Wherefore, O conscript fathers, consult the welfare of yourselves, provide for that of the
republic; preserve yourselves, your wives, your children, and your fortunes; defend the name
and safety of the Roman people; cease to spare me, and to think of me. For, in the first place,
I ought to hope that all the gods who preside over this city will show me gratitude in
proportion as I deserve it; and in the second place, if anything does happen to me, I shall
fall with a contented and prepared mind; and, indeed, death cannot be disgraceful to a brave
man, nor premature to one of consular rank, nor miserable to a wise man. Not that I am a man of
so iron a disposition as not to be moved by the grief of a most dear and affectionate brother
now present, and by the tears of all these men by whom you now see me surrounded. Nor does my
fainting wife, my daughter prostrate with fear, and my little son whom the republic seems to me
to embrace as a sort of hostage for my consulship, the son-in-law who, awaiting the end of that
day, is now standing in my sight, fail often to recall my mind to my home. I am moved by all
these circumstances, but in such a direction as to wish that they all may be safe together with
you, even if some violence overwhelms me, rather than that both they and are should perish
together with the republic.
Wherefore, O conscript fathers, attend to the safety of the
republic; look round upon all the storms which are impending, unless you guard against them. It
is not Tiberius Gracchus, who wished to be made a second time a tribune of the people; it is
not Caius Gracchus, who endeavoured to excite the partisans of the agrarian law;
it is not Lucius Saturninus, who slew Memmius, who is now in some danger, who is now brought
before the tribunal of your severity. They are now in your hands who withstood all Rome, with
the object of bringing conflagration on the whole city, massacre on all of you, and of
receiving Catiline; their letters are in your possession, their seals, their handwriting, and
the confession of each individual of them; the Allobroges are tampered with, the slaves are
excited, Catiline is sent for; the design is actually begun to be put in execution, that all
should be put to death, so that no one should be left even to mourn the name of the republic,
and to lament over the downfall of so mighty a dominion.
All these things the witnesses have informed you of; the prisoners have confessed, you by
many judgments have already decided; first, because you have thanked me in unprecedented
language, and have passed a vote that the conspiracy of abandoned men has been laid open by my
virtue and diligence; secondly, because you have compelled Publius Lentulus to abdicate the
praetorship; again, because you have voted that he and the others about whom you have decided
should be given into custody; and above all because you have decreed a supplication in my name,
an honour which has never been paid to any one before acting in a civil capacity; last of all
because yesterday you gave most ample rewards to the ambassadors of the Allobroges and to Titus
Vulturcius; all which acts are such that they, who have been given into custody by name,
without any doubt seem already condemned by you.
But I have determined to refer the business to you as a fresh matter, O conscript fathers,
both as to the fact, what you think of it and as to the punishment, what you vote. I will state
what it behoves the consul to state. I have seen for a long time great madness existing in the
republic, and new designs being formed, and evil passions being stirred up; but I never thought
that so great, so destructive a conspiracy as this was being meditated by citizens. Now to
whatever point your minds and opinions incline, you must decide before night. You see how great
a crime has been made known to you; if you think that but few are implicated in it you are
greatly mistaken; this evil has spread wider than you think; it has spread not only throughout
Italy, but it has even crossed the Alps, and creeping stealthily on, it has already occupied
many of the provinces; it can by no means be crushed by tolerating it, and by temporising with
it; however you determine on chastising it, you must act with promptitude.
I see that as yet there are two opinions. One that of Decius Silanus, who thinks that those
who have endeavoured to destroy all these things should be punished with death the other, that
of Caius Caesar, who objects to the punishment of death, but adopts the most extreme severity
of all other punishment. Each acts in a manner suitable to his own dignity and to the magnitude
of the business with the greatest severity. The one thinks that it is not right that those, who
have attempted to deprive all or us and the while Roman people of life, to destroy the empire,
to extinguish the name of the Roman people, should enjoy life and the breath of heaven common
to us all, for one moment; and he remembers that this sort of punishment has often been
employed against worthless citizens in this republic. The other feels that death was not
appointed by the immortal gods for the sake of punishment, but that it is either a necessity of
nature, or a rest from toils and miseries; therefore wise men have never met it unwillingly,
brave men have often encountered it even voluntarily. But imprisonment and that too perpetual,
was certainly invented for the extraordinary punishment of nefarious wickedness; therefore he
proposes that they should be distributed among the municipal towns. This proposition seems to
have in it injustice if you command; it difficulty if you request it.
Let it, however, be so decreed if you like. For I will undertake, and, as I hope, I shall
find one who will not think it suitable to his dignity to refuse what you decide on for the
sake of the universal safety. He imposes besides a severe punishment on the burgesses of the
municipal town if any of the prisoners escape; he surrounds them with the most terrible guard,
and with everything worthy of the wickedness of abandoned men. And he proposes to establish a
decree that no one shall be able to alleviate the punishment of those whom he is condemning by
a vote of either the senate or the people. He takes away even hope, which alone can comfort men
in their miseries; besides this, he votes that their goods should be confiscated; he leaves
life alone to these infamous men, and if he had taken that away; he would have
relieved them by one pang of many tortures of mind and body, and of all the punishment of their
crimes. Therefore, that there might be some dread in life to the wicked, men of old have
believed that there were some punishments of that sort appointed for the wicked in the shades
below; because in truth they perceived that if this were taken away death itself would not be
terrible.
Now, O conscript fathers, I see what is my interest; if you follow the opinion of Caius
Caesar, (since he has adopted this path in the republic which is accounted the popular one,)
perhaps since he is the author and promoter of this opinion, the popular violence will be less
to be dreaded by me; if you adopt the other opinion, I know not whether I am not likely to have
more trouble; but still let the advantage of the republic outweigh the consideration of my
danger. For we have from Caius Caesar, as his own dignity and as the illustrious character of
his ancestors demanded, a vote as a hostage of his lasting good-will to the republic; it has
been clearly seen how great is the difference between the lenity of demagogues, and a
disposition really attached to the interests of the people.
I see that of those men who wish to be considered attached to the people one man is absent,
that they may not seem forsooth to give a vote about the lives of Roman citizens. He only three
days ago gave Roman citizens into custody, and decreed me a supplication, and voted most
magnificent rewards to the witnesses only yesterday. It is not now doubtful to any one what he,
who voted for the imprisonment of the criminals, congratulation to him who had detected them,
and rewards to those who had proved the crime, thinks of the whole matter, and of the cause.
But Caius Caesar considers that the Sempronian The Sempronian law was
proposed by Caius Gracchus, B.C. 123, and enacted that the people
only should decide respecting the life or civil condition of a citizen. It is alluded to also
in the oration Pro Rabir. c. 4, where Cicero says, “Caius
Gracchus passed a law that no decision should be come to about the life of a Roman citizen
without your command,” speaking to the Quirites. law
was passed about Roman citizens, but that he who is an enemy of the republic can by no means be
a citizen; and moreover that the very proposer of the Sempronian law suffered punishment by the
command of the people. He also denies that Lentulus, a briber and a spendthrift, after he has
formed such cruel and bitter plans about the destruction of the Roman people and the ruin of
this city, can be called a friend of the people. Therefore this most gentle and merciful man
does not hesitate to commit Publius Lentulus to eternal darkness and imprisonment, and
establishes a law to all posterity that no one shall be able to boast of alleviating his
punishment or hereafter to appear a friend of the people to the destruction of the Roman
people. He adds also the confiscation of their goods, so that want also and beggary may be
added to all the torments of mind and body.
Wherefore, if you decide on this you give me a companion in my address, dear and acceptable
to the Roman people; or if you prefer to adopt the opinion of Silanus, you will easily defend
me and yourselves from the reproach of cruelty, and I will prevail that it shall be much
lighter. Although, O conscript fathers, what cruelty can there be in chastising the enormity of
such excessive wickedness? For I decide from my own feeling. For so may I be allowed; to enjoy
the republic in safety in your company, as I am not moved to be somewhat vehement in this cause
by any severity of disposition, (for who is more merciful than I am?) but rather by a singular
humanity and mercifulness. For I seem to myself to see this city, the light of the world and
the citadel of all nations, falling on a sudden by one conflagration. I see in my mind's eye
miserable and unburied heaps of cities in my buried country; the sight of Cethegus and his
madness raging amid your slaughter is ever present to my sight.
But when I have set before myself Lentulus reigning, as he himself confesses
that he had hoped was his destiny, and this Gabinius arrayed in the purple and Catiline arrived
with his army, then I shudder at the lamentation of matrons, and the flight of virgins and of
boys and the insults of the vestal virgins; and because these things appear to me exceedingly
miserable and pitiable, therefore I show myself severe and rigorous to those who have wished to
bring about this state of things. I ask, forsooth, if any father of a family, supposing his
children had been slain by a slave, his wife murdered, his house burnt, were not to inflict on
his slaves the severest possible punishment would he appear clement and merciful or most
inhuman and cruel? To me he would seem unnatural and hard-hearted who did not soothe his own
pain and anguish by the pain and torture of the criminal. And so we, in the case
of these men who desired to murder us, and our wives, and our children,—who endeavoured to
destroy the houses of every individual among us, and also the republic, the home of all,—who
designed to place the nation of the Allobroges on the relics of this city, and on the ashes of
the empire destroyed by fire;—if we are very rigorous, we shall be considered merciful; if we
choose to be lax, we must endure the character of the greatest cruelty, to the damage of our
country and our fellow-citizens.
Unless, indeed, Lucius The
brother-in-law of Lucius Caesar was Marcus Fulvius, whose death, at the command of Opimius the
consul, is referred to at Cat. 2. chap1. He sent his son to
the consul to treat for his surrender, whom Opimius sent back the first time, and forbade to
return to him; when he did return, he put him to death. Caesar, a thoroughly brave man
and of the best disposition towards the republic, seemed to any one to be too cruel three, days
ago, when he said that the husband of his own sister, a most excellent woman, (in his presence
and in his hearing,) ought to be deprived of life,— when he said that his grandfather had been
put to death by command of the consul and his youthful son, sent as an ambassador by his
father, had been put to death in prison. And what deed had they done like these men? had they
formed any plan for destroying the republic? At that time great corruption was rife in the
republic, and there was the greatest strife between parties. And, at that time, the grandfather
of this Lentulus, a most illustrious man, put on his armour and pursued Gracchus; he even
received a severe wound that there might be no diminution of the great dignity of the republic.
But this man, his grandson, invited the Gauls to overthrow the foundations of the republic; he
stirred up the slaves, he summoned Catiline, he distributed us to Cethegus to be massacred, and
the rest of the citizens to Gabinius to be assassinated, the city he allotted to Cassius to
burn, and the plundering and devastating of all Italy he assigned to Catiline. You fear, I
think, lest in the case of such unheard of and abominable wickedness you should seem to decide
anything with too great severity; when we ought much more to fear lest by being remiss in
punishing we should appear cruel to our country, rather than appear by the severity of our
irritation too rigorous to its most bitter enemies.