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                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text><body><div xml:lang="lat" type="translation" n="urn:cts:latinLit:stoa0023.stoa001.perseus-eng2"><div type="textpart" subtype="book" n="25"><div type="textpart" subtype="chapter" n="7"><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="7"><p>In reply to this Arintheus<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Cf. xxiv. 1, 2.</note> was sent to him with the prefect Salutius, but, while a deliberate discussion was going on as to what ought to be determined, four days passed by, full of torments from hunger and worse than any death.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="8"><p>If the emperor, before letting these envoys go, had used this space of time to withdraw gradually from the enemy’s territories, he could surely have reached the protection of Corduena,<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Cf. xviii. 6, 20; the distance was fourteen geographic, or nautical, miles.</note> a rich region belonging to us, and distant only a hundred miles from the spot where all this took place.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="9"><p>Now the king obstinately demanded the lands which (as he said) were his and had been taken from him long ago by Maximianus; but, in fact, as the negotiations showed, he required as our ransom five provinces on the far side of the Tigris: Arzanena,<note type="footnote" resp="editor">In Armenia.</note> Moxoëna,<note type="footnote" resp="editor">In Armenia.</note> and Zabdicena,<note type="footnote" resp="editor">In Mesopotamia.</note> as well as Rehimena<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Unknown.</note> and Corduena with fifteen fortresses, besides Nisibis,<note type="footnote" resp="editor">A strong city thrice vainly besieged by the Persians.</note> Singara<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Cf. xviii. 5, 7; xx. 6.</note> and Castra Maurorum,<note type="footnote" resp="editor">xviii. 6, 9.</note> a very important stronghold.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="10"><p>And whereas it would have been better to fight ten battles than give up any one of these, the band of flatterers pressed upon the timid <pb n="v2.p.535"/> emperor, harping upon the dreaded name of Procopius,<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Julian had named Procopius as his successor; see xxiii. 3, 2.</note> and declaring that if he returned<note type="footnote" resp="editor">He was in hiding, probably at Chalcedon; cf. xxvi. 6, 3-5.</note> on learning of the death of Julian, he would with the fresh troops under his command easily and without opposition make himself emperor.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="11"><p>Jovian, inflamed by these dangerous hints too continually repeated, without delay surrendered all that was asked, except that with difficulty he succeeded in bringing it about that Nisibis and Singara should pass into control of the Persians without their inhabitants, and that the Romans in the fortresses that were to be taken from us should be allowed to return to our protection.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="12"><p>To these conditions there was added another which was destructive and impious, namely, that after the completion of these agreements, Arsaces, our steadfast and faithful friend<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Cf. note to xxiv. 7, 8.</note> should never, if he asked it, be given help against the Persians. This was contrived with a double purpose, that a man who at the emperor’s order<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Cf. xxiii. 3, 6.</note> had devastated Chiliocomum might be punished, and that the opportunity might be left of presently invading Armenia without opposition. The result was that later this same Arsaces was taken alive,<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Cf. xxvii. 12, 3.</note> and that the Parthians amid various dissensions and disturbances seized a great tract of Armenia bordering on Media, along with Artaxata.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="13"><p>When this shameful treaty was concluded, lest anything contrary to the agreements should be done during the truce, distinguished men were given on both sides as hostages: from our side Nemota, Victor, and Bellovaedius,<note type="footnote" resp="editor">The names are evidently corrupted and there should be four Roman hostages; see crit. note.</note> tribunes of famous corps, <pb n="v2.p.537"/> and from the opposite party Bineses, one of the distinguished magnates, and three satraps besides of no obscure name.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="14"><p>And so a peace of thirty years was made and consecrated by the sanctity of oaths; but we returned by other routes, and since the places near the river were avoided as rough and uneven, we suffered from lack of water and food.</p></div></div><div type="textpart" subtype="chapter" n="8"><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="1"><p>But the peace which was granted under pretence of humanity caused the destruction of many, who, tormented by hunger up to their last breath, and so going ahead unnoticed by the army,<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Since hunger drove them to try to cross before the rest.</note> were either, being unskilled in swimming, swallowed up in the depths of the river, or if they mastered the power of the stream and reached the opposite bank, were seized by the Saracens or Persians (who, as I said shortly before, had been routed by the Germans),<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Cf. 6, 14, above.</note> and were either cut down like so many cattle, or led off farther inland to be sold.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="2"><p>But as soon as the trumpets’ blast openly gave the signal for crossing the river, it was remarkable with what great eagerness and haste they rushed into all kinds of danger. Each man strove to outstrip all others and hastened to save himself from so many terrors; some used the hastily constructed rafts, holding to <pb n="v2.p.539"/> their horses as they swam here and there, others seated themselves on bladders, still others under the pressure of necessity found various other helps and rushed in an oblique direction into the waves of the onrushing waters.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="3"><p>The emperor himself with a few others crossed in the small boats, which, as I have said, survived the burning of the fleet, and ordered the same craft to go back and forth, until we were all transported. At last all of us (except those who were drowned) reached the opposite bank, saved from danger by the favour of the supreme deity after many difficulties.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="4"><p>While the fear of impending disasters oppressed us, we learned from the report of our scouting cavalry, that the Persians, too far off to be seen, were making a bridge, in order that when all hostilities should cease after the conclusion of the treaty of peace, and our men were marching carelessly, they might attack the sick and the animals which had long been exhausted; but when they found that they were discovered, they gave up their wicked design.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="5"><p>Relieved now from this anxiety and hastening on by forced marches, we approached Hatra, an old city lying in the midst of a desert and long since abandoned. The warlike emperors Trajan<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Dio. lxviii. 31, 2.</note> and Severus tried at various times to destroy it, but almost perished with their armies; I have related these acts also in telling of their careers.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="6"><p>Here we learned that on a plain extending for seventy miles through dry regions only water that was salt and ill-smelling could be found, and nothing to eat except southernwood, wormwood, dragonwort and other plants of <pb n="v2.p.541"/> the most wretched sort. Therefore the vessels which we carried with us were filled with fresh water, and by killing camels and other pack animals we provided ourselves with food, unwholesome<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Büchele thinks the text means <q>which eventually cost us dear,</q> since they lost the use of these animals.</note> though it was.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="7"><p>And after completing a march of six days and finding not even grass as the solace of their extreme necessity, Cassianus, the duke<note type="footnote" resp="editor"><foreign xml:lang="lat" rend="italic">Duces</foreign> were usually military commanders, but some- times governors; see Index II., vol. i. s.v.</note> commanding the army in Mesopotamia,<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Ur of the Chaldeans, mentioned also in the books of Moses.</note> and the tribune Mauricius (who had been sent long before for the purpose) came to a Persian stronghold called Ur<note type="footnote" resp="editor"><foreign xml:lang="lat" rend="italic">Duces</foreign> were usually military commanders, but some- times governors; see Index II., vol. i. s.v.</note> and brought food from the supplies which the army left with Procopius and Sebastianus had saved by frugal living.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="8"><p>From here another Procopius, a state-secretary, and the military tribune Memoridus were sent to the lands of Illyricum and Gaul, to announce the death of Julian, and the elevation of Jovian (after Julian’s decease) to Augustan rank.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="9"><p>To them the emperor had also given instructions to hand his father-in-law Lucillianus,<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Jovian’s wife was a daughter of Lucillianus;her name was Charito.</note> who after his dismissal from the army had retired to a life of leisure and was then living at Sirmium, the commission as commander of the cavalry and infantry which he had delivered to them, and urge him to hasten to Milan, in order to attend to any difficulties there, or if (as was now rather to be feared) any new dangers should arise, to resist them.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="10"><p>To these instructions the emperor had added a secret letter, in which he also directed Lucillianus to take with him some <pb n="v2.p.543"/> men selected for their tried vigour and loyalty, with the view of making use of their support as the condition of affairs might suggest.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="11"><p>And he took the prudent step of appointing Malarichus, who also was even then living in Italy in a private capacity, as successor to Jovinus, commander of the cavalry in Gaul, sending him the insignia of that rank. Thereby he aimed at a double advantage: first, in getting rid of a general of distinguished service and therefore an object of suspicion; and, second, the hope that a man of slight expectations, when raised to a high rank, might show great zeal in supporting the position of his benefactor, which was still uncertain.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="12"><p>Also the men who were commissioned to carry out these plans were ordered to set the course of events in a favourable light, and wherever they went, to agree with each other in spreading the report that the Parthian campaign had been brought to a successful end. They were to hasten their journey by adding night to day, to put into the hands of the governors and the military commanders of the provinces the messages of the new emperor, to secretly sound the sentiments of all of them, and to return speedily with their replies, in order that as soon as it was learned how matters stood in the distant provinces, timely and careful plans might be made for safeguarding the imperial power.</p></div></div></div></div></body></text></TEI>
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