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                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:lang="eng"><body><div xml:lang="eng" type="translation" n="urn:cts:latinLit:phi1348.abo020.perseus-eng2"><div type="textpart" n="1" subtype="chapter"><p>THE empire, which had been long thrown into a disturbed and unsettled state, by
					the rebellion and violent death of its three last rulers, was at length restored
					to peace and security by the Flavian family, whose descent was indeed obscure,
					and which boasted no ancestral honours; but the public had no cause to regret
					its elevation; though it is acknowledged that Domitian met with the just reward
					of his avarice and cruelty. Titus Flavius Petro, a townsman of <placeName key="perseus,Reate">Reate</placeName>,<note anchored="true"><placeName key="perseus,Reate">Reate</placeName>, the original seat of the Flavian
						family, was a city of the Sabines. Its present name is <placeName key="tgn,7006739">Rieti</placeName>. </note> whether a centurion or an
						<foreign xml:lang="lat">evocatus</foreign><note anchored="true">It does not
						very clearly appear what rank in the Roman armies was held by the evocati.
						They are mentioned on three occasions by Suetonius, without affording us
						much assistance. Caesar, like our author, joins them with the centurions.
						See, in particular, De Bell. Civil. I. xvii. 4. </note> of Pompey's party in
					the civil war, is uncertain, fled out of the battle of Pharsalia and went home;
					where, having at last obtained his pardon and discharge, he became a collector
					of the money raised by public sales in the way of auction. His son, surnamed
					Sabinus, was never engaged in the military service, though some say he was a
					centurion of the first order, and others, that whilst he held that rank, he was
					discharged on account of his bad state of health: this Sabinus, I say, was a
					republican, and received the tax of the fortieth penny in <placeName key="tgn,1000004">Asia</placeName>. And there were remaining, at the time of
					the advancement of the family, several statues, which had been erected to him by
					the cities of that province, with this inscription: "To the honest
						Tax-farmer."<note anchored="true">The inscription was in Greek, <foreign xml:lang="grc">καλῶσ τελωθήσαντι</foreign></note> He afterwards
					turned usurer amongst the Helvetii, and there died, leaving behind him his wife,
					Vespasia <placeName key="tgn,1046069">Polla</placeName>, and two sons by her;
					the elder of whom, Sabinus, came to be prefect of the city, and the younger,
					Vespasian, to be emperor. Polla, descended of a good family, at <placeName key="perseus,Nursia">Nursia</placeName>,<note anchored="true">In the ancient
							<placeName key="tgn,7003125">Umbria</placeName>. afterwards the duchy of
							<placeName key="tgn,7005042">Spoleto</placeName>; its modern name being
							<placeName key="tgn,7005057">Norcia</placeName>.</note> had for her
					father Vespasius Pollio, thrice appointed military tribune, and at last prefect
					of the camp; and her brother was a senator of praetorian dignity. There is to
					this day, about six miles from <placeName key="perseus,Nursia">Nursia</placeName>, on the road to Spoletum, a place on the summit of a
					hill, called Vespasize, where are several monuments of the Vespasii, a
					sufficient proof of the splendour and antiquity of the family. I will not deny
					that some have pretended to say. that Petro's father was a native of Gallia
					Transpadana, <note anchored="true"><placeName key="tgn,1000070">Gaul</placeName>
						beyond, north of, the Po, now <placeName key="tgn,7003237">Lombardy</placeName>. </note> whose employment was to hire work-people
					who used to emigrate every year from the country of the <placeName key="tgn,7003125">Umbria</placeName> into that of the Sabines, to assist
					them in their husbandry; <note anchored="true">We find the annual migration of
						labourers in husbandry a very common practice in ancient as well as in
						modern times. At present, several thousand industrious labourers cross over
						every summer from the duchies of <placeName key="tgn,7004942">Parma</placeName> and <placeName key="tgn,7009565">Modena</placeName>,
						bordering on the district mentioned by Suetonius, to the island of
							<placeName key="tgn,7001093">Corsica</placeName>; returning to the
						continent when the harvest is got in. </note> but who settled at last in the
					town of <placeName key="perseus,Reate">Reate</placeName>, and there married. But
					of this I have not been able to discover the least proof, upon the strictest
					inquiry.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="2" subtype="chapter"><p>Vespasian was born in the country of the Sabines, between the <placeName key="perseus,Reate">Reate</placeName>, and a little country-seat called
					Phalacrine, upon the fifth of the calends of December [27th November], in the
					evening, in the consulship of Quintus Sulpicius Camerinus and Caius Poppaeus
					Sabinus, five years before the death of Augustus;<note anchored="true">A.U.C.
						762. <date when="0010">A.D. 10</date></note> and was educated under the care
					of Tertulla, his grandmother by the father's side, upon an estate belonging to
					the family, at <placeName key="perseus,Cosa">Cosa</placeName>.<note anchored="true"><placeName key="perseus,Cosa">Cosa</placeName> was a place
						in the Volscian territory; of which <placeName key="tgn,7006676">Anagni</placeName> was probably the chief town. It lies about forty
						miles to the north-east of <placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName>.</note> After his advancement to the empire, he used
					frequently to visit the place where he had spent his infancy; and the villa was
					continued in the same condition, that he might see every thing about him just as
					he had been used to do. And he had so great a regard for the memory of his
					grandmother, that, upon solemn occasions and festival days, he constantly drank
					out of a silver cup which she had been accustomed to use. After assuming the
					manly habit, he had a long time a distaste for the senatorian toga, though his
					brother had obtained it- nor could he be persuaded by any one but his mother to
					sue for that badge of honour. She at length drove him to it, more by taunts and
					reproaches, than by entreaties and authority, calling him now and then, by way
					of reproach, his brother's footman. He served as military tribune in <placeName key="tgn,7002756">Thrace</placeName>. When made quaestor, the province of
						<placeName key="tgn,7012056">Crete</placeName> and <placeName key="tgn,7000639">Cyrene</placeName> fell to him by lot. He was candidate
					for the aedileship, and soon after for the praetorship, but met with a repulse
					in the former case; though at last, with much difficulty, he came in sixth on
					the poll-books. But the office of praetor he carried upon his first canvass,
					standing amongst the highest at the poll. Being incensed against the senate, and
					desirous to gain, by all possible means, the good graces of Caius,<note anchored="true">Caligula</note> he obtained leave to exhibit extraordinary
						<note anchored="true">These games were extraordinary, as being out of the
						usual course of those given by praetors. </note> games for the emperor's
					victory in <placeName key="tgn,7000084">Germany</placeName>, and advised them to
					increase the punishment of the conspirators against his life, by exposing their
					corpses unburied. He likewise gave him thanks in that august assembly for the
					honour of being admitted to his table.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="3" subtype="chapter"><p>Meanwhile, he married Flavia Domitilla, who had formerly been the mistress of
					Statilius Capella, a Roman knight of <placeName key="tgn,7000646">Sabrata</placeName> in <placeName key="tgn,7001242">Africa</placeName>, who
					[Domitilla] enjoyed Latin rights; and was soon after declared fully and freely a
					citizen of <placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName>, on a trial before the
					court of Recovery, brought by her father Flavius Liberalis, a native of
					Ferentum, but no more than secretary to a quaestor. By her he had the following
					children: Titus, Domitia nd Domitilla. He outlived his wife and daughter, and
					lost them both before he became emperor. After the death of his wife he renewed
					his union<note anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">"Revocavit in
							contubernium."</foreign> From the difference of our habits, there is no
						word in the English language which exactly conveys the meaning of
						contubernium; a word which, in a military sense, the Romans applied to the
						intimate fellowship between comrades in war who messed together, and lived
						in close fellowship in the same tent. Thence they transferred it to a union
						with one woman who was in a higher position than a concubine, but, for some
						reason, could not acquire the legal rights of a wife, as in the case of
						slaves of either sex. A man of rank, also, could not marry a slave or a
						freedwoman, however much he might be attached to her.</note> with his former
					concubine, Caenis, the freedwoman of Antonia, and also her amanuensis, and
					treated her, even after he was emperor, almost as if she had been his lawful
						wife.<note anchored="true">Nearly the same phrases. are applied by Suetonius
						to Drusilla, see CALIGULA, c. xxiv., and to Marcella, the concubine of
						Commodus, by Herodian, 1. xvi. 9 , where he says that she had all the
						honours of an empress, except that the incense was not offered to her. These
						connections resembled the left-hand marriages of the German
					princes.</note></p></div><div type="textpart" n="4" subtype="chapter"><p>In the reign of Claudius, by the interest of Narcissus, he was sent to <placeName key="tgn,7000084">Germany</placeName>, in command of a legion; whence being
					removed into <placeName key="tgn,7008653">Britain</placeName>, he engaged the
					enemy in thirty several battles. He reduced under subjection to the Romans two
					very powerful tribes, and above twenty great towns, with the Isle of Wight,
					which lies close to the coast of <placeName key="tgn,7008653">Britain</placeName>; partly under the command of Aulus Plautius, the
					consular lieutenant, and partly under Claudius himself. <note anchored="true">This expedition to <placeName key="tgn,7008653">Britain</placeName> has
						been mentioned before, CLAUDIUS, c xvii. and note; and see ib. xxiv.
						Valerius Flaccus, i. 8, and Silius Italicus, iii. 568, celebrate the
						triumphs of Vespasian in <placeName key="tgn,7008653">Britain</placeName>.
						In representing him, however, as carrying his arms among the Caledonian
						tribes, their flattery transferred to the emperor the glory of the victories
						gained by his lieutenant, Agricola. Vespasian's own conquests, while he
						served in <placeName key="tgn,7008653">Britain</placeName>, were principally
						in the territories of the Brigantes, lying north of the Humber, and
						including the present counties of <placeName key="tgn,7011995">York</placeName> and <placeName key="tgn,7008127">Durham</placeName>.
					</note> For this success he received the triumphal ornaments, and in a short
					time after two priesthoods, besides the consulship, which he held during the
					last two months of the year.<note anchored="true">A.U.C. 824</note> The interval
					between that and his proconsulship he spent in leisure and retirement, for fear
					of Agrippina, who still held great sway over her son, and hated all the friends
					of Narcissus, who was then dead. Afterwards he got by lot the province of
						<placeName key="tgn,7001242">Africa</placeName>, which he governed with
					great reputation, excepting that once, in an insurrection at Adrumetum, he.was
					pelted with turnips. It is certain that he returned thence nothing richer; for
					his credit was so low, that he was obliged to mortgage his whole property to his
					brother, and was reduced to the necessity of dealing in mules, for the support
					of his rank; for which reason he was commonly called "the Muleteer." He is said
					likewise to have been convicted of extorting from a young man of fashion two
					hundred thousand sesterces for procuring him the broad-stripe, contrary to the
					wishes of his father, and was severely reprimanded for it. While in attendance
					upon Nero in <placeName key="tgn,7002733">Achaia</placeName>, he frequently
					withdrew from the theatre while Nero was singing, and went to' sleep if he
					remained, which gave so much offence, that he was not only excluded from his
					society, but debarred the liberty of saluting him in public. Upon this, he
					retired to a small out-of-the-way town, where he lay skulking in constant fear
					of his life, until a province, with an army, was offered him.</p><p>A firm persuasion had long prevailed through all the East,<note anchored="true">Tacitus, Hist. V. xiii. 3, mentions this ancient prediction, and its
						currency through the East, in nearly the same terms as Suetonius. The coming
						power is in both instances described in the plural number, <foreign xml:lang="lat">profecti</foreign>, "those shall come forth;" and Tacitus
						applies it to Titus as well as Vespasian. The prophecy is commonly supposed
						to have reference to a passage in Micah, v. 2, "Out of thee
						[Bethlehem-Ephrata] shall He come forth, to be ruler in <placeName key="tgn,1000119">Israel</placeName>." Earlier prophetic intimations of
						a similar character, and pointing to a more extended dominion, have been
						traced in the sacred records of the Jews; and there is reason to believe
						that these books were at this time not unknown in the heathen world,
						particularly at <placeName key="perseus,Alexandria">Alexandria</placeName>,
						and through the Septuagint version. These predictions, in their literal
						sense, point to the establishment of a universal monarchy, which should take
						its rise in <placeName key="tgn,7001407">Judea</placeName>. The Jews looked
						for their accomplishment in the person of one of their own nation, the
						expected Messiah, to which character there were many pretenders in those
						times. The first disciples of Christ, during the whole period of his
						ministry, supposed that they were to be fulfilled in him. The Romans thought
						that the conditions were answered by Vespasian and Titus having been called
						from <placeName key="tgn,7001407">Judea</placeName> to the seat of empire.
						The expectations entertained by the Jews, and naturally participated in and
						appropriated by the first converts to Christianity, having proved
						groundless, the prophecies were subsequently interpreted in a spiritual
						sense. </note> that it was fated for the empire of the world, at that time,
					to devolve on some one who should go forth from <placeName key="tgn,7001407">Judaea</placeName>. This prediction referred to a Roman emperor, as the
					event shewed; but the Jews, applying it to themselves, broke out into rebellion,
					and having defeated and slain their governor, <note anchored="true">Gessius
						Florus was at that time governor of <placeName key="tgn,7001407">Judaea</placeName>, with the title and rank of preposius, it not being
						a proconsular province, as the native princes still held some parts of it,
						under the protection and with the alliance of the Romans. Gessius succeeded
						Florus Albinus, the successor of <placeName key="tgn,2324437">Felix</placeName>. </note> routed the lieutenant of <placeName key="tgn,1000140">Syria</placeName>, <note anchored="true">Cestius Gallus
						was consular lieutenant in <placeName key="tgn,1000140">Syria</placeName>.
					</note> a man of consular rank, who was advancing to his assistance, and took an
					eagle, the standard of one of his legions. As the suppression of this revolt
					appeared to require a stronger force and an active general, who might be safely
					trusted in an affair of so much importance, Vespasian was chosen in preference
					to all others, both for his own activity, and on account of the obscurity of his
					origin and name, being a person of whom there could be not the least jealousy.
					Two legions, 'therefore, eight squadrons of horse, and ten cohorts, being added
					to the former troops in <placeName key="tgn,7001407">Judaea</placeName>, and,
					taking with him his eldest son as lieutenant, as soon as he arrived in his
					province, he turned the eyes of the neighbouring provinces upon him, by
					reforming immediately the discipline of the camp, and engaging the enemy once or
					twice with such resolution, that, in the attack of a castle,<note anchored="true">See note to c. vii.</note> he had his knee hurt by the
					stroke of a stone, and received several arrows in his shield.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="5" subtype="chapter"><p>After the deaths of Nero and Galba, whilst Otho and Vitellius were contending for
					the sovereignty, he entertained hopes of obtaining the empire, with the prospect
					of which he had long before flattered himself, from the following omens. Upon an
					estate belonging to the Flavian family, in the neighbourhood of <placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName>, there was an old oak, sacred to Mars,
					which, at the three several deliveries of Vespasia, put out each time a new
					branch; evident intimations of the future fortune of each child. The first was
					but a slender one, which quickly withered away; and accordingly, the girl that
					was born did not live long. The second became vigorous, which portended great
					good fortune; but the third grew like a tree. His father Sabinus, encouraged by
					these omens, which were confirmed by the augurs, told his mother, "that her
					grandson would be emperor of <placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName>;" at
					which she laughed heartily, wondering, she said, "that her son should be in his
					dotage whilst she continued still in full possession of her faculties."</p><p>Afterwards in his aedileship, when Caius Caesar, being enraged at his not taking
					care to have the streets kept clean, ordered the soldiers to fill the bosom of
					his gown with dirt, some persons at that time construed it into a sign that the
					government, being trampled under foot and deserted in some civil commotion,
					would fall under his protection, and as it were into his lap. Once, while he was
					at dinner, a strange dog that wandered about the streets, brought a man's
						hand,<note anchored="true">A right hand was the sign of sovereign power,
						and, as every one knows, borne upon a staff among the standards of the
						armies.</note> and laid it under the table. And another time, while he was
					at supper, a plough-ox throwing the yoke off his neck, broke into the room, and
					after he had frightened away all the attendants, on a suddren, as if he was
					tired, fell down at his feet, as he lay still upon his couch, and hung down his
					neck. A cypress-tree likewise, in a field belonging to the family, was torn up
					by the roots, and laid flat upon the ground, when there was no violent wind; but
					next day it rose again fresher and stronger than before.</p><p>He dreamt in <placeName key="tgn,7002733">Achaia</placeName> that the good
					fortune of himself and his family would begin when Nero had a tooth drawn; and
					it happened that the day after, a surgeon coming into the hall, showed him a
					tooth which he had just extracted from Nero. In <placeName key="tgn,7001407">Judea</placeName>, upon his consulting the oracle of the divinity at
						<placeName key="tgn,1064616">Carmel</placeName>,<note anchored="true">Tacitus says, " <placeName key="tgn,1064616">Carmel</placeName> is the name
						both of a god and a mountain; but there is neither image nor temple of the
						god; such are the ancient traditions; we find there only an altar and
						religious awe."-Hist xi. 78, 4. It also appears, from his account, that
						Vespasian offered sacrifice on <placeName key="tgn,7001405">Mount
							Carmel</placeName>, where Basilides, mentioned hereafter, c. vii.,
						predicted his success from an inspection of the entrails.</note> the answer
					was so encouraging as to assure him of success in anything he projected, however
					great or important it might be. And when Josephus,<note anchored="true">Josephus, the celebrated Jewish historian, who was engaged in these wars,
						having been taken prisoner, was confined in the dungeon at Jotapata, the
						castle referred to in the preceding chapter, before which Vespasian was
						wounded.-De Cell. cxi. 14.</note> one of the noble prisoners, was put in
					chains, he confidently affirmed that he should be released in a very short time
					by the same Vespasian, but he would be emperor first.<note anchored="true">The
						prediction of Josephus was founded on the Jewish prophecies mentioned in the
						note to c. iv., which he, like others, applied to Vespasian.</note> Some
					omens were likewise mentioned in the news from <placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName>, and among others, that Nero, towards the close of his
					days, was commanded in a dream to carry Jupiter's sacred chariot out of the
					sanctuary where it stood, to Vespasian's house, and conduct it thence into the
					circus. Also not long afterwards, as Galba was going to the election in which he
					was created consul for the second time, a statue of the Divine Julius<note anchored="true">Julius Caesar is always called by our author after his
						apotheosis, Divus Julius.</note> turned towards the east. And in the field
					of Bedriacum,<note anchored="true">The battle at Bedriacum secured the empire
						for Vitellius. See OTHO, c. ix.. VITELLIUS,, C. X.</note> before the battle
					began, two eagles engaged in the sight of the army; and one of them being
					beaten, a third came from the east, and drove away the conqueror.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="6" subtype="chapter"><p>He made, however, no attempt upon the sovereignty though his friends were very
					ready to support him, and even pressed him to the enterprise untl he was
					encouraged to it by the fortuitous aid of persons unknown to him and at a
					distance. Two thousand men, drawn out of three legions in the Moesian army, had
					been sent to the assistance of Otho. While they were upon their march, news came
					that he had been defeated, and had put an end to his life; notwithstanding which
					they continued their march as far as <placeName key="perseus,Aquileia">Aquileia</placeName>, pretending that they gave no credit to the report.
					There, tempted by the opportunity which the disorder of the times afforded them,
					they ravaged and plundered the country at discretion; until at length, fearing
					to be called to an account on their return, and punished for it, they resolved
					upon choosing and creating an emperor. "For they were no ways inferior," they
					said, "to the army which made Galba emperor, nor to the praetorian troops which
					had set up Otho, nor the army in <placeName key="tgn,7000084">Germany</placeName>, to whom Vitellius owed his elevation." The names of
					all the consular lieutenants, therefore, being taken into consideration, and one
					objecting to one, and another to another, for various reasons; at last some of
					the third legion, which a little before Nero's death had been removed out of
						<placeName key="tgn,1000140">Syria</placeName> into <placeName key="tgn,7016746">Moesia</placeName>, extolled Vespasian in high terms; and
					all the rest assenting, his name was immediately inscribed on their standards.
					The design was nevertheless quashed for a time, the troops being brought to
					submit to Vitellius a little longer.</p><p>However, the fact becoming known, Tiberius Alexander, governor of <placeName key="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, first obliged the legions under his
					command to swear obedience to Vespasian as their emperor, on the calends [the
					1st] of July, which was observed ever after as the day of his accession to the
					empire; and upon the fifth of the ides of the same month [the 28th of July], the
					army in <placeName key="tgn,7001407">Judaea</placeName>, where he then was, also
					swore allegiance to him. What contributed greatly to forward the affair, was a
					copy of a letter, whether real or counterfeit, which was circulated, and said to
					have been written by Otho before his decease to Vespasian, recommending to him
					in the most urgent terms to avenge his death, and entreating him to come to the
					aid of the commonwealth; as well as a report which was circulated, that
					Vitellius, after his success against Otho, proposed to change the winter
					quarters of the legions, and remove those in <placeName key="tgn,7000084">Germany</placeName> to a less hazardous station and a warmer climate.
					Moreover, amongst the governors of provinces, Lucinius Mucianus dropping the
					grudge arising from a jealousy of which he had hitherto made no secret, promised
					to join him with the Syrian army, and, among the allied kings, Vologesus, king
					of the Parthians, offered him a reinforcement of forty thousand archers.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="7" subtype="chapter"><p>Having, therefore, entered on a civil war, and sent forward his generals and
					forces into <placeName key="tgn,1000080">Italy</placeName>, he himself, in the
					meantime, passed over to <placeName key="perseus,Alexandria">Alexandria</placeName>, to obtain possession of the key of <placeName key="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>.<note anchored="true"><placeName key="perseus,Alexandria">Alexandria</placeName> may well be called the
						key, <foreign xml:lang="lat">claustra</foreign>, of <placeName key="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, which was the granary of <placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName>. It was of the first importance that
						Vespasian should secure it at this juncture.</note> Here having entered
					alone, without attendants, the temple of Serapis, to take the auspices
					respecting the establishment of his power, and having done his utmost to
					propitiate the deity, upon turning round, [his freedman] Basilides<note anchored="true">Tacitus describes Basilides as a man of rank among the
						Egyptians, and he appears also to have been a priest, as we find him
						officiating at Mount Carmel, c. v. This is so incompatible with his being a
						Roman freedman, that commentators concur in supposing that the word
						"libertus," although found in all the copies now extant, has crept into the
						text by some inadvertence of an early transcriber. Basilides appears, like
						Philo Judaeus, who lived about the same period, to have been half-Greek,
						half-Jew, and to have belonged to the celebrated Platonic school of
						Alexandria.</note> appeared before him, and seemed to offer him the sacred
					leaves, chaplets, and cakes, according to the usage of the place, although no
					one had admitted him, and he had long laboured under a muscular debility, which
					would hardly have allowed him to walk into the temple; besides which, it was
					certain that at the very time he was far away. Immeiately after this, arrived
					letters with intelligence that Vitellius's troops had been defeated at Cremona,
					and he himself slain at Rome. Vespasian, the new emperor, having been raised
					unexpectedly from a low estate, wanted something which might clothe him with
					divine majesty and authority. This, likewise, was now added. A poor man who was
					blind, and another who was lame, came both together before him, when he was
					seated on the tribunal, imploring him to heal them,<note anchored="true">Tacitus
						informs us that Vespasian himself believed Basilides to have been at this
						time not only in an infirm state of health, but at the distance of several
						days' journey from Alexandria. But (for his greater satisfaction) he
						strictly examined the priests whether Basilides had entered the temple on
						that day: he made inquiries of all he met, whether he had been seen in the
						city; nay, further, he dispatched messengers on horseback, who ascertained
						that at the time specified, Basilides was more than eighty miles from
						Alexandria. Then Vespasian comprehended that the appearance of Basilides,
						and the answer to his prayers given through him, were by divine
						interposition. Tacit. Hist. iv. 82. 2.</note> and saying that they were
					admonished in a dream by the god Serapis to seek his aid, who assured them that
					he would restore sight to the one by anointing his eyes with his spittle, and
					give strength to the leg of the other, if he vouchsafed but to touch it with his
					heel. At first he could scarcely believe that the thing would any how succeed,
					and therefore hesitated to venture on making the experiment. At length, however,
					by the advice of his friends, he made the attempt publicly, in the presence of
					the assembled multitudes, and it was crowned with success in both cases.<note anchored="true">The account given by Tacitus of the miracles of Vespasian is
						fuller than that of Suetonius, but does not materially vary in the details,
						except that, in his version of the story, he describes the impotent man to
						be lame in the hand, instead of the leg or the knee, and adds an important
						circumstance in the case of the blind man, that he was "notus tabe
						occulorum," notorious for the disease in his eyes. He also winds up the
						narrative with the following statement: "They who were present, relate both
						these cures, even at this time, when there is nothing to be gained by
						lying." Both the historians lived within a few years of the occurrence, but
						their works were not published until advanced periods of their lives. The
						closing remark of Tacitus seems to indicate that, at least, he did not
						entirely discredit the account; and as for Suetonius, his pages are as full
						of prodigies of all descriptions, related apparently in all good faith, as a
						monkish chronicle of the Middle Ages. The story has the more interest, as it
						is one of the examples of successful imposture, selected by Hume in his
						Essay on Miracles; with the reply to which by Paley, in his Evidences of
						Christianity, most readers are familiar. The commentators on Suetonius agree
						with Paley in considering the whole affair as a juggle between the priests,
						the patients, and, probably, the emperor. But what will, perhaps, strike the
						reader as most remarkable, is the singular coincidence of the story with the
						accounts given of several of the miracles of Christ; whence it has been
						supposed that the scene was planned in imitation of them. It did not fall
						within the scope of Dr. Paley's argument to advert to this; and our own
						brief illustration must be strictly confined within the limits of historical
						disquisition. Adhering to this principle, we may point out that if the idea
						of plagiarism be accepted, it receives some confirmation from the incident
						related by our author in a preceding paragraph, forming, it may be
						considered, another scene of the same drama, where we find Basilides
						appearing to Vespasian in the temple of Serapis, under circumstances which
						cannot fail to remind us of Christ's suddenly standing in the midst of his
						disciples, "when the doors were shut." This incident, also, has very much
						the appearance of a parody on the evangelical history. But if the striking
						similarity of the two narratives be thus accounted for, it is remarkable
						that while the priests of Alexandria, or, perhaps, Vespasian himself from
						his residence in Judaea, were in possession of such exact details of two of
						Christ's miracles—if not of a third striking incident in his history —we should find not the most distant allusion in the works of such
						cotemporary writers as Tacitus and Suetonius, to any one of the still more
						stupendous occurrences which had recently taken place in a part of the world
						with which the Romans had now very intimate relations. The character of
						these authors induces us to hesitate in adopting the notion, that either
						contempt or disbelief would have led them to pass over such events, as
						altogether unworthy of notice; and the only other inference from their
						silence is, that they had never heard of them. But as this can scarcely be
						reconciled with the plagiarism attributed to Vespasian or the Egyptian
						priests, it is safer to conclude that the coincidence, however singular, was
						merely fortuitous. It may be added that Spartianus, who wrote the lives of
						Adrian and succeeding emperors, gives an account of a similar miracle
						performed by that prince in healing a blind man.</note> About the same time,
					at Tegea in Arcadia, by the direction of some soothsayers, several vessels of
					ancient workmanship were dug out of a consecrated place, on which there was an
					effigy resembling Vespasian.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="8" subtype="chapter"><p>Returning now to Rome, under these auspices, and with a great reputation, after
					enjoying a triumph for victories over the Jews, he added eight consulships<note anchored="true">A. U. C. 823-833, excepting 826 and 831.</note> to his
					former one. He likewise assumed the censorship, and made it his principal
					concern, during the whole of his government, first to restore order in the
					state, which had been almost ruined, and was in a tottering condition, and then
					to improve it. The soldiers, one part of them emboldened by victory, and the
					other smarting with the disgrace of their defeat, had abandoned themselves to
					every species of licentiousness and insolence. Nay, the provinces, too, and free
					cities, and some kingdoms in alliance with Rome, were all in a disturbed state.
					He, therefore, disbanded many of Vitellius's soldiers, and punished others; and
					so far was he from granting any extraordinary favours to the sharers of his
					success, that it was late before he paid the gratuities due to them by law. That
					he might let slip no opportunity of reforming the discipline of the army, upon a
					young man's coming much perfumed to return him thanks for having appointed him
					to command a squadron of horse, he turned away his head in disgust, and giving
					him this sharp reprimand, "I had rather you had smelt of garlic," revoked his
					commission. When the men belonging to the fleet, who travelled by turns from
					Ostia and Puteoli to Rome, petitioned for an addition to their pay, under the
					name of shoe-money, thinking that it would answer little purpose to send them
					away without a reply, he ordered them for the future to run bare-footed; and so
					they have done ever since. He deprived of their liberties, Achaia, Lycia,
					Rhodes, Byzantium, and Samos, and reduced them into the form of provinces;
					Thrace, also, and Cilicia, as well as Comagene, which until that time had been
					under the government of kings. He stationed some legions in Cappadocia on
					account of the frequent inroads of barbarians, and, instead of a Roman knight,
					appointed as governor of it a man of consular rank. The ruins of houses which
					had been burnt down long before, being a great desight to the city, he gave
					leave to any one who would, to take possession of the void ground and build upon
					it, if the proprietors should hesitate to perform the work themselves. He
					resolved upon rebuilding the Capitol, and was the foremost to put his hand to
					clearing the ground of the rubbish, and removed some of it upon his own
					shoulder. And he undertook, likewise, to restore the three thousand tables of
					brass which had been destroyed in the fire which consumed the Capitol; searching
					in all quarters for copies of those curious and ancient records, in which were
					contained the decrees of the senate, almost from the building of the city, as
					well as the acts of the people, relative to alliances, treaties, and privileges
					granted to any person.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="9" subtype="chapter"><p>He likewise erected several new public buildings, namely the temple of Peace<note anchored="true">The temple of Peace, erected <date when="0071">A. D.
							71</date>, on the conclusion of the wars with the Germans and the Jews,
						was the largest temple in Rome. Vespasian and Titus deposited in it the
						sacred vessels and other spoils which were carried in their triumph after
						the conquest of Jerusalem. They were consumed, and the temple much damaged,
						if not destroyed, by fire, towards the end of the reign of Commodus, in the
						year 191. It stood in the Forum, where some ruins on a prodigious scale,
						still remaining, were traditionally considered to be those of the Temple of
						Peace, until Piranesi contended that they are part of Nero's Golden House.
						Others suppose that they are the remains of a Basilica. A beautiful fluted
						Corinthian column, forty-seven feet high, which was removed from this spot,
						and now stands before the church of S. Maria Maggiore, gives a great idea of
						the splendour of the original structure.</note> near the forum, that of
					Claudius on the Coelian mount, which had been begun by Agrippina, but almost
					entirely demolished by Nero;<note anchored="true">This temple, converted into a
						Christian church by pope Simplicius, who flourished <date when="0464">A. D.
							464</date>-483, preserves much of its ancient character. It is now
						called San Stefano in Rotondo, from its circular form; the thirty-four
						pillars, with arches springing from one to the other and intended to support
						the cupola, still remaining to prove its former magnificence.</note> and an
						amphitheatre<note anchored="true">This amphitheatre is the famous Colosseum
						begun by Vespasian and finished by Titus. It is needless to go into details
						respecting a building the gigantic ruins of which are so well known.</note>
					in the middle of the city, upon finding that Augustus had projected such a work.
					He purified the senatorian and equestrian orders, which had been much reduced by
					the havoc made amongst them at several times, and was fallen into disrepute by
					neglect. Having expelled the most unworthy, he chose in their room the most
					honourable persons in Italy and the provinces. And to let it be known that those
					two orders differed not so much in privileges as in dignity, he declared
					publicly when some altercation passed between a senator and a Roman knight,
					"that senators ought not to be treated with scurrilous language, unless they
					were aggressors, and then it was fair and lawful to return it."</p></div><div type="textpart" n="10" subtype="chapter"><p>The business of the courts had prodigiously accumulted, partly from old law-suits
					which, on account of the interruption that had been given to the course of
					justice, still remained undecided, and partly from the accession of new suits
					arising out of the disorder of the times. He, therefore, chose cmmissioners by
					lot to provide for the restitution of what had been seized by violence during
					the war, and others with extraordinary jurisdiction to decide causes belonging
					to the centumviri, and reduce them to as small a number as possible, for the
					dispatch of which, otherwise, the lives of the litigants could scarcely allow
					sufficient time.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="11" subtype="chapter"><p>Lust and luxury, from the licence which had long prevailed, had also grown to an
					enormous height. He, therefore, obtained a decree of the senate, that a woman
					who formed an union with the slave of another person, should be considered a
					bondwoman herself; and that usurers should not be allowed to take proceedings at
					law for the recovery of money lent to young men whilst they lived in their
					father's family, not even after their fathers were dead.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="12" subtype="chapter"><p>In other affairs, from the beginning to the end of his government, he conduct
					himself-wihgreatmedeation and clemency. He was so far from disseriibling the
					obscurity of his extraction, that he frequently made mention of it himself. When
					some affected to trace his pedigree to the founders of Reate, and a companion of
						Hercules,<note anchored="true">Hercules is said, after conquering Geryon in
						Spain, to have come into this part of Italy. One of his companions, the
						supposed founder of Reate, may have had the name of Flavus.</note> whose
					monument is still to be seen on the Salarian road, he laughed at them for it.
					And he was so little fond of external and adventitious ornaments, that, on the
					day of his triumph,' being quite tired of the length and tediousness of the
					procession, he could not forbear saying, "he was rightly served, for having in
					his old age. been so silly as to desire a triumph; as if it was either due to
					his ancestors, or had ever been expected by himself." Nor would he for a long
					time accept of the tribunitian authority, or the title of Father of his Country.
					And in regard to the custom of searching those who came to salute him, he
					dropped it even in the time of the civil war.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="13" subtype="chapter"><p>He bore with great mildness the freedom used by his friends, the satirical
					allusions of advocates, and the petulance of philosophers. Licinius Mucianus,
					who had been guilty of notorious acts of lewdness, but, presuming upon his great
					services, treated him very rudely, he re- proved only in private; and when
					complaining of his con- duct to a common friend of theirs, he concluded with
					these words, "However, I am a man." Salvius Liberalis, in pleading the. cause of
					a rich man under prosecution, presuming to say, "What is it to Caesar, if
					Hipparchus possesses a hundred millions of sesterces?" he com- mended him for
					it. Demetrius, the Cynic philosopher,<note anchored="true">Demetrius, who was
						born at Corinth, seems to have been a close imitator of Diogenes, the
						founder of the sect. Having come to Rome to study under Apollonius, he was
						banished to the islands, with other philosophers, by Vespasian.</note> who
					had been sentenced to banishment, meeting him on the road, and refusing to rise
					up or salute him, nay, snarling at him in scurrilous language, he only called
					him a cur.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="14" subtype="chapter"><p>He was little disposed to keep up the memory of affronts or quarrels, nor did he
					harbour any resentment on account of them. He made a very splendid marriage for
					the daughter of his enemy Vitellius, and gave her, besides, a suitable fortune
					and equipage. Being in a great consternation after he was forbidden the court in
					the time of Nero, and asking those about him, what he should do? or, whither he
					should g ? one of those whose office it was to introduce people to the emperor,
					thrusting him out, bid him go to Morbonia.<note anchored="true">There being no
						such place as Morbonia, and the supposed name being derived ftom morbus,
						disease, some critics have supposed that Anticyra, the asylum of the
						incurables, (see CALIGULA, C. xxix) is meant; but the probability is, that
						the expression used by the imperial chamberlain was only a courtly version
						of a phrase not very commonly adopted in the present day. </note> But when
					this same person came afterwards to beg his pardon, he only vented his
					resentment in nearly the same words. He was so far from being influenced by
					suspicion or fear to seek the destruction of any one, that, when his friends
					advised him to beware of Metius Pomposianus, because it was commonly believed,
					on his nativity being cast, that he was destined by fate to the empire, he made
					him consul, promising for him, that he would not forget the benefit
					conferred.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="15" subtype="chapter"><p>It will scarcely be found, that so much as one innocent person suffered in his
					reign, unless in his absence, and without his knowledge, or, at least, contrary
					to his inclination, and when he was imposed upon. Although Helvidius Priscus
						<note anchored="true">Helvidius Priscus, a person of some celebrity as a
						philosopher and public man, is mentioned by Tacitus, Xiphilinus, and
						Arrian.</note> was the only man who presumed to salute him on his return
					from Syria by his private name of Vespasian, and, when he came to be praetor,
					omitted any mark of honour to him, or even any mention of him in his edicts, yet
					he was not angry, until Helvidius proceeded to inveigh against him with the most
					scurrilous language. Though he did indeed banish him, and afterwards ordered him
					to be put to death, yet he would gladly have saved him notwithstanding, and
					accordingly dispatched messengers to fetch back the executioners; and he would
					have saved him, had he not been deceived by a false account brought, that he had
					already perished. He never ejroiced at the death of any man; nay, he would shed
					tears, and sigh, atthe just punishment of the guilty.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="16" subtype="chapter"><p>The only thing deservedly blameable in his character was his love of money. For
					not satisfied with reviving the imposts which had been repealed in the time of
					Galba he imposed new and onerous taxes, augmented the tribute of the provinces,
					and doubled that of some of them. He likewise openly engaged in a traffic, which
					is discreditable<note anchored="true">Cicero speaks in strong terms of the
						sordidness of retail trade.—Off. i. 24.</note> even to a private
					individual, buying great quantities of goods, for the purpose of retailing them
					again to advantage. Nay, he made no scruple of selling the great offices of the
					state to candidates, and pardons to persons under prosecution, whether they were
					innocent or guilty. It is believed, that he advanced all the most rapacious
					amongst the procurators to high offices, with the view of squeezing them after
					they had acquired great wealth. He was commonly said, "to have used them as
					sponges," because it was his practice, as we may say, to wet them when dry, and
					squeeze them when wet. It is said that he was naturally extremely covetous, and
					was upbraided with it by an old herdsman of his, who, upon the emperor's
					refusing to enfranchise him gratis, which on his advancement he humbly
					petitioned for, cried out, "That the fox changed his hair, but not his nature."
					On the other hand, some are of opinion, that he was urged to his rapacious
					proceedings by necessity, and the extreme poverty of the treasury and exchequer,
					of which he took public notice in the beginning of his reign; declaring that "no
					less than four hundred thousand millions of sesterces were wanting to carry on
					the government." This is the more likely to be true, because he applied to the
					best purposes what he procured by bad means.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="17" subtype="chapter"><p>His liberality, however, to all ranks of people, was excessive. He made up to
					several senators the estate required by law to qualify them for that dignity;
					relieving likewise such men of consular rank as were poor, with a yearly
					allowance of five hundred thousand sesterces;<note anchored="true">The sesterce
						being worth about two-pence half-penny of English money, the salary of a
						Roman senator was, in round numbers, five thousand pounds a year; and that
						of a professor, as stated in the succeeding chapter, one thousand pounds.
						From this scale, similar calculations may easily be made of the sums
						occurring in Suetonius's statements from time to time. There appears to be
						some mistake in the sum stated in c. xvi. just before, as the amount seems
						fabulous, whether it represented the floating debt, or the annual revenue,
						of the empire. </note> and rebuilt, in a better manner than before, several
					cities in different parts of the empire, which had been damaged by earthquakes
					or fires.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="18" subtype="chapter"><p>He was a great encourager of learning and the liberal arts. He first granted to
					the Latin and Greek professors of rhetoric the yearly stipend of a hundred
					thousand sesterces <note anchored="true">See AUGUSTUS, c. xliii. The proscenium
						of the ancient theatres was a solid erection of an architectural design, not
						shifted and varied as our stage-scenes. </note> each out of the exchequer.
					He also bought the freedom of superior poets and artists,<note anchored="true">Many eminent writers among the Romans were originally slaves, such as
						Terence and Phaedrus; and, still more, artists, physicians and artificers.
						Their talents procuring their manumission, they became the freedmen of their
						former masters. Vespasian, it appears from Suetonius, purchased the freedom
						of some persons of ability belonging to these classes.</note> and gave a
					noble gratuity to the restorer of the Coan Venus, <note anchored="true">The Coan
						Venus was the chef d'oeuvre of Apelles, a native of the island of Cos, in
						the Archipelago, who flourished in the time of Alexander the Great. If it
						was the original painting which was now restored, it must have been well
						preserved. </note> and to another artist who repaired the Colossus. <note anchored="true">Probably the colossal statue of Nero (see his Life, c.
						xxxi.), afterwards placed in Vespasian's amphitheatre, which derived its
						name from it. </note> Some one offering to convey some immense columns into
					the Capitol at a small expense by a mechanical contrivance, he rewarded him very
					handsomely for his invention, but would not accept his service, saying, "Suffer
					me to find maintenance for the poor people." <note anchored="true">The usual
						argument in all times against the introduction of machinery. See AUGUSTUS,
						c. xxix. </note></p></div><div type="textpart" n="19" subtype="chapter"><p>In the games celebrated when the stage-scenery of the theatre of Marcellus<note anchored="true">See Augustus, c. xxix</note> was repaired, restred the old
					musical entertainments. He gave Apollinaris, the tragedian, four hundred
					thousand sesterces, and to Terpinus and Diodorus, the harpers, two hundred
					thousand; to some a hundred thousand; and the least he gave to any of the
					performers was forty thousand, besides many golden crowns. He entertained
					company constantly at his table, and often in great state and very sumptuously,
					in order to promote trafde. As in the Saturnalia he made presents to the men
					which they were to carry away with them, so did he to the women upon the calends
					of March;<note anchored="true">At the men's Saturnalia, a feast held in December
						attended with much revelling, the masters waited upon their slaves; and at
						the women's Saturnalia, held on the first of March, the women served their
						female attendants, by whom also they sent presents to their friends. </note>
					notwithstanding which, he could not wipe off the disrepute of his former
					stinginess. The Alexandrians called him constantly Cybiosactes; a name wich had
					been. to one of their kings who was sordidly avaricious. Nay, at his funeral,
					Favo, the principal mimic, personating him, and imitating, as actors do, both
					his manner of speaking and his gestures, asked aloud of the procurators, "how'
					much his funeral and the procession would cost?" And being answered "ten
					millions of sesterces," he cried out, "give him but a hundred thousand
					sesterces, and they might throw his body into the Tiber, if they would."</p></div><div type="textpart" n="20" subtype="chapter"><p>He was broad-set, strong-limbed, and his features gave the idea of a man in the
					act of straining himself. In consequence, one of the city wits, upon the
					emperor's desiring him "to say something droll respecting himself," facetiously
					answered, "I will, when you have done relieving your bowels."<note anchored="true">Notwithstanding the splendour, and even, in many respects,
						the refinement of the imperial court, the language as well as the habits of
						the highest classes in Rome seem to have been but too commonly of the
						grossest description, and every scholar knows that many of their writers are
						not very delicate in their allusions. Apropos of the ludicrous account given
						in the text, Martial, on one occasion, uses still plainer language. <cit><quote xml:lang="lat"><l>Utere lactucis, et mollibus utere malvis:</l><l>Nam faciem durum, Phoebe, cacantis habes.</l></quote><bibl n="Mart. 3.89">iii. 89.</bibl></cit>
					</note> He enjoyed a good state of health, though he used no other means to
					preserve it, than repeated friction, as much as he could bear, on his neck and
					other parts of his body, in the tennis-court attached to the baths, besides
					fasting one day in every month.</p></div></div></body></text></TEI>
                </passage>
            </reply>
            </GetPassage>