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                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:lang="eng"><body><div xml:lang="eng" type="translation" n="urn:cts:latinLit:phi1348.abo011.perseus-eng2"><div type="textpart" n="21" subtype="chapter"><p>About the same time he married Calpurnia, the daughter of Lucius Piso, who was to
					succeed him in the consulship, and gave his own daughter Julia to Cneius Pompey;
					rejecting Servilius Caepio, to whom she had been contracted, and by whose means
					chiefly he had but a little before baffled Bibulus. After this new alliance, he
					began, upon any debates in the senate, to ask Pompey's opinion first, whereas he
					used before to give that distinction to Marcus Crassus; and it was the usual
					practice for the consul to observe throughout the year the method of consulting
					the senate which he had adopted on the calends (the first) of January.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="22" subtype="chapter"><p>Being, therefore, now supported by the interest of his father-in-law and
					son-in-law, of all the provinces he made choice of <placeName key="tgn,1000070">Gaul</placeName>, as most likely to furnish him with matter and occasion
					for triumphs. At first indeed he received only Cisalpine-<placeName key="tgn,1000070">Gaul</placeName>,<note anchored="true">Gaul was divided
						into two provinces, Transalpina, or Gallta Uterior, and Cisalpina, or
						Citerior. The Citerior, having nearly the same limits as <placeName key="tgn,7003237">Lombardy</placeName> in after times, was properly a
						part of <placeName key="tgn,1000080">Italy</placeName>, occupied by
						colonists from <placeName key="tgn,1000070">Gaul</placeName>, and, having
						the Rubicon, the ancient boundary of <placeName key="tgn,1000080">Italy</placeName>, on the south. It was also called Gallia Togata, from
						the use of the Roman toga; the inhabitants being, after the social war,
						admitted to the right of citizens. The Gallia Transalpina, or Ulterior, was
						called Comata, from the people wearing their hair long, while the Romans
						wore it short; and the southern part, afterwards called <placeName key="tgn,7012209">Narbonensis</placeName>, came to have the epithet
						Braccata, from the use of the braccae, which were no part of the Roman
						dress. Some writers suppose the braccae to have been breeches, but Aldus, in
						a short disquisition on the subject, affirms that they were a kind of upper
						dress. And this opinion seems to be countenanced by the name braccan being
						applied by the modern Celtic nations, the descendants of the Gallic Celts,
						to signify their upper garment, or plaid.</note> with the addition of
						<placeName key="tgn,7016683">Illyricum</placeName>, by a decree proposed by
					Vatinius to the people; but soon afterwards obtained from the senate
					Gallia-Comata also, the senators being apprehensive, that if they should refuse
					it to him, that province, also, would be granted him by the people. Elated now
					with his success, he could not refrain from boasting, a few days afterwards, in
					a full senate-house, that he had, in spite of his enemies, and to their great
					mortification, obtained all he desired, and that for the future he would make
					them, to their shame, submissive to his pleasure. One of the senators observing,
					sarcastically: "That will not be very easy for a woman<note anchored="true">.Alluding, probably, to certain scandals of a gross character which were
						rife against Caesar. See before, c. ii. (p. 2).</note> to do," he jocosely
					replied, "Semiramis formerly reigned in Assyria, and the Amazons possessed great
					part of <placeName key="tgn,1000004">Asia</placeName>."</p></div><div type="textpart" n="23" subtype="chapter"><p>When the term of his consulship had expired, upon a motion being made in the
					senate by Caius Memmius and Lucius Domitius, the praetors, respecting the
					transactions of the year past, he offered to refer himself to the house; but
					they declining the business, after three days spent in vain altercation, he set
					out for his province. Immediately, however, his quaestor was charged with
					several misdemeanors, for the purpose of implicating Caesar himself. Indeed, an
					accusation was soon after preferred against him by Lucius Antistius, tribune of
					the people; but by making an appeal to the tribune's colleagues, he succeeded in
					having the prosecution suspended during this absence in the service of the
					state. To secure himself, therefore, for the time to come, he was particularly
					careful to secure the good-will of the magistrates at the annual elections,
					assisting none of the candidates with his interest, nor suffering any persons to
					be advanced to any office, who would not positively undertake to defend him in
					his absence: for which purpose he made no scruple to require of some of them an
					oath, and even a written obligation.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="24" subtype="chapter"><p>But when Lucius Domitius became a candidate for the consulship, and openly
					threatened that, upon his being elected consul, he would effect that which he
					could not accomplish when he was praetor, and divest him of the command of the
					armies, he sent for Crassus and Pompey to <placeName key="tgn,7006076">Lucca</placeName>, a city in his province, and pressed them, for the
					purpose of disappointing Domitius, to sue again for the consulship, and to
					continue him in his command for five years longer: with both which requisitions
					they complied. Presumptuous now with his success, he added, at his own private
					charge, more legions to those which he had received from the republic; among the
					former of which was one levied in Transalpine Gaul, and called by a Gallic name,
						Alauda,<note anchored="true">So called from the feathers on their helmets,
						resembling the crest of a lark; Alauda, Fr. Alouette.</note> which he
					trained and armed in the Roman fashion, and afterwards conferred on it the
					freedom of the city. From this period he declined no occasion of war, however
					unjust and dangerous; attacking, without any provocation, as well the allies of
						<placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName> as the barbarous nations
					which were its enemies: insomuch, that the senate passed a decree for sending
					commissioners to examine into the condition of <placeName key="tgn,1000070">Gaul</placeName>; and some members even proposed that he should be
					delivered up to the enemy. But so great had been the success of his enterprises,
					that he had the honour of obtaining more days of supplication, <note anchored="true">Days appointed by the senate for public thanksgiving in the
						temples in the name of a victorious general, who had in the decrees the
						title of emperor, by which they were saluted by the legions. </note> and
					those more frequently, than had ever before been decreed to any commander.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="25" subtype="chapter"><p>During nine years in which he held the government of the province, his
					achievements were as follows: he reduced all <placeName key="tgn,1000070">Gaul</placeName>, bounded by the Pyrenean forest, the <placeName key="tgn,2066659">Alps</placeName>, mount Gebenna, and the two rivers, the
						<placeName key="tgn,7012611">Rhine</placeName> and the <placeName key="tgn,7023890">Rhone</placeName>, and being about three thousand two
					hundred miles in compass, into the form of a province, excepting only the
					nations in alliance with the republic, and such as had merited his favour;
					imposing upon this new acquisition an annual tribute of forty millions of
					sesterces. He was the first of the Romans who, crossing the <placeName key="tgn,7012611">Rhine</placeName> by a bridge, attacked the Germanic
					tribes inhabiting the country beyond that river, whom he defeated in several
					engagements. He also invaded the Britons, a people formerly unknown, and having
					vanquished them, exacted from them contributions and hostages. Amidst such a
					series of successes, he experienced thrice only any signal disaster; once in
						<placeName key="tgn,7008653">Britain</placeName>, when his fleet was nearly
					wrecked in a storm; in <placeName key="tgn,1000070">Gaul</placeName>, at
						<placeName key="tgn,6002232">Gergovia</placeName>, where one of his legions
					was put to the rout; and in the territory of the Germans, his lieutenants
					Titurius and Aurunculeius were cut off by an ambuscade. </p></div><div type="textpart" n="26" subtype="chapter"><p>During this period<note anchored="true">A. U. C. 702</note> he lost his
						mother,<note anchored="true">Aurelia</note> whose death was followed by that
					of his daughter,<note anchored="true">Julia, the wife of Pompey, who died in
						childbirth</note> and, not long afterwards, of his granddaughter. Meanwhile,
					the republic being in consternation at the murder of Publius Clodius, and the
					senate passing a vote that only one consul, namely, Cneius Pompeius, should be
					chosen for the ensuing year, he prevailed with the tribunes of the people, who
					intended joining him in nomination with Pompey, to propose to the people a bill,
					enabling him, though absent, to become a candidate for his second consulship,
					when the term of his command should be near expiring, that he might not be
					obliged on that account to quit his province too soon, and before the conclusion
					of the war. Having attained this object, carrying his views still higher, and
					animated with the hopes of success, he omitted no opportunity of gaining
					universal favour, by acts of liberality and kindness to individuals, both in
					public and private. With money raised from the spoils of the war, he began to
					construct a new forum, the ground-plot of which cost him above a hundred
					millions of sesterces.<note anchored="true">Conquest had so multiplied business
						at <placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName>, that the Roman forum
						became too little for transacting it, and could not be enlarged without
						clearing away the buildings with which it was surrounded. Hence the enormous
						sum which its site is said to have cost, amounting, it is calculated, to
						£807,291 sterling. It stood near the old forum, behind the temple of Romulus
						and Remus, but not a vestige of it remains.</note> He promised the people a
					public entertainment of gladiators, and a feast in memory of his daughter, such
					as no one before him had ever given. The more to raise their expectations on
					this occasion, although he had agreed with victuallers of all denominations for
					his feast, he made yet farther preparations in private houses. He issued an
					order, that the most celebrated gladiators, if at any time during the combat
					they incurred the displeasure of the public, should be immediately carried off
					by force, and reserved for some future occasion. Young gladiators he trained up,
					not in the school, and by the masters, of defence, but in the houses of Roman
					knights, and even senators, skilled in the use of arms, earnestly requesting
					them, as appears from his letters, to undertake the discipline of those
					novitiates, and to give them the word during their exercises. He doubled the pay
					of the legions in perpetuity; allowing them likewise corn, when it was in
					plenty, without any restriction; and sometimes distributing to every soldier in
					his army a slave, and a portion of land.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="27" subtype="chapter"><p>To maintain his alliance, and good understanding with Pompey, he offered him in
					marriage his sister's grand-daughter Octavia, who had been married to Caius
					Marcellus; and requested for himself his daughter, lately contracted to Faustus
					Sylla. Every person about him, and a great part likewise of the senate, he
					secured by loans of money at low interest, or none at all; and to all others who
					came to wait upon him, either by invitation or of their own accord, he made
					liberal presents; not neglecting even the freedmen and slaves, who were
					favourites with their masters and patrons. He offered also singular and ready
					aid to all who were under prosecution, or in debt, and to prodigal youths;
					excluding from his bounty those only who were so deeply plunged in guilt,
					poverty, or luxury, that it was impossible effectually to relieve them. These,
					he openly declared, could derive no benefit from any other means than a civil
					war.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="28" subtype="chapter"><p>He endeavoured with equal assiduity to engage in his interest princes and
					provinces in every part of the world: presenting some with thousands of
					captives, and sending to others the assistance of troops, at whatever time and
					place they desired, without any authority from either the senate or people of
						<placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName>. He likewise embellished with
					magnificent public buildings the most powerful cities not only of <placeName key="tgn,1000080">Italy</placeName>, <placeName key="tgn,1000070">Gaul</placeName>, and <placeName key="tgn,1000095">Spain</placeName>, but
					of <placeName key="tgn,1000074">Greece</placeName> and <placeName key="tgn,1000004">Asia</placeName>; until all people being now astonished,
					and speculating on the obvious tendency of these proceedings, Claudius
					Marcellus, the consul, declaring first by proclamation, that he intended to
					propose a measure of the utmost importance to the state, made a motion in the
					senate that some person should be appointed to succeed Caesar in his province,
					before the term of his command was expired; because the war being brought to a
					conclusion, peace was restored, and the victorious army ought to be disbanded.
					He further moved, that Caesar being absent, his claims to be a candidate at the
					next election of consuls, should not be admitted, as Pompey himself had
					afterwards abrogated that privilege by a decree of the people. The fact was,
					that Pompey, in his law relating to the choice of chief magistrates, had forgot
					to except Caesar, in the article in which he declared all such as were not
					present incapable of being candidates for any office; but soon afterwards, when
					the law was inscribed on brass, and deposited in the treasury, he corrected his
					mistake. Marcellus, not content with depriving Caesar of his provinces, and the
					privilege intended him by Pompey, likewise moved the senate, that the freedom of
					the city should be taken from those colonists whom, by the Vatinian law, he had
					settled at New Como;<note anchored="true"><placeName key="perseus,Comum">Comum</placeName> was a town of the Orobii, of ancient standing, and
						formerly powerful. Julius Csesar added to it five thousand new colonists;
						whence it was generally called Novocomum. But in time it recovered its
						ancient name, <placeName key="perseus,Comum">Comum</placeName>; Pliny the
						younger, who was a native of this place, calling it by no other name.
					</note> because it had been conferred upon them with ambitious views, and by a
					stretch of the laws.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="29" subtype="chapter"><p>Roused by these proceedings, and thinking, as he was often heard to say, that it
					would be a more difficult enterprise to reduce him, now that he was the chief
					man in the state, from the first rank of citizens to the second, than from the
					second to the lowest of all, Caesar made a vigorous opposition to the measure,
					partly by means of the tribunes, who interposed in his behalf, and partly
					through Servius Sulpicius, the other consul. The following year likewise, when
					Caius Marcellus, who succeeded his cousin Marcus in the consulship, pursued the
					same course, Caesar, by means of an immense bribe, engaged in his defence
					AEmilius Paulus, the other consul, and Caius Curio, the most violent of the
					tribunes. But finding the opposition obstinately bent against him, and that the
					consuls-elect were also of that party, he wrote a letter to the senate,
					requesting that they would not deprive him of the privilege kindly granted him
					by the people; or else that the other generals should resign the command of
					their armies as well as himself; fully persuaded, as it is thought, that he
					could more easily collect his veteran soldiers, whenever he pleased, than Pompey
					could his new-raised troops. At the same time, he made his adversaries an offer
					to disband eight of his legions and give up Transalpine-Gaul, on condition that
					he might retain two legions, with the Cisalpine province, or but one legion with
						<placeName key="tgn,7016683">Illyricum</placeName>, until he should be
					elected consul.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="30" subtype="chapter"><p>But as the senate declined to interpose in the business, and his enemies declared
					that they would enter into no compromise where the safety of the republic was at
					stake, he advanced into Hither-Gaul,<note anchored="true">A.U.C. 705.</note>
					and, having gone to the circuit for the administration of justice, made a halt
					at <placeName key="perseus,Ravenna">Ravenna</placeName>, resolved to have
					recourse to arms if the senate should proceed to extremity against the tribunes
					of the people who had espoused his cause. This was indeed his pretext for the
					civil war; but it is supposed that there were other motives for his conduct.
					Cneius Pompey used frequently to say, that he sought to throw every thing into
					confusion, because he was unable, with all his private wealth, to complete the
					works he had begun, and answer, at his return, the vast expectations which he
					had excited in the people. Others pretend that he was apprehensive of being
					called to account for what he had done in his protests of the tribunes; Marcus
					Cato having sometimes declared, and that, too, with an oath, that he would
					prefer an impeachment against him, as soon as he disbanded his ·army. A report
					likewise prevailed, that if he returned as a private person, he would, like
						<placeName key="tgn,1127168">Milo</placeName>, have to plead his cause
					before the judges, surrounded by armed men. This conjecture is rendered highly
					probable by Asinius Pollio, who informs us that Caesar, upon viewing the
					vanquished and slaughtered enemy in the field of Pharsalia, expressed himself in
					these very words: " This was their intention: I, Caius Caesar, after all the
					great achievements I had performed, must have been condemned, had I not summoned
					the army to my aid !" Some think, that having contracted from long habit an
					extraordinary love of power, and having weighed his own and his enemies'
					strength, he embraced that occasion of usurping the supreme power; which indeed
					he had coveted from the time of his youth. This seems to have been the opinion
					entertained by Cicero, who tells us, in the third book of his Offices, that
					Caesar used to have frequently in his mouth two verses of Euripides, which he
					thus translates: <quote xml:lang="lat"><l>Nam si violandum est jus, regnandi
							gratia</l><l>Violandum est: aiis rebus pietatem colas.</l></quote>
					<quote xml:lang="eng"><l>Be just, unless a kingdom tempts to break the laws,</l><l>For sovereign power alone can justify the cause.</l></quote>
					<note anchored="true"><cit><quote xml:lang="grc"><l>εἴπερ γὰρ ἀδικεῖν χρή, τυραννίδος</l><l>ἀδίκημα: τὰ δ' ἄλλα εὐσεβεῖν χρεώ</l></quote><bibl n="Eur. Phoen. 524">Eurip. Phoeniss. Act II,</bibl></cit> where
						Eteocles aspires to become the tyrant of <placeName key="perseus,Thebes">Thebes</placeName>. </note></p></div><div type="textpart" n="31" subtype="chapter"><p>When intelligence, therefore, was received, that the interposition of the
					tribunes in his favour had been utterly rejected, and that they themselves had
					fled from the city, he immediately sent forward some cohorts, but privately, to
					prevent any suspicion of his design; and, to keep up appearances, attended at a
					public spectacle, examined the model of a fencing-school which he proposed to
					build, and, as usual, sat down to table with a numerous party of his friends.
					But after sun-set, mules being put to his carriage from a neighbouring mill, he
					set forward on his journey with all possible privacy, and a small retinue. The
					lights going out, he lost his way, and wandered a long time, until at length, by
					the help of a guide, whom he found towards day-break, he proceeded on foot
					through some narrow paths, and again reached the road. Coming up with his troops
					on the banks of the Rubicon, which was the boundary of his province, <note anchored="true">Now the Pisatello; near <placeName key="tgn,7004929">Rimini</placeName>. There was a very ancient law of the republic,
						forbidding any general, returning from the wars, to cross the Rubicon with
						his troops under arms. </note> he halted for a while, and, revolving in his
					mind the importance of the step he was on the point of taking, he turned to
					those about him, and said: "We may still retreat: but if we pass this little
					bridge, nothing is left for us but to fight it out in arms."</p></div><div type="textpart" n="32" subtype="chapter"><p>While he was thus hesitating, the following incident occurred. A person
					remarkable for his noble mien and graceful aspect, appeared close at hand,
					sitting and playing upon a pipe. When, not only the shepherds, but a number of
					soldiers also flocked from their posts to listen to him, and some trumpeters
					among them, he snatched a trumpet from one of them, ran to the river with it,
					and sounding the advance with a piercing blast, crossed to the other side. Upon
					this, Caesar exclaimed, " Let us go where the omens of the Gods and the iniquity
					of our enemies call us. The die is now cast."</p></div><div type="textpart" n="33" subtype="chapter"><p>Accordingly, having marched his army over the river, he shewed them the tribunes
					of the people, who, upon their being driven from the city, had come to meet him;
					and, in the presence of that assembly, called upon the troops to pledge him
					their fidelity, with tears in his eyes, and his garment rent from his bosom. It
					has been supposed, that upon this occasion he promised to every soldier a
					knight's estate; but that opinion is founded on a mistake. For when, in his
					harangue to them, he frequently held out a finger of his left hand, <note anchored="true">The ring was worn on the finger next to the little finger of
						the left hand. </note> and declared, that to recompense those who should
					support him in the defence of his honor, he would willingly part even with his
					ring; the soldiers at a distance, who could more easily see than hear him while
					he spoke, formed their conception of what he said, by the eye, not by the ear;
					and accordingly gave out, that he had promised to each of them the privilege of
					wearing the gold ring, and an estate of four hundred thousand sesterces. <note anchored="true">Suetonius here accounts for the mistake of the soldiers with
						great probability. The class to which they imagined they were to be
						promoted, was that of the equites, or knights, who wore a gold ring, and
						were possessed of property to the amount stated in the text. Great as was
						the liberality of Caesar to his legions, the performance of this imaginary
						promise was beyond all reasonable expectation. </note></p></div><div type="textpart" n="34" subtype="chapter"><p>Of his subsequent proceedings I shall give a cursory detail, in the order in
					which they occurred. <note anchored="true">A.U.C. 70 </note> He took possession
					of Picenum, <placeName key="tgn,7003125">Umbria</placeName>, and Etruria; and
					having obliged Lucius Domitius, who had been tumultuously nominated his
					successor, and held Corsinium with a garrison, to surrender, and dismissed him,
					he marched along the coast of the Upper Sea, to <placeName key="perseus,Brundusium">Brundusium</placeName>, to which place the consuls
					and Pompey were fled with the intention of crossing the sea as soon as possible.
					After vain attempts, by all the obstacles he could oppose, to prevent their
					leaving the harbour, he turned his steps towards <placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName>, where he appealed to the senate on the present state of
					public affairs; and then set out for <placeName key="tgn,1000095">Spain</placeName>, in which province Pompey had a numerous army, under the
					command of three lieutenants, Marcus Petreius, Lucius Afranius, and Marcus
					Varro; declaring amongst his friends, before he set forward, "That he was going
					against an army without a general, and should return thence against ra general
					without an army." Though his progress was retarded both by the siege of
						<placeName key="tgn,7008781">Marseilles</placeName>, which shut her agates
					against him, and a very great scarcity of corn, yet in a short time he bore down
					all before him.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="35" subtype="chapter"><p>Thence he returned to <placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName>, and
					crossing the sea to <placeName key="tgn,7006667">Macedonia</placeName>, blocked
					up Pompey during almost four months, within a line of ramparts of prodigious
					extent; and at last defeated him in the battle of Pharsalia. Pursuing him in his
					flight to <placeName key="perseus,Alexandria">Alexandria</placeName>, where he
					was tinformed of his murder, he presently found himself also engaged, under all
					the disadvantages of time and place, in a very dangerous war, with king Ptolemy,
					who, he saw, had treacherous designs upon his life. It was winter, and he,
					within the walls of a well-provided and subtle enemy, was destitute of every
					thing, and wholly unprepared for such a conflict. He succeeded, however, in his
					enterprise, and put the kingdom of <placeName key="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> into the hands of Cleopatra and her younger brother;
					being afraid to make it a province, lest, under an aspiring prefect, it might
					become the centre of revolt. From <placeName key="perseus,Alexandria">Alexandria</placeName> he went into <placeName key="tgn,1000140">Syria</placeName>, and thence to <placeName key="tgn,7016619">Pontus</placeName>, induced by intelligence which he had received
					respecting Pharnaces. This prince, who was son of the great Mithridates, had
					seized the opportunity which the distraction of the times offered for making war
					upon his neighbours, and his insolence and fierceness had grown with his
					success. Caesar, however, within five days after entering his country, and four
					hours after coming in sight of him, overthrew him in one decisive battle. Upon
					which, he frequently remarked to those about him the good fortune of Pompey, who
					had obtained his military reputation, chiefly, by victory over so feeble an
					enemy. He afterwards defeated Scipio and Juba, who were rallying the remains of
					the party in <placeName key="tgn,7001242">Africa</placeName>, and Pompey's sons
					in <placeName key="tgn,1000095">Spain</placeName>.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="36" subtype="chapter"><p>During the whole course of the civil war, he never once suffered any defeat,
					except in the case of his lieutenants; of whom Caius Curio fell in <placeName key="tgn,7001242">Africa</placeName>, Caius Antonius was made prisoner in
						<placeName key="tgn,7016683">Illyricum</placeName>, Publius Dolabella lost a
					fleet in the same <placeName key="tgn,7016683">Illyricum</placeName>, and Cneius
					Domitius Calvinus, an army in <placeName key="tgn,7016619">Pontus</placeName>.
					In every encounter with the enemy where he himself commanded, he came off with
					complete success; nor was the issue ever doubtful, except on two occasions: once
					at <placeName key="tgn,7010750">Dyrrachium</placeName>, when, being obliged to
					give ground, and Pompey not pursuing his advantage, he said that "Pompey knew
					not how to conquer;" the other instance occurred in his last battle in
						<placeName key="tgn,1000095">Spain</placeName>, when, despairing of the
					event, he even had thoughts of killing himself.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="37" subtype="chapter"><p>For the victories obtained in the several wars, he triumphed five different
					times; after the defeat of Scipio four times in one month, each triumph
					succeeding the former by an interval of a few days; and once again after the
					conquest of Pompey's sons. His first and most glorious triumph was for the
					victories he gained in <placeName key="tgn,1000070">Gaul</placeName>; the next
					for that of <placeName key="perseus,Alexandria">Alexandria</placeName>, the
					third for the reduction of <placeName key="tgn,7016619">Pontus</placeName>, the
					fourth for his African victory, and the last for that in <placeName key="tgn,1000095">Spain</placeName>; and they all differed from each other
					in their varied pomp and pageantry. On the day of the Gallic triumph, as he was
					proceeding along the street called Velabrum, after narrowly escaping a fall from
					his chariot by the breaking of an axle-tree, he as cended the Capitol by
					torch-light, forty elephants<note anchored="true">Elephants were first
						introduced at <placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName> by Pompey the
						Great, in his African triumph.</note> carrying torches on his right and
					left. Amongst the pageantry of the Pontic triumph, a tablet with this
					inscription was carried before him: I CAME, I SAW, I CONQUERED;<note anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Veni, vidi, vici</foreign></note> not
					signifying, as other mottos on the like occasion, what was done, so much as the
					dispatch with which it was done.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="38" subtype="chapter"><p>To every foot soldier in his veteran legions, besides the two thousand sesterces
					paid him in the beginning of the civil war, he gave twenty thousand more, in the
					shape of prize-money. He likewise allotted them lands, but not in contiguity,
					that the former owners might not be entirely dispossessed. To the people of
						<placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName>, besides ten modii of corn,
					and as many pounds of oil, he gave three hundred sesterces a man, which he had
					formerly promised them, and a hundred more to each for the delay in fulfilling
					his engagement. He likewise remitted a year's rent due to the treasury, for such
					houses in <placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName> as did not pay above
					two thousand sesterces a year; and through the rest of <placeName key="tgn,1000080">Italy</placeName>, for all such as did not exceed in
					yearly rent five hundred sesterces. To all this he added a public entertainment,
					and a distribution of meat, and, after his Spanish victory,<note anchored="true">A.U.C. 708</note> two public dinners. For, considering the first he had
					given as too sparing, and unsuited to his profuse liberality, he, five days
					afterwards, added another, which was most plentiful.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="39" subtype="chapter"><p>The spectacles he exhibited to the people were of various kinds; namely. a combat
					of gladiators,<note anchored="true">Gladiators were first publicly exhibited at
							<placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName> by two brothers called
						Brufi, at the funeral of their father, A.U.C. 490; and for some time they
						were exhibited only on such occasions. But afterwards they were also
						employed by the magistrates, to entertain the people, particularly at the
						Saturnalia, and feasts of Minerva. These cruel spectacles were prohibited by
							<placeName key="tgn,7001315">Constantine</placeName>, but not entirely
						suppressed until the time of Honorius. </note> and stage-plays in the
					several wards of the city, and in different languages; likewise Circensian
					games, <note anchored="true">The Circensian games were shews exhibited in the
						Circus Maximus, and consisted of various kinds: first, chariot and
						horse-races, of which the Romans were extravagantly fond. The charioteers
						were distributed into four parties, distinguished by the colour of their
						dress. The spectators, without regarding the speed of the horses, or the
						skill of the men, were attracted merely by one or the other of the colours,
						as caprice inclined them. In the time of Justinian, no less than thirty
						thousand men lost their lives at <placeName key="tgn,7002473">Constantinople</placeName>, in a tumult raised by a contention amongst
						the partizans of the several colours. Secondly, contests of agility and
						strength; of which there were five kinds, hence called Pentathlum. These
						were, running, leaping, boxing, wrestling, and throwing the discus or quoit.
						Thirdly, Ludus Trojae, a mock-fight, performed by young noblemen on
						horseback, revived by Julius Caesar, and frequently celebrated by the
						succeeding emperors. We meet with a description of it in the fifth book of
						the <title>Aeneid</title>, beginning with the following lines: <cit><quote xml:lang="lat"><l>Incedunt pueri, pariterque ante ora parentum</l><l>Frenatis lucent in equis: quos omnis euntes</l><l>Trinacriae mirata fremit Trojaeque juventus.</l></quote><bibl n="Verg. A. 5.553">Aen. 5.553-555</bibl></cit> Fourthly, <foreign xml:lang="lat">Venatio</foreign>, which was the fighting of wild beasts
						with one another, or with men called <foreign xml:lang="lat">Bestarii</foreign>, who were either forced to the combat by way of
						punishment, as the primitive Christians were, or fought voluntarily, either
						from a natural ferocity of disposition, or induced by hire. An incredible
						number of animals of various kinds were brought from all quarters, at a
						prodigious expense, for the entertainment of the people. Pompey, in his
						second consulship, exhibited at once five hundred lions, which were all
						dispatched in five days; also eighteen elephants. Fifthly, the
						representation of a horse and foot battle, with that of an encampment or a
						siege. Sixthly, the representation of a sea-fight (Naumachia), which was at
						first made in the Circus Maximus, but afterwards elsewhere. The combatants
						were usually captives or condemned malefactors, who fought to death, unless
						saved by the clemency of the emperor. If any thing unlucky happened at the
						games, they were renewed, and often more than once. </note> wrestlers, and
					the representation of a sea-fight. In the conflict of gladiators presented in
					the Forum, Furius Leptinus, a man of praetorian family, entered the lists as a
					combatant, as did also Quintus Calpenus, formerly a senator, and a pleader of
					causes. The Pyrrhic dance was performed by some youths, who were sons to persons
					ol the first distinction in <placeName key="tgn,1000004">Asia</placeName> and
						<placeName key="tgn,7016608">Bithynia</placeName>. In the plays, Decimus
					Laberius, who had been a Roman knight, acted in his own piece; and being
					presented on the spot with five hundred thousand sesterces, and a gold ring, he
					went from the stage, through the orchestra, and resumed his place in the seats
					allotted for the equestrian order. In the Circensian games, the circus being
					enlarged at each end, and a canal sunk round it, several of the young nobility
					drove chariots, drawn, some by four, and others by two horses, and likewise rode
					races on single horses. The Trojan game was acted by two distinct companies of
					boys, one differing from the other in age and rank. The hunting of wild beasts
					was presented for five days successively; and on the last day a battle was
					fought by five hundred foot, twenty elephants, and thirty horse on each side. To
					afford room for this engagement, the goals were removed, and in their space two
					camps were pitched, directly opposite to each other. Wrestlers likewise
					performed for three days successively, in a stadium provided for the purpose in
					the <placeName key="tgn,7006964">Campus Martius</placeName>. A lake having, been
					dug in the little Codeta, <note anchored="true">A meadow beyond the <placeName key="tgn,1130786">Tiber</placeName>, in which an excavation was made,
						supplied with water from the river. </note> ships of the Tyrian and Egyptian
					fleets, containing two, three, and four banks of oars, with a number of men on
					board, afforded an animated representation of a sea-fight. To these various
					diversions there flocked such crowds of spectators from all parts, that most of
					the strangers were obliged to lodge in tents erected in the streets, or along
					the roads near the city. Several in the throng were squeezed to death, amongst
					whom were two senators.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="40" subtype="chapter"><p>Turning afterwards his attention to the regulation of the commonwealth, he
					corrected the calendar, <note anchored="true">Julius Caesar was assisted by
						Sosigenes, an Egyptian philosopher, in correcting the calendar. For this
						purpose he introduced an additional day every fourth year, making February
						to consist of twenty-nine days instead of twenty-eight, and, of course, the
						whole year to consist of three hundred and sixty-six days. The fourth year
						was denominated Bissextile, or leap year, because the sixth day before the
						calends, or first of March, was reckoned twice. The Julian year was
						introduced throughout the Roman empire, and continued in general use till
						the year <date when="1582">1582</date>. But the true correction was not six
						hours, but five hours, forty-nine minutes; hence the addition was too great
						by eleven minutes. This small fraction would amount in one hundred years to
						three-fourths of a day, and in a thousand years to more than seven days. It
						had, in fact, amounted, since the Julian correction, in <date when="1582">1582</date>, to more than seven days. Pope Gregory XIII., therefore,
						again reformed the calendar, first bringing forward the year ten days, by
						reckoning the 5th of October the 15th, and then prescribing the rule which
						has gradually been adopted throughout Christendom, except in <placeName key="tgn,7002435">Russia</placeName>, and the Greek church generally.
					</note> which had for some time become extremely confused, through the
					unwarrantable liberty which the pontiffs had taken in the article of
					intercalation. To such a height had this abuse proceeded, that neither the
					festivals designed for the harvest fell in summer, nor those for the vintage in
					autumn. He accommodated the year to the course of the sun, ordaining that in
					future it should consist of three hundred and sixty-five days without any
					intercalary month; and that every fourth year an intercalary day should be
					inserted. That the year might thenceforth commence regularly with the calends,
					or first of January, he inserted two months between November and December; so
					that the year in which this regulation was made consisted of fifteen months,
					including the month of intercalation. which, according to the division of time
					then in use, happened that year.</p></div></div></body></text></TEI>
                </passage>
            </reply>
            </GetPassage>