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                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text><body><div xml:lang="lat" type="translation" n="urn:cts:latinLit:stoa0023.stoa001.perseus-eng2"><div type="textpart" subtype="book" n="21"><div type="textpart" subtype="chapter" n="16"><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="6"><p>He was content with little sleep when time and circumstances so required. Throughout the entire span of his life he was so extraordinarily chaste, that not even a suspicion could be raised against him even by an ill-disposed attendant on his private life, a charge which malice, even if it fails to discover it, still trumps up, having regard to the unrestrained liberty of supreme power.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="7"><p>In riding, in hurling the javelin, and especially in the skilful use of the bow, and in all the exercises of the foot-soldiers, he was an adept. That no one ever saw him wipe his mouth or nose in public, or spit, or turn his face in either direction,<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Cf. xvi. 10, 10.</note> or that so long as he lived he never tasted fruit, I leave unmentioned, since it has often been related.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="8"><p>Having given a succinct account of his merits, so far as I could know them, let us now come to an enumeration of his defects. While in administrative affairs he was comparable to other emperors of <pb n="v2.p.179"/> medium quality, if he found any indication, however slight or groundless, of an aspiration to the supreme power, by endless investigations, in which he made no distinction between right and wrong, he easily surpassed the savagery of Caligula, Domitian, and Commodus. For it was in rivalry of the cruelty of those emperors that at the beginning of his reign he destroyed root and branch all who were related to him by blood and race.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="9"><p>To add to the sufferings of the wretches who were reported to him for impairment of, or insult to, his majesty, his bitterness and angry suspicions were stretched to the uttermost in all such cases. If anything of the kind was bruited abroad, he gave himself up to inquisitions with more eagerness than humanity, and appointed for such trials merciless judges; and in the punishment of some he tried to make their death lingering, if nature allowed, in some particulars being even more ruthless than Gallienus in such inquisitions.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="10"><p>As a matter of fact, he was the object of many genuine plots of traitors, such as Aureolus, Postumus, Ingenuus, Valens<note type="footnote" resp="editor">In Illyricum, Gaul, Pannonia and Achaia respectively.</note> surnamed Thessalonicus, and several others, yet he often showed leniency in punishing crimes which would bring death to the victim; but he also tried to make false or doubtful cases appear well-founded by excessively violent tortures.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="11"><p>And in such affairs he showed deadly enmity to justice, although he made a special effort to be considered just and merciful. And as sparks flying from a dry forest even with a light breeze of wind come with irresistible course and bring danger to rural villages, so he also from trivial causes roused <pb n="v2.p.181"/> up a mass of evils, unlike that revered prince Marcus,<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Marcus Aurelius.</note> who, when Cassius had mounted to imperial heights in Syria, and a packet of letters sent by him to his accomplices had fallen into the emperor’s hands through the capture of their bearer, at once ordered it to be burned unopened, in order that, being at the time still in Illyricum, he might not know who were plotting against him, and hence be forced to hate some men against his will.<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Cf. Dio, lxii. 26, 38.</note></p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="12"><p>And, as some right- thinking men believed, it would have been a striking indication of true worth in Constantius, if he had renounced his power without bloodshed, rather than defended it so mercilessly.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="13"><p>And this Tully also shows in a letter to Nepos, in which he taxes Caesar with cruelty, saying: <q>For happiness is nothing else than success in noble actions. Or, to express it differently, happiness is the good fortune that aids worthy designs, and one who does not aim at these can in no wise be happy. Therefore, in lawless and impious plans, such as Caesar followed, there could be no happiness. Happier, in my judgement, was Camillus in exile than was Manlius<note type="footnote" resp="editor">M. Manlius saved the Roman citadel when the Gauls took the city in 387 B.C. Later, because he defended the commons, he was accused of aspiring to regal power and hurled from the Tarpeian Rock.</note> at that same time, even if (as he had desired) he had succeeded in making himself king.</q><note type="footnote" resp="editor">A fragment preserved by Ammianus alone, not found in Cicero’s extant works.</note></p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="14"><p>Heraclitus the Ephesian<note type="footnote" resp="editor"><q>The weeping philosopher,</q> as Democritus was <q>the laughing philosopher</q>; cf. Juvenal, x. 33 ff. He flourished about 535-475 B.C.</note> also agrees with this, when he reminds us that the weak and cowardly have sometimes, through the mutability of fortune, been victorious over eminent men; but that the most conspicuous praise is won, <pb n="v2.p.183"/> when high-placed power sending, as it were, under the yoke the inclination to harm, to be angry, and to show cruelty, on the citadel of a spirit victorious over itself has raised a glorious trophy.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="15"><p>Now, although this emperor in foreign wars met with loss and disaster, yet he was elated by his success in civil conflicts and drenched with awful gore from the internal wounds of the state. It was on this unworthy rather than just or usual ground<note type="footnote" resp="editor">It was usual to celebrate a triumph only over foreign enemies, and the same rule applied to triumphal arches.</note> that in Gaul and Pannonia he erected triumphal arches<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Although this term is so common in English, this is the first and only occurrence in Latin literature, and it is found besides only in four late inscriptions from northern Africa.</note> at great expense commemorating the ruin of the provinces,<note type="footnote" resp="editor">That is, his victories over his rivals, and the bloodshed and ruin attending them.</note> and added records of his deeds, that men might read of him so long as those monuments could last.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="16"><p>He was to an excessive degree under the influence of his wives, and the shrill-voiced eunuchs, and certain of the court officials, who applauded his every word, and listened for his <q>yes</q> or <q>no,</q> in order to be able to agree with him.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="17"><p>The bitterness of the times was increased by the insatiate extortion of the tax-collectors, who brought him more hatred than money; and to many this seemed the more intolerable, for the reason that he never investigated a dispute, nor had regard for the welfare of the provinces, although they were oppressed by a multiplicity of taxes and tributes. And besides this, he found it easy to take away exemptions which he had once given.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="18"><p>The plain<note type="footnote" resp="editor">Cf. <foreign xml:lang="lat" rend="italic">absolutio</foreign>, xiv. 10, 13; <foreign xml:lang="lat" rend="italic">responsum absolutum</foreign>, xxx. 1, 4; <foreign xml:lang="lat" rend="italic">planis absolutisque decretis,</foreign> xxii. 5, 2.</note> and simple religion of the Christians he obscured by a dotard’s superstition, and by subtle <pb n="v2.p.185"/> and involved discussions about dogma, rather than by seriously trying to make them agree, he aroused many controversies; and as these spread more and more, he fed them with contentious words. And since throngs of bishops hastened hither and thither on the public post-horses to the various synods, as they call them, while he sought to make the whole ritual conform to his own will, he cut the sinews of the courier-service.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="19"><p>His bodily appearance and form were as follows: he was rather dark, with bulging eyes and sharp-sighted; his hair was soft and his regularly shaven cheeks were neat and shining; from the meeting of neck and shoulders to the groin he was unusually long, and his legs were very short and bowed, for which reason he was good at running and leaping.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="20"><p>When the corpse of the deceased emperor had been washed and placed in a coffin, Jovianus, who was at that time still an officer in the bodyguard, was ordered to escort it with regal pomp to Constantinople, to be interred beside his kinsfolk.</p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="21"><p>And as he sat in the carriage that bore the remains, samples of the soldiers’ rations (<q>probae,</q> as they themselves call them) were presented to him, as they commonly are to emperors,<note type="footnote" resp="editor">The emperors took pains to see that the soldiers were well fed. Cf. Spartianus, <title rend="italic">Hadr.</title> 11, 1; Lampridius, <title rend="italic">Alex. Sev.</title> xv. 5.</note> and the public courier-horses were shown to him, and the people thronged about him in the customary manner. These and similar things foretold imperial power for the said Jovianus, but of an empty and shadowy kind, since he was merely the director of a funeral procession.</p></div></div></div></div></body></text></TEI>
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