a wasteful glutton), and many others whose names are well known. In all, he
        cites nearly 800 authors and more than 1200 separate works. Athenaeus was also the author of
        a lost book <foreign xml:lang="grc">περὶ τῶν ἐν Συρίᾳ βασιλενσάντων</foreign>,
        which probably, from the specimen of it in the Deipnosophists, and the obvious unfitness of
        Athenaeus to be a historian, was rather a collection of anecdotes than a connected
        history.</p><p>Of the <title>Deipnosophists</title> the first two books, and parts of the third,
        eleventh, and fifteenth, exist only in an Epitome, whose date and author are unknown. The
        original work, however, was rare in the time of Eustathius (latter part of 12th cent.); for
        Bentley has shewn, by examining nearly a hundred of his references to Athenaeus, that his
        only knowledge of him was through the Epitome. (<hi rend="ital">Phalaris,</hi> p. 130,
        &amp;c.) Perizonius (preface to Aelian quoted by Schweighäuser) has proved that Aelian
        transferred large portions of the work to his <title xml:lang="la">Various Histories</title>
        (middle of 3rd cent.), a robbery which must have been committed almost in the life-time of
        the pillaged author. The <title>Deipnosophists</title> also furnished to Macrobius the idea
        and much of the matter of his <title xml:lang="la">Saturnalia</title> (end of 4th cent.);
        but no one has availed himself so largely of Athenaeus's erudition as Eustathius.</p></div></div><div><head>MSS</head><p>Only one original MS. of Athenaeus now exists, called by Schweighäuser the Codex
       Veneto-Parisiensis. From this all the others which we now possess are copies; so that the
       text of the work, especially in the poetical parts, is in a very unsettled state. The MS. was
       brought from Greece by cardinal Bessarion, and after his death was placed in the library of
       St. Mark at Venice, whence it was taken to Paris by order of Napoleon, and there for the
       first time collated by Schweighäuser's son. It is probably of the date of the 10th
       century. <pb n="402"/> The subscript is always placed after, instead of under, the vowel with
       which it is connected, and the whole is written without contractions.</p></div><div><head>Editions</head><p><bibl>The first edition of Athenaeus was that of Aldus, Venice, 1514</bibl>; <bibl>a second
        published at Basle, 1535</bibl>; <bibl>a third by Casaubon at Geneva, 1597</bibl>,
        <bibl>with the Latin version of Dalecampius (Jacques Dalechamp of Caen), and a commentary
        published in 1600</bibl>; <bibl>a fourth by Schweighäuser, Strasburg, 14 vols. 8vo.
        1801-1807, founded on a collation of the above-mentioned MS. and also of a valuable copy of
        the Epitome</bibl>; <bibl>a fifth by W. Dindorf, 3 vols. 8vo., Leipsic, 1827</bibl>. The
       last is the best, Schweighäuser not having availed himself sufficiently of the sagacity
       of previous critics in amending the text, and being himself apparently very ignorant of
       metrical laws.</p></div><div><head>Translations</head><p><bibl>There is a translation of Athenaeus into French by M. Lefevre de Villebrune, under
        the title "Banquet des Savans, par Athenée," 1789-1791, 5 vols. 4to.</bibl></p></div><div><head>Further Information</head><p><bibl>A good article on Schweighäuser's edition will be found in the Edinburgh Review,
        vol. 3.1803</bibl>. </p></div><byline>[<ref target="author.G.E.L.C">G.E.L.C</ref>]</byline></div></div></body></text></TEI>
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