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                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:lang="eng"><body><div n="urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0007.tlg126.perseus-eng3" type="translation" xml:lang="eng"><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="intro"><head rend="center">INTRODUCTION</head><p rend="indent"><label>1.</label> The authenticity of this dialogue has sometimes been questioned but without any plausible reason.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> S. Günther, quoted by <bibl><author>M. Adler</author>, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Diss. Phil. Vind.</title> x (1910), p. 87</bibl>, and <bibl><author>R. Pixis</author>, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Kepler als Geograph</title>, p. 105</bibl>. Wilamowitz (<title xml:lang="lat" rend="italic">Commentariolum Grammaticum</title>, iii, pp. 27-28) suggested that the dialogue was published under the name of Lamprias; and this notion that Lamprias was in some sense either the real or the reputed author was adopted by Christ in the third edition of his <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur</title> (1898), p. 662, and by Hirzel (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">r Dialog</title>, ii, p. 185).</note> On the other hand, despite statements to the contrary, it is certainly mutilated at the beginning,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Mutilation was assumed by Xylander, Kepler, and Dübner and has been reasserted by Pohlenz (<title rend="italic">B.P.W.</title> xxxii [1912], pp. 649-650), von Arnim (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Plutarch über Dämonen und Mantik</title>, p. 38), Raingeard (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="fre">Le <foreign xml:lang="grc">ΠΕΡΙ ΤΟΥ ΠΡΟΣΟΠΟΥ</foreign> de Plutarque</title>, pp. 49-50 on 920 B 1), and K. Ziegler (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Plutarchos von Chaironeia</title>, 214). It was denied by Wilamowitz (<foreign xml:lang="lat">loc. cit.</foreign>), Hirzel (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">r Dialog</title>, ii, p. 186, n. 6), and M. Adler (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Diss. Phil. Vind.</title> x, pp. 88-89). Wyttenbach contended that <q>either nothing or no great part</q> had perished.</note> although one cannot tell whether much or little has been lost; this follows not merely from the abruptness of the opening as we have it, the lack of any kind of introduction, and the failure to identify the main speaker until two-thirds of the dialogue have been <pb xml:id="v12.p.3"/> finished, but even more surely from the nature of the text in the opening sentences .<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Those who have defended <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὁ μὲν οὖν Σύλλας</foreign> <q xml:lang="grc">ταῦτ</q> <foreign xml:lang="grc">εἶρε</foreign> <q xml:lang="grc">τῷ γ’ ἐμῷ μύθῳ προσήκει</q> <foreign xml:lang="grc">κτλ.</foreign> as a possible opening apparently were unaware that the reading of E is <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ὀαυνοσυλλας ταῦτα εἰρε. τῷ γὰρ ἐμῷ μύθῳ προσήκει κτλ..</foreign> and that B’s <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὁ μὲν οῦν Σύλλας</foreign> is in all probability a conjecture made by the scribe of that MS. This being so, it is unjustifiable to <q>emend</q> the <foreign xml:lang="grc">γὰρ</foreign> of <foreign xml:lang="grc">τῷ γὰρ ἐμῷ μύθῳ</foreign>, the reading of both E and B; and, if this <foreign xml:lang="grc">γὰρ</foreign> stands, it is certain that our MSS. do not preserve the beginning of the dialogue. The next sentence, <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀλλ εἰ δεῖ τι <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>προσανακροῦσαθαι, πρῦτον ἡδέως ἄν μοι δοκῶ πυθέσθαι</foreign>, which Wyttenbach needlessly <q>emended,</q> implies that some introduction of Sulla and his myth preceded the present beginning; and 937 C (<foreign xml:lang="grc"><gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>Σύλλαν <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>οἷον ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς ἀκροατὴν γεγενημένον</foreign>) suggests what the nature of this introduction may have been. Even the tense of <foreign xml:lang="grc">τί δ’ οὐκ ἐμέλλομεν</foreign> implies some preceding reference to an earlier conversation or a conversation itself interrupted by the arrival of Sulla.</note> </p><p rend="indent"><label>2.</label> In the dialogue as it stands the first speaker is Sulla. His chief function is to recount the myth which he mentions in the first extant words and which occupies the final fifth of the work; but he interrupts the dialogue proper at 929 E 930 A to ask whether a certain difficulty was treated in the discussion which Lucius is reporting. He is a Carthaginian (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 942 C), presumably the Sextius Sulla cited by Plutarch in his <title rend="italic">Romulus</title>, chap. 15 (26 C), and the same as the Carthaginian Sulla who gave a dinner for Plutarch in Rome (<bibl><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv.</title> 727 B</bibl>). He is probably the Sulla who appears as the interlocutor of Fundanus in the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Cohibenda Ira</title> (note b, 453 A) but probably not the same as the Sulla of <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv.</title> 636 A (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ὁ ἑταῖρος</foreign>) and 650 A (one of <foreign xml:lang="grc">τῶν συνήθων</foreign>).</p><p>The second speaker, at once the narrator of the whole conversation and the leader of the dialogue <pb xml:id="v12.p.4"/> proper, is Lamprias,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">His name is not mentioned until 937 D. There at the beginning of a section which serves as the transition from the main or <q>scientific</q> part of the dialogue to the myth Theon calls Lamprias by name, as Sulla does also at the beginning of his myth (940 F) and at the end of it (945 D). It is probable that in the lost beginning of the work Lamprias was similarly identified.</note> who is also the narrator of the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu Oraculorum</title> (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 413 D), a dialogue in which he plays the leading role.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Flaceliére, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="fre">Plutarque: Sur la Disparition des Oracles</title> (Paris, 1947), pp. 19-22.</note> In the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> E apud Delphos</title>, where Lamprias appears with Plutarch, Plutarch calls him brother (385 D); and he is frequently identified as Plutarchs brother in the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv.</title> (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 635 A, 726 D - E, 744 C [with 745 A], and possibly 626 A). He is characterized as a wit and a tease (726 D - E, 740 A), one accustomed to speak out in a loud voice (617 E-F), and capable of inventing a story as evidence to support his argument (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> E</title> 386 A); he is an expert in culinary matters (643 E, 669 C, 670 E) and in the dance (747 B) and shrinks from appearing as a kill-joy to younger men (704 E). He is made to emphasize his close relations with a Cynic (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu Oraculorum</title>, 413 B); but he is no Cynic himself, and he is mortified to think that he might be supposed to have used his skill in argument to discredit any pious belief (435 E). He is said to honour the school of Aristotle above that of Epicurus (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest Conviv.</title> 635 A - B); but he does not hesitate to disagree with Aristotle in the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu Oraculorum</title> (424 C ff.) and to espouse against him the doctrine of the Academy (430 E ff.). In the De Facie he is a vehement critic of Stoic doctrine and a supporter of the Academic position (cf 922 F). Lamprias bore the name of his grandfather; but this <pb xml:id="v12.p.5"/> does not prove, as has sometimes been asserted, that he was older than his brothers, Plutarch and Timon. <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu Oraculorum</title>, 431 C - D, has been thought to show that he was a priest of the oracle in Lebadeia,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Hirzel, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">r Dialog</title>, ii, p. 189, n. 3; Flaceliére, <foreign xml:lang="lat">Op. cit.</foreign> p. 251, n. 233; Ziegler, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Plutarchos von Chaironeia</title>, 10. </note> though this is not a necessary implication of that passage; and a Delphic inscription proves him to have been an archon at Delphi towards the end of Trajan’s reign or in the beginning of Hadrian’s. <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Dittenberger, <title rend="italic">S. I. G.</title> ii. 868 C, n. 6; Stein, <title rend="italic">R. E.</title> xii. 1. 586, <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign> <foreign xml:lang="grc">Λαμπρίας</foreign> 4.</note></p><p rend="indent">Apollonides, the third speaker, is at once identified as expert in geometry (920 F), and Lamprias indicates that the scope and limitations of his specialty coincide with those of Hipparchus, the great astronomer (921 d, <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 925 A). He puts forward objections to Lamprias’s explanation of the <q>face</q> based upon astronomical terminology and calculations (933 f, 935 d-e). An Apollonides appears at Quaest Conviv. 650 F along with Sulla; but he is called o( taktiko\s *)apollwni/dhs, and there is no compelling reason to identify the two.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Ziegler (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Plutarchos von Chaironeia</title>, 34) says that the sentence at 927 B, <foreign xml:lang="grc">οὐ γὰρ ἐν στρατορέδῳ τακτικῶν ὄφελος κτλ.</foreign>, is spoken <q>obviously with reference to the interlocutor Apollonides</q>; but this is pretty obviously not true. Lamprias is not here speaking in answer to Apollonides; and his subsequent words, <foreign xml:lang="grc">οὐδὲ κηρουρῶν οὐδ’ οἰκοδόμων</foreign>, certainly have reference to none of the present company. These are in fact stock examples of the argument from design.</note> Prickard may well be right in saying that the name Apollonides here was used by Plutarch to mean <q>one of the clan of Apollonius,</q> <foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> a mathematician who, like Apollonius,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Apollonius of Perga; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Hultsch, <title rend="italic">R. E.</title> ii. 151-160.</note> is interested in astronomical theory.</p><pb xml:id="v12.p.6"/><p>Certainly Aristotle, who puts forward the orthodox Peripatetic theory of the heavenly bodies (928 E ff.), is only a name chosen by Plutarch to signify the school that he represents (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 920 F), even as the representative Epicurean in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Sera Numinis Vindicta</title> is called Epicurus.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">There is no reason to change <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἐπίκουρος</foreign> of the MSS. in 548 A to <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἐπικούρειος</foreign>, as Fabricius did. <q>Aristotle</q> here supports <q>Epicurus</q> there.</note></p><p rend="indent">The Stoic position is represented by Pharnaces. This name was borne by the son of Mithridates, of whom Plutarch tells in the Lives of Pompey and Caesar, as well as by several notable Persians mentioned by Herodotus and Thucydides<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">There was also a city in Pontus named Pharnaceia (<bibl><title rend="italic">Lucullus</title>, 17 [502 F]</bibl>).</note>; and Plutarch probably chose it for his Stoic because of its Asiatic sound.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Hirzel (Der Dialog, ii, p. 186, n. 4) says that Pharnaces is certainly a former slave, one who had shared the fate and sentiments of Epictetus. This, of course, is the merest fancy; not all Asiatics, not even all in Rome at this time, had been slaves. For Athenians named Pharnaces <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic">I. G.</title> ii². 1039. 84 and 202. 55.</note></p><p rend="indent">After the role of Lamprias the largest in the dialogue proper is that of Lucius, who is probably the same as <q>Lucius, the pupil of Moderatus the Pythagorean, from Etruria,</q> a guest at the dinner which Sulla gave for Plutarch in Rome (<bibl><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv</title> viii. 7-8 [727 B ff., 728 D ff.]</bibl>).<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Another Lucius, the son of Florus, appears in <bibl><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv</title> vii. 4 [702 F]</bibl>; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <bibl>Ziegler, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Plutarchos von Chaironeia</title>, 55</bibl>.</note> Early in the dialogue (921 F) Lamprias turns to Lucius for aid; he seems to think it appropriate that Lucius should set forth the strict <q>demonstration</q> of the Academic theory concerning <pb xml:id="v12.p.7"/> the moon (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 928 D - E); and in fact the statement and defence of this position are shared by the two of them.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">It is Lucius who demands that the Stoic theory should not be passed over without refutation (921 F). It is he who replies when Pharnaces complains of Lamprias’s violent treatment of the Stoics (922 F). His speeches extend from 922 F to 923 F, where Lamprias takes over to give him time to collect his thoughts, from 928 F to 929 E, from 930 A to 931 C, and from 931 D to 933 E.</note></p><p rend="indent">Theon, whom Lamprias asks to identify a quotation (923 F) and whom he later teases for admiring Aristarchus to the neglect of Crates (938 D), is recognized as the literary authority in the group (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 931 E, 940 A). He is probably to be identified with <foreign xml:lang="grc">Θέων ὁ γραμμοτικός</foreign>, who was a guest at Sulla’s dinner along with Lucius (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv</title> 728 F) and who also dined with Plutarch at the house of Mestrius Florus (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv</title> 626 E).<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">This Theon, whose home was Egypt (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 939 C - D), is certainly not the same as <foreign xml:lang="grc">Θέων ὁ ἑταῖρος</foreign> (<bibl><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv</title> 620 A</bibl>, <bibl><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> E</title>, 386 D</bibl>), who is probably the Theon of <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Pythiae Oraculis, Non Posse Suaviter Vivi</title>, and <bibl><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv</title> 667 A</bibl> and <bibl>726 A ff</bibl>.</note> In the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title> his chief contribution is a speech (937 D 938 C) which he makes after the main part of the dialogue has been concluded and which Lamprias praises as a kind of relaxation after the seriousness of the scientific discussion.</p><p>The last of the persons present is Menelaus the mathematician. Lucius addresses him directly once (930 A), but Menelaus makes no reply and neither speaks nor is spoken to elsewhere in the dialogue as we have it,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Unless the plural <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὑμῖν</foreign> used twice by Lamprias at 939 C - D is meant to include Menelaus as well as Theon; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> note a on p. 170 <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>.</note> He is not mentioned anywhere else by Plutarch either; but he is probably meant to be the Menelaus of Alexandria whom Ptolemy once calls <pb xml:id="v12.p.8"/> <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὁ γεωμέτρης</foreign> and twice cites for astronomical observations which he made at Rome in the first year of Trajan (A.D. 98).<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><bibl><author>Ptolemy</author>, <title rend="italic">Syntaxis</title>, vii. 3</bibl> (ii, p. 30. 18 ff. and p. 33. 3 ff. ([Heiberg]); <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Orinsky, <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.n.</foreign> <q>Menelaos</q> 16 in <bibl><author>Pauly-Wissosa</author>, <title rend="italic">R. E.</title> xv. 1. 834 f</bibl>.</note> </p><p rend="indent"><label>3.</label> From 937 C - D it follows that the interlocutors have hitherto been promenading as they talked and that now they sit down upon the steps, seats, or benches (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐπὶ τῶν βάθρων</foreign>) and remain seated to the end. No other indication of the scene or location is given in the work as we have it. It had generally been assumed that the dialogue was meant to take place in Chaeronea<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Hirzel, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">r Dialog</title>, ii, p. 184, n. 1, who discusses and rejects the suggestion that the scene is Delphi. Raingeard in his note on 939 C (p. 129 of his commentary) says that <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὥσπερ ἄνω περὶ Θήβας</foreign> there would allow the inference that the speakers are on the coast of Egypt. No such inference is justified by this phrase, of course; in fact, the preceding <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὕλην δὲ καὶ καρποὺς αὐτοῦ</foreign> (or <foreign xml:lang="grc">αὐτόθι</foreign>, as Raingeard conjectures) <foreign xml:lang="grc">μὲν ὄμβροι τρέφουσιν</foreign> and the subsequent <foreign xml:lang="grc">παρ’ ὑμῖν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ</foreign> (939 D 1) show that the scene of the dialogue is not anywhere in Egypt.</note>; but nothing in the text requires this, and F. H. Sandbach has adduced strong arguments for believing that the dramatic location is Rome or the vicinity of Rome.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">F. H. Sandbach, <q>The Date of the Eclipse in Plutarch’s De Facie</q> <title rend="italic">Class. Quart.</title> xxiii (1929), pp. 15-16; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Ziegler, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Plutarchos von Chaironeia</title>, 73-74. I am indebted to Mr. Sandbach for sending me, along with copies of his publications, many of his unpublished opinions concerning points in the De Facie and copies of his correspondence with J. K. Fotheringham occasioned by the publication of the article cited above.</note> The persons in the dialogue furnish one of these arguments. Apollonides, Aristotle, and Pharnaces occur nowhere else in Plutarch’s writings and are probably all fictitious <pb xml:id="v12.p.9"/> characters. Plutarch nowhere else mentions Menelaus the mathematician either, but we know that Menelaus spent some time in Rome (see note a, p. 8). Sulla, Lucius, and Theon all appear together at a dinner given for Plutarch when he had returned to Rome after an interval of absence (<title xml:lang="lat" rend="italic">Quaest Conviv.</title> viii. 7-8); and none of these three is ever mentioned as being anywhere but in Rome or its vicinity (see § 2, <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>). Lamprias alone belongs to Plutarch’s circle at Chaeronea; but it is by no means certain that he did not visit Rome as Plutarch did, though there seems to be no definite evidence either way.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Lamprias at least pretends to be conversant with Latin (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv</title> 726 E ff.). On Plutarch’s visits to Rome <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Ziegler, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Plutarchos von Chaironeia</title>, 19-20.</note></p><p rend="indent">The other argument for the dramatic location is connected with the question of the dramatic date of the dialogue. At 931 d-e Lucius refers to a recent total solar eclipse, saying: <q>if you will call to mind this conjunction recently which, beginning just after noonday, made many stars shine out from many parts of the sky <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/></q><note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="grc"><gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>δότε μοι, ταύτης ἔναγχος τῆς συνόδου μνησθέντες ἥ πολλὰ μὲν ἄστρα πολλαχόθεν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ διέφηνεν εὐθὺς ἐκ μεσημβρίας ἀρκαμένη <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . . "/></foreign></note> Ginzel<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">F. K. Ginzel, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Spezieller Kanon der Sonnen- und Mondfinsternisse für das Ländergebiet der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft</title> (Berlin, 1899), pp. 202-204; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> also Plates X and XI for the paths of solar eclipses during the first and second centuries a.d. The data for the eclipses of 75 and 83, <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>, come from Ginzel’s tables, <foreign xml:lang="lat">Op. cit.</foreign> p. 78 and pp. 110-111.</note> identified this eclipse with the one which occurred on 20 March a.d. 71, for he found that all other solar eclipses visible in Chaeronea during Plutarch’s lifetime fell too far short of totality to permit the appearance of <pb xml:id="v12.p.10"/> stars. His conclusion was generally accepted<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Struyck (cited by Ginzel, <foreign xml:lang="lat">Op. cit.</foreign> p. 203) appears to have come to this conclusion before Ginzel; and Ginzel’s identification was accepted by M. Adler (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Zwei Beiträge zum plutarchischen Dialog, De Facie</title> [Nikolsburg, 1910], p. 4) and by Fotheringham as cited by A. O. Prickard (<title rend="italic">Plutarch on the Face of the Moon</title> [1911], p. 75, and <title rend="italic">Plutarch, Select Essays</title>, ii, p. 253). Hirzel (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">r Dialog</title>, ii, p. 182, n. 1), following Volkmann, does not even mention the eclipses of 59, 71, and 75, which Ginzel held to be the only ones worthy of consideration.</note> until Sandbach<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Op. cit.</foreign> in note c, p. 8 <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>.</note> pointed out that, since this eclipse reached its maximum phase at about 11 A.M. local solar time in Chaeronea,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">10hr, 58m, 4 according to Ginzel (<foreign xml:lang="lat">Op. cit.</foreign> p. 204); 11hr, 4m, 1 according to Fotheringham as quoted by Prickard (<title rend="italic">Plutarch, Select Essays</title>, ii, p. 253).</note> Plutarch could not have referred to it as having begun after noonday. Ginzel had assumed that the place of observation was Chaeronea; Sandbach, having recognized that this assumption is unwarranted, was able to consider two other eclipses, that of 5 January A.D. 75 and that of 27 December A.D. 83. The latter was total at Alexandria shortly before 15 hours. The former was total in Carthage a little after 15 hours and in the latitude of Rome on the eastern side of the Adriatic at about 15 hours, 20 minutes; at Rome itself the maximum obscuration was 11 · 5 digits, so that, since according to Fotheringham<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><title rend="italic">Historical Eclipses</title> (1921), cited by Fotheringham in a letter to Sandbach (22 January 1929); in this letter Fotheringham states that <q>a certain number of stars were visible at Rome in 75.</q> <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Ginzel, <foreign xml:lang="lat">Op. cit.</foreign> p. 14: <q>Bei den zentralen Sonnenfinsternissen <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>einzelne Sterne treten mitunter hervor, bevor die Phase 11 zöllig geworden ist.</q> </note> stars other than Venus have been visible where the solar obscuration was 10 · 7 digits, it is perfectly possible that some stars <pb xml:id="v12.p.11"/> would have been seen at Rome about 3.20 p.m. local solar time on 5 January A.D. 75. This eclipse of A.D. 75 as seen in Rome certainly fits the conditions of Lucius’ statement better than does the one of A.D. 71 as seen in Chaeronea, even though it was rather late to be described as beginning just after noonday.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Its <q>beginning,</q> which would have been at approximately 13.50 hours, could not have been observed with the naked eye; but Plutarch was capable of calculating it roughly. In any case, whether the <foreign xml:lang="grc">συνόδον <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>ἣ <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>ἀρξαμένη</foreign> is to be taken strictly or in the sense of the time when darkness began, <foreign xml:lang="grc">μεσημβρία</foreign>, as Sandbach has said, is an extended period of time and not an astronomical moment; and Lucius means that the conjunction began just after noonday was over.</note> It must be emphasized that there is no reason to assume that Plutarch himself saw the eclipse to which Lucius refers. He had undoubtedly heard that it had been seen in or near Rome; he almost certainly had seen the eclipse of A.D. 71 in Chaeronea and may have seen that of A.D. 83 in Alexandria<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">We do not know when Plutarch visited Alexandria. In <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv</title> v. 5 (678 C ff.) his grandfather is present at a banquet given for him after his return from Alexandria. Sandbach (<foreign xml:lang="lat">loc. cit.</foreign>) thinks that this could have been after 83; but, whether this is so or not, we do not know whether there may not have been more visits to Alexandria than this one.</note>; and what he had seen during one or both of these eclipses he may very well have applied to the eclipse of A.D. 75, which he had not seen.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">If 932 B (<foreign xml:lang="grc"><gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>περιφαίνεταί τις αὐγὴ περὶ, τὴν ἴτυν . . .</foreign>) means, as has sometimes been supposed, that Plutarch had seen the corona, he must have had this experience in 71 or 83. No one in or near Rome would have seen it in 75. I doubt that these words apply to the corona at all, however, for the subsequent <foreign xml:lang="grc"> oὐκ εὦσα βαθεῖαν γενέσθαι τὴν σκιὰν καὶ ἄκρατον</foreign> would be a remarkably tame way of describing that spectacle. If the passage refers to any observed phenomenon, it is more likely to have reference to an annular eclipse.</note> We <pb xml:id="v12.p.12"/> may then conclude that the dramatic date of the dialogue is later than A.D. 75, but how much later it is remains uncertain despite Lucius’ reference to the eclipse as <q>recent.</q> The word which he uses, <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἔναγχος</foreign>, like the English <q>recent,</q> has a meaning relative to its context, and in the case of anything so unusual as a total solar eclipse might refer to an event that had taken place at any time within a decade or more; it seems in this passage not to be used of the immediate past, for Lucius expressly reckons with the possibility that his audience may not recall <q>the recent conjunction</q> and may have to fall back upon literary evidence for the impression made by a total solar eclipse.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">931 E: <foreign xml:lang="grc">εἰ δὲ μή, Θέων ἡμῖν τὸν Μίμνερμον ἐπάσει, κτλ.</foreign> Of course, this is primarily a literary device to excuse the introduction of the literary references; but it shows that Plutarch does not expect his readers to remember what a total solar eclipse is like.</note> The attempts to find a historical reference in 945 B which would help to fix the date of the dialogue are quite perverse<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Hirzel (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">r Dialog</title>, ii, p. 182, n. 1) excised <foreign xml:lang="grc">Τυφών</foreign> in 945 B (<foreign xml:lang="grc">Τιτυοὶ δὲ καὶ Τυφῶνες ὅ τε Δελφοὺς κατασχὼν καὶ συνταράξας τὸ χρηστήριον ὕβρει καὶ βίαλ Τυφὼν ἐξ ἐκείνων κτλ.</foreign>), took <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὁ <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>συνταράξας <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>βίαλ</foreign> as a reference to Nero, and concluded that Plutarch must have written this after the devastation of Delphi and before the restoration of the oracle. Adler (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Zwei Beiträge</title>, etc. [see note a, p. 10], pp. 5-7) defended the text of the mss., which he interpreted to mean <q>demons of the nature of Tityus and Typho and among these especially the Typhon who, etc.,</q> and followed Pomtow (<title rend="italic">Rhein. Mus.</title> li [1896], pp. 377 ff.), who showed that the extinction of the Delphic oracle during the time from Nero to Hadrian was pure invention and who took <foreign xml:lang="grc">Τυφών</foreign> in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title>, 945 B, as a reference to the conflagration in 83 B.C. Adler then, assuming that after the ceremonious restoration of the temple in A.D. 84 Plutarch would not remind his readers of its devastation, concluded that the dialogue must have been written before A.D. 84. This argument was criticized by K. Mras (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Zeitschrift für die österreichischen Gymnasien</title>, lxv [1914], p. 187), who in turn deleted <foreign xml:lang="grc">Τυφὦνες</foreign> from the text and read <foreign xml:lang="grc">Τιτυοὶ δὲ καὶ ὁ Τυφὼν ὁ νφών Δελφούς <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>βίαλ κτλ.</foreign> This violent alteration is even less justifiable than Hirzel’s excision of <foreign xml:lang="grc">Τυφών</foreign>, with which it shares the fault of producing the hiatus <foreign xml:lang="grc">βιάλ ἐξ</foreign>; but the text of the MSS. is impossible despite Adler, for (a) one does not say in any language <q>such creatures as Tityus and Typho and in particular Typho . . .,</q> (b) nowhere else is Typho himself said to have done the deed here ascribed to him, and (c) a reference to the conflagration is at least as improbable as the supposed reference to Nero. Kaltwasser’s change of <foreign xml:lang="grc">Τυφών</foreign> to <foreign xml:lang="grc">Πύθων</foreign>, on the other hand, is practically certain. Confusion of <foreign xml:lang="grc">π</foreign> and <foreign xml:lang="grc">τ</foreign> and of <foreign xml:lang="grc">θ</foreign> and <foreign xml:lang="grc">φ</foreign> is easy and common, and <foreign xml:lang="grc">πύθων</foreign> coming after <foreign xml:lang="grc">τυφώνες</foreign> would very easily be assimilated to it. Moreover, in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu Oraculorum</title>, 421 C, <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὰ περὶ Πύθωνα</foreign> are included among <foreign xml:lang="grc">δαιμόνων πάθη</foreign> along with <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὰ Τυφωνικά</foreign> and <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὰ Τιτανικά</foreign>. In 414 A - B the oracle at Delphi is said to have been long deserted in what is represented as <q>ancient times</q>; and, if it is denied that the beast (which is not here named but is certainly Pythons3) was the cause, that is done in order to ascribe the cause to <foreign xml:lang="grc">Δαίμονες</foreign>. Finally, <foreign xml:lang="grc">Πύθων</foreign> and <foreign xml:lang="grc">Τιτυός</foreign> are named together by Plutarch in Pelopidas, 16 (286 C) as they are by Strabo (ix. 3. 12 [cc. 422-423]) and Apollodorus (<title rend="italic">Bibliotheca</title>, i. 4. 1. 3-5 [22-23]).</note>; and we are restricted by the evidence at present available to the conclusion that the conversation was meant to have taken place in or about Rome some time and perhaps quite a long time after A.D. 75.</p><p rend="indent">So much for the dramatic date. There is no reason <pb xml:id="v12.p.13"/> at all for Hirzel’s assertion<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">r Dialog</title>, ii, p. 184, n. 1.</note> that this and the date of composition coincide. Certain striking similarities between the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title> and the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu Oraculorum</title> have often been observed, but from these can be drawn equally cogent — and equally hypothetical — arguments for the priority of either to the other<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">M. Adler (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Diss. Phil. Vind.</title> x, pp. 115-116) contends that in the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu</title> Plutarch excerpts the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title>; but see Raingeard, p. xxviii of his edition of <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title>.</note>; <pb xml:id="v12.p.14"/> and, since in any case the date of the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu</title> is uncertain,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Ziegler, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Plutarchos von Chaironeia</title>, 76, gives <q>about 100</q> as the date; but <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Flaceliére, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="fre">Plutarque: Sur la Disparition des Oracles</title>, note 4 and pp. 13-17.</note> the relative chronology of the two if established would not determine the date of the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title>.</p><p rend="indent"><label>4.</label> The structure of the De Facie is complicated. The whole of the work is narrated by Lamprias who speaks in the first person and quotes those who took part in the conversation, including himself, some few times in indirect discourse (e.g. 933 F) but for the most part directly. The last part of his narration (chaps. 26-30 [940 F 945 D] consists entirely of Sulla’s myth given in Sulla’s own words; this myth, Sulla himself says, is a story told to him by an unnamed stranger, whom he quotes first indirectly and then (942 D ff.) directly to the end. The second or eschatological part of the myth the stranger had told Sulla that he had himself heard from <q>the chamberlains and servitors of Cronus</q> (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 945 D). Hearing it from Lamprias now, the reader has this part at fourth hand and the geographical introduction of the stranger at third hand.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Cf, Plato’s <title rend="italic">Parmenides</title> and Shorey, <title rend="italic">What Plato Said</title>, p. 287.</note></p><p rend="indent">From 937 C it appears that Sulla had promised to tell his myth in return for an account of what had been said in an earlier discussion about the nature of the face which appears in the moon. Such a compact may have been expressly made in the beginning of the dialogue which is lost, where Sulla may have come upon the company already engaged in reviewing that earlier discussion (see note a, p. 3). So much is no more than conjecture. It is certain, however, <pb xml:id="v12.p.15"/> that most of what Lamprias narrates from chapter 2 through chapter 23 is a conversation which is itself represented as containing a resume or report of what was said at an earlier conversation. This the beginning of chapter 24 (937 C) states explicitly: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἡμεῖς μὲν οὖν, ἔφην, ὅσα μὴ διαπέφευγε τὴν μνήμην τῶν ἐκεῖ λεχθέντων ἀπηγγέλκαμεν</foreign>, and the <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐδόκει λέγεσθαι</foreign> at the end of chapter 2 (920 F) implies that what Lamprias has hitherto said in that chapter had been used as an argument in the earlier discussion. The leader of that discussion, which is referred to as a <foreign xml:lang="grc">διατριβή</foreign>,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">By Lucius at 929 B: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὁ μὲν οὖν ἑταῖρος ἐν τῷ διατριβῇ τοῦτο <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>ἀποδεικνὺς <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>ἠυδοκίμησεν</foreign>.</note> was not Lamprias or Lucius, who here recapitulate it,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> besides 937 C, 920 F, and 929 B, which have already been cited, especially 921 F, 930 A, 932 D, 933 C.</note> but someone to whom Lamprias, Lucius, and Sulla refer as <q>our comrade</q> and who probably is meant to be Plutarch himself.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 921 F, 929 B, 929 F, and see note a on p. 48 <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>.</note> Lamprias and Lucius are, of course, presumed to have been present at that discussion with their <q>comrade</q> and Sulla to have been absent from it.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">The logic of the situation demands this; but it is also implied by Sulla’s question at 929 F.</note> Of the others, Apollonides certainly was not present,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">This is implied by his question in 920 F and confirmed by that in 921 B: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀλλὰ πῇ τὸν ἔλεγχον αὐτῷ προσῆγες</foreign>; (in this latter passage Pohlenz [<title rend="italic">B. P. W.</title> xxxii, 1912, p. 649] argued for retention of the MSS, reading, <foreign xml:lang="grc">προσῆγε</foreign>, understanding as subject <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὁ ἑταῖρος</foreign>, who he assumes was mentioned in the lost beginning of the dialogue; but surely this sentence is too far from even such a hypothetical antecedent, and Adler’s <foreign xml:lang="grc">προσῆγες</foreign> is an obvious and highly probable correction).</note> nor was Theon<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">This is certainly implied by his interchange with Lucius in 932 D - E.</note>; Pharnaces <pb xml:id="v12.p.16"/> probably was not<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">This is the most reasonable inference to be drawn from 921 F, where Lucius requests that Pharnaces be given some consideration, and from Pharnaces’ comment in 922 F upon the attack of Lamprias. Nevertheless, Pharnaces’ words in the latter passage, <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐμὲ δ’ οὖν οὐκ ἐξλαξεσθε τήμερον κτλ.</foreign>, are open to the interpretation that he had been present at the earlier discussion and had there been drawn out by the Academic gambit.</note>; and concerning Aristotle and Menelaus the text as we have it allows no clear inference to be drawn.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Lucius’s one remark to Menelaus (930 A), <foreign xml:lang="grc">αἰσχύνομαι <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>σοῦ παρόντος κτλ.</foreign>, seems to imply that the latter had not been present at the earlier discussion; but this is not decisive, especially in view of the fact that Menelaus makes no reply. Aristotle’s silence when Lamprias addresses him in 920 F might be taken to mean that he had heard this before; and <foreign xml:lang="grc"><gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>πρὸς Κλέαρχον, ὦ Ἀριστότελες, <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>ἐδόκει λέθεσθαι τὸν ὑμέρτον</foreign> could be interpreted as a reminder, although what follows, <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὑμέτερος γὰρ ἁνὴρ κτλ.</foreign>, sounds as if this were something new. In 929 B Lucius in a speech addressed especially to Aristotle refers to what <q>our comrade</q> said <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐν τῇ διατριβῇ</foreign> and adds that he will not repeat what he learned <foreign xml:lang="grc">παρ ὑμῶν μεθ ὑμῶν</foreign>, which might be taken to imply that Aristotle too had attended the <foreign xml:lang="grc">διατριβή</foreign> in question, although it might have a more general meaning.</note> What these men other than Lamprias and Lucius say in chapters 2-23 is not, then, part of the report of that earlier discussion; but neither is all that Lucius says, for in several places his remarks or arguments are expressly declared to be his own contribution.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Lamprias’s comment, <foreign xml:lang="grc">οὐχ οὕτως δ’ ὁ ἑταῖρος ἡμῶν</foreign>, in 921 F and his <foreign xml:lang="grc">καλῷ λόγῳ καλὴν ἀναλογίαν προσλεθηκας: οὐ γὰρ ἀποστερητόν σε τῶν ἰδίων</foreign> (931 D). The latter marks the last sentence of Lucius’s preceding speech (<foreign xml:lang="grc">δότε δή μοι γεωμετρικῶς εἰρεῖν κτλ.</foreign>) as his own, while Lucius’s own subsequent statement (<foreign xml:lang="grc">οὐκοῦν καὶ δεύτερον ἀναλογίᾳ προσχρητέον</foreign>) makes the same claim for what follows. In 933 C (<foreign xml:lang="grc">παρίημι δ’ ὅσα <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>ἐλέχθη</foreign>) and possibly in 929 B (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐγὼ δὲ ταῦτα μὲν οὐκ ἐρῶ κτλ.</foreign> [see note b <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>]) Lucius indicates that he is not giving a full account of the earlier discussion.</note> That earlier discussion cannot, however, be identified with any that Plutarch <pb xml:id="v12.p.17"/> may have had with his friends or with any lecture that he may have given; it is primarily a literary fiction, part of the structure of the dialogue for which it provides a specious motivation.</p><p rend="indent">The recapitulation of this fictitious discussion along with the incidental arguments provoked by it contains all that Plutarch would consider to be <q>scientific</q> in the dialogue. At its conclusion Lamprias is ready for Sulla’s myth (chap. 24 <foreign xml:lang="lat">init.</foreign> [937 C - D]); but before Sulla can begin to speak Theon raises the question of the habitability of the moon, contending that, if it is not habitable, there can be no reason for it to exist with the nature or composition that according to Lamprias and Lucius it does have.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 937 D: <foreign xml:lang="greek"><gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>εἰ δυνατὸν ἐκεῖ κατοικεῖν. εἰ γὰρ δυνατόν, ἄλογον καὶ τὸ γῆν εἰναι τὴν σελήνην: δόκει γάρ πρὸς οὐδὲν ἀλλὰ μάτην γεγονέναι κτλ.</foreign> </note> Lamprias calls Theon’s speech a kind of relaxation after the seriousness of the preceding discussion. In fact, however, Theon has raised the metaphysical problem of the final cause; and to this Lamprias replies at length (chap. 25). He argues first that the moon, constituted as he contends it is, need not, even if uninhabitable, be without a purpose in the universe (938 C - F), and secondly that, even if uninhabitable by corporeal human beings, it may still be inhabited by living beings of an entirely different kind to whom the moon may justly appear to be the only real earth and our earth the slime and dregs of the universe, uninhabitable by creatures that have warmth and breath and motion. Here Sulla checks Lamprias (chap. 26 <foreign xml:lang="lat">init.</foreign> [940 F]) lest the latter encroach upon his myth; and Lamprias was upon the very threshold <pb xml:id="v12.p.18"/> of it, for the myth, as it turns out, teaches that the moon is inhabited by souls that have left their bodies after death on earth or have not yet been incorporated by birth into terrestrial bodies. So the episode consisting of Theon’s speech and Lamprias’s reply (chaps. 24-25) is not merely a formal literary device. It is, to be sure, a transition from the scientific part of the dialogue, in which it is argued that the lunar phenomena imply the earth-like constitution of the moon, to the concluding myth in which the purpose of such a moon in the universe is imaginatively portrayed; but this <q>transitional episode</q> raises the philosophical question, without the answer to which the strictly astronomical conclusion could to a Platonist or Aristotelian be no complete or satisfactory explanation, and itself contains the metaphysical answer, of which the myth is, despite all its intrinsic interest, essentially a poetical embellishment. When this <q>transition</q> is properly attended to, there can be no question about the integral unity of the whole dialogue or any doubt that the purpose of the whole is to establish and defend the position that the moon is entirely earthy in its constitution and that on this hypothesis alone can the astronomical phenomena and the existence of the moon itself be accounted for.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> M. Pohlenz, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Gött. Gel. Anz.</title> clxxx [1918], p. 323.</note> </p><p rend="indent"><label>5.</label> The main part of the dialogue is of extraordinary interest for the history of astronomy, cosmology, geography, and catoptrics; and this aspect of the work deserves more attention than it has usually received.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">J. O. Thomson, History of Ancient Geography (Cambridge, 1948), pp. 330 f., gives a brief outline of this part of the work and cites Duhem’s and Humboldt’s praise of it. A. O. Prickard has some general remarks on the subject in the introductions to his two translations of the dialogue (<title rend="italic">Plutarch on the Face which appears on the Orb of the Moon</title> [Winchester and London, 1911], pp. 9-15, and <title rend="italic">Plutarch: Select Essays</title>, ii [Oxford, 1918], pp. 246-253). So has S. Günther in his outline of the dialogue, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Vergleichende Mondund Erdkunde</title> (Braunschweig, 1911), pp. 24-35, nearly half of which, however, is concerned with the myth. Hirzel in his treatment of the dialogue (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">r Dialog</title> [Leipzig, 1895], ii, pp. 182-189) has little or nothing specific to say of its scientific aspect. The most extensive monograph on the dialogue, Maximilian Adler’s <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quibus Ex Fontibus Plutarchus Libellum <q>De Facie in Orbe Lunae</q> Hauserit</title> (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Diss. Phil. Vind.</title> x [1910], pp. 85-180), is concerned with the scientific passages only in so far as the author thinks that from them he can draw support for his thesis that Posidonius was Plutarch’s source for the dialogue. A similar purpose limits the treatment of the work by K. Praechter in his <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Hierokles der Stoiker</title> (Leipzig, 1901), p. 26 and pp. 109-120. <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> also the notes of W. Norlind, <title rend="italic">Eranos</title>, xxv (1927), pp. 265-277.</note> It is not a technical scientific treatise and <pb xml:id="v12.p.19"/> is not to be judged as if it were meant to be such; but it is all the more significant that in a literary work intended for an educated but non-technical audience towards the end of the first century a.d. Hipparchus and Aristarchus of Samos are familiarly cited and a technical work of the latter is quoted verbatim, the laws of reflection are debated, the doctrine of natural motion to the universal centre is rejected, and stress is laid upon the cosmological importance of the velocity of heavenly bodies. <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">It is interesting to compare the treatise of Ibn Al-Haitham (965-1039) which was translated from the Arabic by Carl Schoy under the title <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Abhandlung des Schaichs Ibn Alî Al-Hasan Ibn Al-Hasan Ibn Al-Haitham: über die Natur der Spuren [Flecken], die man auf der Oberfläche des Mondes sieht</title> (Hannover, 1925). Ibn Al-Haitham’s explanation of the <q>face</q> is that the nature of the moon’s substance must differ from place to place, since the variation in illumination can be the result only of a difference in the power to absorb and reflect light, and the spots are places of greater density and less power of absorption (pp. 20 ff. and 29-31). Though Schoy appears to have been unaware of it and Plutarch does not mention it, this explanation is ascribed to <foreign xml:lang="grc">οἱ ἀρὸ τῶν μαθηματικῶν</foreign> in Aëtius, ii. 30. 7 (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 362. 5-13). Ibn Al-Haitham rejects the theory that the spots are shadows cast by prominences on the moon, arguing that such shadows would not always have the same shape and position, as the spots do (pp. 14-17). Like Plutarch, however, he knows and refutes the notion that they are a reflection of the terrestrial ocean or any other terrestrial feature (pp. 1-2, 5-7; <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title>, chaps. 3-4); and he also adduces the colour of the moon in eclipse (pp. 31 f.; <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title>, 934 B - D). He proves impossible as well (pp. 4-5, <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> p. 2) an explanation unmentioned by Plutarch but recorded by Simplicius (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Caelo</title>, p. 457. 25-30) that the spots are the result of vapours rising from below and obscuring the moon’s brilliance (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign>, however, for something similar, Milton, <title rend="italic">Paradise Lost</title>, v. 415-420, and <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title>, 922 B - C). Like Cleomedes (ii. 4. 103 [p. 186. 14-27 Ziegler]), Ibn Al-Haitham seems to hold that the moon as a reflecting convex mirror would have to appear as a single point of light (pp. 7 f. with Schoy’s note, p. 8, n. 1).</note> <pb xml:id="v12.p.20"/> Most of the attention given to the dialogue, however, has been attracted by the concluding myth.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">It was probably the myth as much as the more strictly astronomical part of the dialogue that caused Kepler to make his Latin translation and commentary of the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title>, which he did shortly before his death. This is printed in volume viii of <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Joannis Kepleri Opera Omnia</title>, ed. Dr. Ch. Frisch (Francofurti a. M., 1870). <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> R. Schmertosch, <q>Keppler zu Plutarchs Schrift Vom Gesicht im Monde,</q> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Phil.-Hist. Beiträge Curt Wachsmuth zum 60. Geburtstag überreicht</title> (Leipzig, 1897), pp. 52-55, and R. Pixis, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Kepler als Geograph</title> (Munich, 1899).</note> This consists of two parts. The second and main part is the eschatological myth, which establishes the purpose of the moon in the cosmos by explaining her role in the <q>life-cycle</q> of souls and which the stranger told Sulla he had from the chamberlains of Cronus (942 D 945 D); the first is the introduction <pb xml:id="v12.p.21"/> to this myth or <q>frame-story,</q> in which the stranger explained to Sulla how from the continent on the other side of the Atlantic he came to the Isle of Cronus, one of several that lie westwards of Britain, and thence, after having served thirty years, travelled to Carthage where he met Sulla (941 A 942 C).</p><p rend="indent">This geographical introduction has aroused the wildest speculations. Kepler was convinced that the trans-Atlantic continent was America, and he tried to identify the islands mentioned in the myth<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> notes 97, 98, 103, and 105 to Kepler’s translation (see note a, p. 20 <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>) and note 2 to his <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Somnium sive Astronomia Lunaris</title>. In <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Theatrum Orbis Terrarum Abrahami Ortelii</title> (Antwerp, 1593), p. 5, this passage of Plutarch was used, apparently for the first time, to prove that the ancients knewthe American continent.</note>; W. Christ in 1898 still could assert that Plutarch’s continent is <q>obviously America</q> and proves that about A.D. 100 sailors reached the North American coast via Iceland, Greenland, and Baffinland<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur, Dritte Auflage</title> (1898), p. 662, n. 1. W. Schmid and O. Stählin in the sixth edition of this work (Zweiter Teil, Erste Hälfte [1920], p. 498) suppress this note of Christ’s but write <q>aus dem Festland jenseits des atlantischen Ozeans (Amerika ?).</q> </note>; and in 1909 G. Mair argued that the source of this knowledge of America was reports of Carthaginian seafarers who had penetrated into the Gulf of Mexico, that the Isle of Cronus is Scandinavia, and that the northern geography of the myth derives from accounts of the voyages of Pytheas of Massilia.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">G. Mair, <q>Pytheas’ Tanais und die Insel des Kronos in Plutarchs Schrift <q>Das Gesicht im Monde</q> </q> (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Jahresbericht des K.K. Staats-Gymnasiums in Marburg ÁD</title>, 1909). A fair example of Mair’s argument is his identification (p. 18) of the <foreign xml:lang="grc">κόλρος</foreign> mentioned in 941 B with the Christiana-Fjord, although according to Plutarch it is in the trans-Atlantic continent. Moreover, all of Plutarch’s islands lie to the West and North-West of Britains3</note> Even <pb xml:id="v12.p.22"/> before Mair had published his fantastic theory Ebner had conclusively demonstrated that Plutarch could not have referred to any real crossing of the Atlantic or any rumours of such a crossing, that by using the name Ogygia at the beginning (941 A - B) he had clearly indicated the purely mythical intention of his geography, and that this geographical setting is simply an imitation of Plato’s Atlantis in the spirit of Hecataeus story of the Hyperboreans, Theopompus Meropis, and the Sacred Records of Euhemerus.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">E. Ebner, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Geographische Hinweise und Anklänge in Plutarchs Schrift, de facie in orbe lunae</title> (Munich, 1906). A. von Humboldt had concluded long before that the geographical frame is entirely mythical (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Kritische Untersuchungen über die historische Entwicklung der geographischen Kenntnisse von der Neuen Welt</title> [Berlin, 1836], pp. 174-185). H. von Arnim (<q>Plutarch über Dämonen und Mystik,</q> pp. 37-47 [<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Verhand. K. Akad. van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam</title>, Afd. Letterk., 1921]) contended that Plutarch’s source for chapter 26 was a <q>fantastic travel-romance</q> that had nothing to do with philosophy or moon-demonology, but in which the demons of Cronus served the purpose of prophesying to the hero about his future. W. Hamilton (<title rend="italic">Class. Quart.</title> xxviii [1934], pp. 24 ff., <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> p. 24, n. 1), while citing as parallels to the geographical myth Hecataeus, Euhemerus, Theopompus, and the Abaris of Heraclides Ponticus (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> also Hirzel, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">r Dialog</title>, ii, p. 187, n. 4), maintains that Plutarch wrote the whole of his myth in direct imitation of Plato’s story of Atlantis. Rohde (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">r griechische Roman</title>, 204-276 = 3rd edition [Leipzig, 1914], pp. 219-296) places Plutarch’s geographical myth in its proper environment with the romances of Theopompus, Hecataeus, Euhemerus, Iambulus, Antonius Diogenes, and Marcellus. <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> also H. Martin, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="fre">Ètudes sur le TimÈe de Platon</title> (Paris, 1841), i, pp. 290-304, and J. O. Thomson, <foreign xml:lang="lat">Op. cit.</foreign> (note b, p. 18), pp. 237-238.</note> The additional geographical particulars are the usual <q>corroborative detail intended to give <pb xml:id="v12.p.23"/> artistic verisimilitude to an otherwise bald and unconvincing narrative.</q> The theme of the sleeping Cronus may have been suggested to Plutarch by Demetrius of Tarsus, who in the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu Oraculorum</title> (419 E 420 A) is made to say that on an island near Britain Cronus is kept prisoner by the bonds of sleep and is guarded by Briareus and attended by Spirits who are his servitors. This Demetrius appears to have been an historical person who did travel to Britain, whence in the dialogue he is said to have recently returned; and he may have told Plutarch some Celtic legend or superstition which the latter hellenized and wove into the fabric of his myth.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">For Demetrius <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> R. Flaceliére, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="fre">Plutarque: Sur la Disparition des Oracles</title> (Paris, 1947), pp. 26-28, and K. Ziegler, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Plutarchos von Chaironeia</title> (Stuttgart, 1949), 36. If Demetrius did hear a Celtic tale of a god or hero asleep on some western island, it would have been easy for him or Plutarch to identify the subject with Cronus (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <bibl><author>Hesiod</author>, <title rend="italic">Works and Days</title>, 169</bibl>, and <bibl><author>Pindar</author>, <title rend="italic">Olympian</title>, ii. 77 [70] ff.</bibl>; see also note a on p. 182 and note a on 942 A <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>). Pohlenz’s notion (R.E. xi. 2013) that Posidonius, who was <q>familiar with the northern world,</q> was the intermediary of this <q>Kyffhäusermotiv</q> has nothing to support it. Posidonius was the source of the Cronus-motif as well as of the whole geographical part of the myth according to M. Adler, <foreign xml:lang="lat">Op. cit.</foreign> (note b, p. 18), pp. 169-170, who has no trouble in showing that Schmertosch adduced no real reason for designating Xenocrates as Plutarch’s source for this section; but Hamilton (<foreign xml:lang="lat">loc. cit.</foreign> [note a, p. 22]) has proved that Posidonius could not have been the source either.</note></p><p rend="indent">The discussion of the second part of the myth, the demonology and eschatology, has also been concerned mainly with the problem of Plutarch’s sources. Heinze attempted to prove that this myth had been put together out of material drawn from Xenocrates and from Posidonius and that in the resulting combination the parts that belong to those two authors <pb xml:id="v12.p.24"/> are distinguishable.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Richard Heinze, <title rend="italic">Xenokrates</title> (Leipzig, 1892), pp. 123 ff. M. Pohlenz, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Vom Zorne Gottes</title> (Göttingen, 1909), p. 133, n. 1, approved Heinze’s conclusion in general but differed with him in some particulars.</note> Adler vigorously attacked this thesis and argued that Posidonius was Plutarch’s source for the whole myth and for whatever there is in it that may have come ultimately from Xenocrates<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Maximilian Adler, <foreign xml:lang="lat">Op. cit.</foreign> (note b, p. 18), pp. 166 ff. Adler’s dissertation was reviewed by Pohlenz in <title rend="italic">B.P.W.</title> xxxii (1912), 648-654, and his thesis concerning the source of the myth criticized, ibid. 653. P. Capelle (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> luna stellis lacteo orbe animarum sedibus</title> [Halle, 1917], pp. 14-15) held that chapter 28 came from Posidonius’s account of the state of souls after death and chapters 29 and 30 from his supposed commentary on the Timaeus.</note>; but R. M. Jones<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><title rend="italic">The Platonism of Plutarch</title> (Chicago Dissertation, Menasha, Wisconsin, 1916), pp. 48-56 and 58-60.</note> proved conclusively that neither Heinze’s conclusions nor Adler’s will bear scrutiny, that Posidonius could not have been the source, and that, while Plutarch combined various eschatological notions which were current and some of which were probably held in common by different philosophers, his myth is in the main an interpretation of Plato’s Timaeus. Later, against Karl Reinhardt’s attempt to trace the myth back to a hypothetical <q>solar esehatology</q> of Posidonius, Jones re-established the Platonic character of Plutarch’s eschatology, psychology, and demonology here and the impossibility of taking Posidonius for the source.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">K. Reinhardt, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Kosmos und Sympathie</title> (Munich, 1926), pp. 313 ff. (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> also F. Cumont, <q>La ThÈologie solaire du paganisme romain,</q> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="fre">Mèm. de lAcad. des Inscriptions</title>, xii [1909]); R. M. Jones, <q>Posidonius and Solar Eschatology,</q> <title rend="italic">Class. Phil.</title> xxvii (1932), pp. 113-135, especially pp. 116-131. P. BoyancÈ, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="fre">Ètudes sur le Songe de Scipion</title> (Bordeaux and Paris, 1936), pp. 78-104, follows Jones in refuting Cumont and Reinhardt.</note> <pb xml:id="v12.p.25"/> Hamilton later contended even more positively that Plutarch took the <title rend="italic">Timaeus</title> as the model for the whole of his myth in the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title> and that, since the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Animae Procreatione in Timaeo</title> shows that he regarded the <title rend="italic">Timaeus</title> seriously, he must have intended the corresponding portion of his myth in the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title> to contain an equally serious exposition of his own beliefs concerning the nature and fate of the soul.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">W. Hamilton, <title rend="italic">Class. Quart.</title> xxviii (1934), pp. 24-30. Hamilton expressly opposes the theory of von Arnim, who, in his <q>Plutarch über Dämonen und Mystik</q> (see note a, p. 22), pp. 24-65, argues that Plutarch took the geographical myth and the eschatological myth from two different sources and the latter from an eclectic Platonist later than Antiochus. As to Hamilton’s notion of the seriousness with which Plutarch intended the myth, Ziegler is surely right in saying (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Plutarchos von Chaironeia</title>, 217) that Sulla’s final sentence, taken together with Lamprias’s remark in 920 B - C, shows that Plutarch had no intention of insisting upon the literal truth of the myth; in this attitude also he follows Plato: see note a on p. 223 <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>.</note> Soury in his extensive study of the myth, while emphasizing the possible influence of the mysteries, agrees in general with Hamilton that it is preponderantly Platonic.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">G. Soury, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="fre">Rev. Èt. Gr.</title> liii (1940), pp. 51-58, and <title rend="italic" xml:lang="fre">La Dèmonologie de Plutarque</title> (Paris, 1942), pp. 73-82 and 177-210.</note></p><p rend="indent">Anyone who without a preconceived thesis to defend reads the De Facie will recognize, I believe, that Plato was Plutarch’s inspiration throughout the dialogue but that Plutarch is himself the true author of the whole work and that, while there is in it a distillation of his wide and varied scientific and philosophical reading, he cannot possibly have composed it by copying out any source or combination of sources. I have tried in the exegetical notes to indicate the <q>parallels</q> which will help the reader to understand the dialogue itself by seeing its relation <pb xml:id="v12.p.26"/> to the rest of ancient scientific and philosophical thought. Among these <q>parallels</q> some of the most striking are drawn from later writers, especially Neo-Platonists; these I have mentioned not in order to insinuate that they show Plutarch’s direct influence upon those later writers, although many of them certainly were acquainted with him, but because they illuminate the meaning of the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title> and at the same time indicate what may have been contained in some of the philosophical writings known to Plutarch and long since lost to us, and may help to cast some flicker of light upon that obscure and controversial problem, the prehistory of Neo-Platonism.</p><p rend="indent"><label>6.</label> The <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title>, which is No. 73 in the so-called Catalogue of Lamprias and No. 71 in the Planudean order, is apparently preserved in only two MSS. of the Bibliothéque Nationale, Grec 1672 (saec. XIV) and 1675 (saec. XV), conventionally called Parisinus E and Parisinus B respectively.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">On the MSS. of Plutarch generally <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> the references cited by M. Pohlenz, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Plutarchi Moralia</title>, i (Teubner, 1925), Praefatio, p. vi, n. 1, and pp. xxvi and xxviii f. on B and E respectively.</note> These have hitherto been supposed to be independent copies of a single archetype<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Wyttenbach (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Plutarchi Moralia</title> [Oxford, 1795], p. xliv) says of B <q>ut videtur, ex E, aut ejusdem exempli codice, ita descriptus ut antiquiores melioresque simul adhiberentur; unde quaedam lacunae uberius etiam expletae, et plura menda sanata.</q> M. Treu, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Zur Geschichte der Uberlieferung von Plutarchs Moralia</title>, ii (Ohlau, 1881), pp. 5-7, argued that B derives from the same source as E, which B must have used later; and his conclusion was generally accepted by later editors. Raingeard’s more complicated stemma (p. xiv of his edition of the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title>) is, in any case, entirely unjustified.</note>; but recently G. R. Manton has put <pb xml:id="v12.p.27"/> forward strong arguments for thinking that B is a descendant of E through an intermediate manuscript, <q>a copy of E, which was worked over by a scholar who filled in lacunae and inserted conjectures of his own.</q> <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><q>The Manuscript Tradition of Plutarch Moralia 70-7,</q><title rend="italic">Class. Quart.</title> xliii (1949), pp. 97-104. Among the passages discussed by Manton where B has readings other than those of E are none from the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title>, for the text of which Manton (<foreign xml:lang="lat">Op. cit.</foreign> p. 99, n. 1) depended upon Treu’s collation supplemented by Bernardakis’ list in vol. i of his edition, pp. 1 ff.; but I have found no variant reading of B in this essay that would surely gainsay Manton’s hypothesis. Those which might suggest that B is not descended from E are the following: 927 F: <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸν</foreign> -B for E’s correct <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὰ</foreign> before <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐμβριθῆ</foreign>; 929 B: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἔχων δὲ</foreign> -B, <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἔχων δὲ τοῦτο</foreign> -B for the correct <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἑκὼν δὲ</foreign>; 932 D: <foreign xml:lang="grc">πεποιημένων</foreign> -B for E’s correct <foreign xml:lang="grc">πεπεισμένων</foreign>: 937 F: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐπιφερομένη</foreign> -B, <foreign xml:lang="grc">φερομένη</foreign> -E for the probable original <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀντιφερομένη</foreign>; 938 D: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀναγινώσκων</foreign> -B for E’s correct <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀναγινώσκοντος</foreign>; 943 D: <foreign xml:lang="grc">καταγινομένας</foreign> -B for E’s correct <foreign xml:lang="grc">καταδυομένας</foreign>, Manton’s conclusion has been rejected by K. Hubert (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Rhein. Mus.</title> xciii [1950], pp. 330-336), but Hubert’s defence of the independence of B and E has been counterattacked by Einarson and De Lacy (<title rend="italic">Class. Phil.</title> xlvi [1951], pp. 103 and 106, with notes 36 and 56).</note></p><p rend="indent">I have collated both manuscripts from Photostats which were generously put at my disposal by Dr. William C. Helmbold; and I have recorded under the usual symbols the variant readings of each of them, for I soon discovered that not only is Bernardakis’ report of the mss. untrustworthy, but that the same must be said of Raingeard’s in his recent edition of the dialogue, and that even Treu’s collation (see note b, p. 26) is not free of errors. I have not recorded mere omissions or variations of accent or breathing, however, unless the sense is affected by them; and I have regularized crasis and elision without regard to the manuscripts or report of them, <pb xml:id="v12.p.28"/> for they show no consistency in this matter.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">For example, in 931 D they have <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὰ αὐτὰ πάσχειν ὑπὸ τοῦ αὐτοῦ <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>ταὐτὰ</foreign> (B, <foreign xml:lang="grc">ταυτὰ</foreign> -E) <foreign xml:lang="grc">ποιεῖν ταὐτὸν . . .</foreign> and occasionally <foreign xml:lang="grc">οἶδ ὅρως</foreign> and <foreign xml:lang="grc"> ἀλλ ὅρως</foreign>, although they do not ordinarily elide the <foreign xml:lang="grc">α</foreign> of <foreign xml:lang="grc">oἶda</foreign> and <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀλλά</foreign>. Almost invariably both E and B have <foreign xml:lang="grc">μὴ δὲ</foreign> instead of <foreign xml:lang="grc">μηδὲ</foreign> or <foreign xml:lang="grc">μηδ</foreign>. On these matters <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> T. Doehner, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaestionum Plutarch. Particula Altera and Tertia</title> (Meissen, 1858 and 1862), especially iii, p. 51, and ii, p. 35, n.%2%2; and on the question of hiatus <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Helmbold, <title rend="italic">Class. Phil.</title> xxxiii (1938), pp. 244-245, and xlv (1949), pp. 64 f. with his references, and for a much stricter view Ziegler, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Plutarchos von Chaironeia</title>, 295-298. To <q>emend</q> for the sole purpose of eliminating hiatus is to take unwarranted liberty with the text; but, on the other hand, to introduce hiatus by emendation is certainly inadmissible. It should be observed, however, that in the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title>, besides the exceptions to avoidance of hiatus listed by Ziegler (<foreign xml:lang="lat">Op. cit.</foreign> 296-297), final <foreign xml:lang="grc">αι</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="grc">οι</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="grc">ει</foreign>, and <foreign xml:lang="grc">ου</foreign> before an initial vowel may always be possible (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> for <foreign xml:lang="grc">ου</foreign> e.g. <foreign xml:lang="grc">τοῦ ἰδίου ἀέρος</foreign> in 944 A), <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἄνω</foreign> and <foreign xml:lang="grc">κάτω</foreign> are permissible before any word beginning with a vowel (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἄνω ἔχειν</foreign> and <foreign xml:lang="grc">κάτω ἄνυθεν</foreign> in 924 C which guarantee <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἄνω ἐστιν</foreign> in 926 A), and other cases of hiatus which cannot reasonably be eliminated occasionally occur (e.g. <foreign xml:lang="grc">χείλη εἰκόνας</foreign> [921 C], <foreign xml:lang="grc">τουτὶ εἴρω</foreign> [935 D]).</note> In conformity with the usage of Professor Babbitt and regardless of the manuscripts, I have printed the forms <foreign xml:lang="grc">γίγνεσθαι</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="grc">γιγνώσκειν</foreign>, and <foreign xml:lang="grc">οὐδείς</foreign>, though the manuscripts usually have <foreign xml:lang="grc">γίνεσθαι</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="grc">γινώσκειν</foreign>, and <foreign xml:lang="grc">οὐθείς</foreign>; but I have adopted the form duei=n throughout. I have tried to the best of my ability to assign emendations to those who first proposed them; but for some which appear without ascription in all modern editions, and the author of which I have been unable to discover, I have had to be content with the unsatisfactory note, <q>editors.</q> For the suggestions said to be written in three different hands on the margins of the copy of the Aldine edition now in the Bibliothéque Nationale (RÈs. J. 94), I have had to rely upon the report <pb xml:id="v12.p.29"/> of Raingeard in the apparatus criticus of his edition (cf pp. xvi f. of his Introduction)<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">P. Raingeard, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="fre">Le <foreign xml:lang="grc">ΠΕΡΟ ΤΟΥ ΠΡΟΣΠΟΥ</foreign> de Plutarque, texte critique avec traduction et commentaire</title> (Paris, 1935). Raingeard’s text is fantastically <q>conservative,</q> reproducing E for the most part even where E gives impossible Greek; and yet his report of the manuscripts is frequently erroneous either explicitly or by implication. The translation is worse even than the text; and the commentary, especially where it touches upon philosophical and scientific questions, is more often wrong than right, almost everywhere inadequate, and frequently absurd.</note>; all of these I indicate without differentiation by the formula, <q>Anon., Aldine, R.J. 94.</q> Upon Raingeard’s report and those of Reiske, Wyttenbach, Hutten, and Bernardakis I have had to rely for the variant readings of the Aldine edition and of the edition of Xylander; but the edition of Froben (Basiliensis, 1542), as well as those of Stephanus (1624), Reiske, Wyttenbach, Hutten, Dübner, Bernardakis, and Raingeard, and the translations of Xylander, Amyot, Kepler, Kaltwasser, the two translations of Prickard,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">See note b, p. 18. Prickard’s translation of 1911 was reviewed by W. R. Paton, <title rend="italic">Class. Rev.</title> xxvi (1912), p. 269, and by L. C. Purser, <title rend="italic">Hermathena</title>, xvi (1911), pp. 309-324, whose review is rather a series of notes and suggestions for almost two score passages in the essay.</note> and that of portions of the essay by Heath,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Sir Thomas L. Heath, <title rend="italic">Greek Astronomy</title> (London, 1932), pp. 166-180.</note> I have consulted and compared throughout.</p><p rend="indent">Those emendations which, so far as I know, are original with me are indicated by the initials H. C. Besides the editions, translations, and articles already mentioned in this Introduction, the chief aids to my study of the text have been the following:</p><pb xml:id="v12.p.30"/><p>Adler, Maximilian: <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Diss. Phil. Vind.</title> x (1910), pp. 87 ff. (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> note b, p. 18). <lb/> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Wiener Studien</title>, xxxi (1909), pp. 305-309. <q>Zwei Beiträge zum plutarchischen Dialog <q>De Facie in Orbe Lunae,</q> </q> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Jahresbericht des K. K. Staatsgymnasiums in Nikolsburg</title>, 1909-1910 (Nikolsburg, 1910). <lb/> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Wiener Studien</title>, xlii (1920-1921), pp. 163-164. <lb/> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Festschrift Moris Winternitz</title> (Leipzig, 1933), pp. 298-302.</p><p>Apelt, Otto: <q>Zu Plutarch und Plato,</q> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Jahresbericht Gymnasium Carolo-Alexandrinum zu Jena</title>, 1904-1905 (Jena, 1905). <lb/> <q>Kritische Bemerkungen,</q> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Jahresbericht <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>Jena</title>, 1905-1906 (Jena, 1906).</p><p>Chatzidakis, G. N.: <title rend="italic">Athena</title>, xiii (1901), pp. 462-714.</p><p>Cobet, C. G.: <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Novae Lectiones</title> (Leiden, 1858). <lb/> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Variae Lectiones</title> (Leiden, 1878). <lb/> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Collectanea Critica</title> (Leiden, 1878).</p><p>Emperius, A.: <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Emperii Opuscula Philologica et Historica . . .</title> ed. F. G. Schneidewin (Göttingen, 1847), pp. 287-295.</p><p>Hartman, J. J.: <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Plutarcho Scriptore et Philosopho</title> (Leiden, 1916), pp. 557-563.</p><p>Herwerden, H. van: <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Lectiones Rheno-Traiectinae</title> (Traj. ad Rhen., 1882). <lb/> <title rend="italic">Mnemosyne</title>, xxii (1894), pp. 330-337, and xxxvii (1909), pp. 202-223.</p><p>Kronenberg, A. J.: <title rend="italic">Mnemosyne</title>, lii (1924), pp. 60-112, and Ser. III, x (1941), pp. 33-47.</p><p>Kunze, R.: <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Rhein. Mus.</title> lxiv (1909), pp. 635-636.</p><p>Madvig, J. N.: <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Adversaria Critica</title>, I (Hauniae, 1871), pp. 664-666.</p><pb xml:id="v12.p.31"/><p>Mras, K.: <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Zeitsckrift für die österreich. Gymnasien</title>, lxv (1914), pp. 187-188.</p><p>Naber, S. A.: <title rend="italic">Mnemosyne</title>, xxviii (1900), pp. 329-364.</p><p>Papabasileios, G. A.: <title rend="italic">Athena</title>, x (1898), pp. 167-242.</p><p>Pohlenz, Max: <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift</title>, xxxii (1912), pp. 648-654. <lb/> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Götting. Gelehrte Anzeig.</title> clxxx (1918), pp. 321-343.</p><p>Sandbach, F. H.: <title rend="italic">Proc. of the Cambridge Philological Soc.</title>, 1943.</p><p>Harold Cherniss</p><p><label rend="center">Addendum</label> Since this Bibliography was compiled in February 1953 some publications dealing with the De Facie have come to my attention which require a brief notice.</p><p rend="indent">Konrat Ziegler in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Plutarch über Gott und Vorsehung, Dämonen und Weissagung</title> (Zürich, Artemis-Verlag, 1952) has written a brief summary of the essay (pp. 42-45) and has translated the myth (940 F 945 D into German (pp. 268-278) with the addition of a few explanatory notes. He makes one noteworthy alteration in the text at 941 A - B: adopting <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸν δὲ βριάρεων ἔχοντα φρονρόν</foreign>, after which he puts a full stop, he removes the following words, <foreign xml:lang="grc">τῶν τε νήσων <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>παρακάτω κεῖσθαι</foreign> (?), from their position in the MSS. and places them after <foreign xml:lang="grc">κυκλῳ θάλαττα</foreign> in 941 B three lines below.</p><p rend="indent">The question of the MSS., which is touched upon in the Introduction § 6 <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>, has been discussed, though without specific reference to the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title>, by R. <pb xml:id="v12.p.32"/> Flaceliére in his edition and translation of the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Amatorius</title> (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="fre">Plutarque: Dialogue sur lamour</title> [Paris, <q>Les Belles Lettres,</q> 1952], pp. 35-37) and in an article, <q>La Tradition manuscrite des traitÈs 70-77 de Plutarque,</q> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="fre">Rev. Ètudes Grecques</title>, lxv (1952), pp. 351-362. By a different route he reaches the same conclusion as did G. R. Manton, namely that B is derived from E, probably through an intermediate manuscript now lost.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Irigoin, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="fre">Rev. de Philologie</title>, xxviii (1954), pp. 117-119.</note> In <title rend="italic">Gnomon</title>, xxv (1953), pp. 556-557 K. Hubert replied to Flaceliére’s arguments and again sought to establish the independence of B with respect to E.</p><p rend="indent">Flaceliére in his article entitled <q>Plutarque et les Èclipses de la lune</q> (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="fre">Rev. tudes Anciennes</title>, liii [1951], pp. 203-221) is primarily concerned with the interpretation of De Genio Socratis, 591 C, but in connection with this he discusses <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Facie</title>, 933 D - E and 942 D - E and argues that in the former of these two passages Plutarch depends upon the calculations of Hipparchus (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> my note in <title rend="italic">Class. Phil.</title> xlvi [1951], p. 145 referred to in note e on 933 E <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>).</p><p rend="indent">G. Zuntz in Rhein. Mus. xcvi (1953), pp. 233-234 has proposed several emendations in the text of the essay:</p><p rend="indent">940 E: He is right in assuming that Bernardakis’ <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὑμεῖς</foreign> is a misprint for <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἡμεῖς</foreign> of the MSS., but <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὅσαπερ</foreign> which he condemns and emends is, of course, correct; he apparently misunderstood the construction, <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὅσαπερ ἡμεῖς</foreign> (scil. <foreign xml:lang="grc">χρώμεθα</foreign>) <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἄερι</foreign>.</p><p rend="indent">942 F: After <foreign xml:lang="grc">τίς δ’ οὗτός ἐστιν</foreign>; he would add [<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἔφην· ὁ δ’·</foreign>], thus producing the same effect as did Reiske’s punctuation. <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> on this sentence my note in <title rend="italic">Class. Phil.</title> xlvi (1951), pp. 150-151.</p><pb xml:id="v12.p.33"/><p rend="indent">943 D: He would write <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸ ἄλογον καὶ</foreign> [<foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸ</foreign>] <foreign xml:lang="grc">ραθητικόν</foreign> on the strength of <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Def. Orac.</title> 417 B (p. 75. 23 [Sieveking]). This would be possible but is unnecessary, since <foreign xml:lang="grc">καὶ</foreign> can here be taken as <q>explicative.</q></p><p rend="indent">944 C: He suggests <foreign xml:lang="grc">Φερσεφόνης οὖδος ἀντιχθόνιος</foreign> or <foreign xml:lang="grc">Φερσεφόνης οὖδος ἀντίχθονος</foreign>, apparently unaware of von Arnim’s far more probable emendation (see notes d and e on p. 221 <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>). His further supplement, <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὰ δὲ [πρὸς τὰ] ἐνταῦθα</foreign>, is quite unnecessary.</p><p rend="indent">944 E: To <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἔρωτι τῆς περὶ τὸν ἥλιον εἰκόνος</foreign> he would add [<foreign xml:lang="grc">τoῦ ἑνὸς</foreign>] or [<foreign xml:lang="grc">τoῦ νοητoῦ</foreign>] or [<foreign xml:lang="grc">τἀγαθoῦ</foreign>] on the ground that the phrase as it stands is unintelligible. The following words, <foreign xml:lang="grc">δι’ ἧς ἐπιλάμπει κτλ.</foreign>, themselves explain what Plutarch means (see note g on 944 E <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>), and there is no excuse for any supplement at all.</p><p rend="indent">945 B: He rightly defends Kaltwasser’s alteration of <foreign xml:lang="grc">Τυφὼν</foreign> to <foreign xml:lang="grc">Πύθων</foreign> (see Introduction, p. 12, note b <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>).</p><p>H. C. <lb/>November 1954</p><p rend="indent">To my great regret I have been unable to take account of Professor M. Pohlenz’s edition of this essay in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Plutarchi Moralia</title>, vol. v, Fasc. 3 (Leipzig, Teubner, 1955), since it became available only after this volume had already been paged and corrected for printing.</p><p>H. C. <lb/>February 1956</p></div><pb xml:id="v12.p.35"/><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="1"><p rend="indent"><gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>These were Sullas words.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Concerning the mutilated beginning of the dialogue see Introduction § 1.</note><q>For it concerns my story and that is its source; but I think that I should first like to learn whether there is any need to put back for a fresh start<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">For the metaphor <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">An Seni Respublica Gerenda Sit</title>, 787 E, and Plato, <title rend="italic">Philebus</title>, 13 D; the meaning is guaranteed by <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀρωσθέντες</foreign> (<q>driven from our course</q>) <hi rend="infra">infra</hi>. Of. the nautical metaphor with which Sulla interrupts Lamprias at 940 F <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign> (<foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸν μῦθον <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>ἐξοκείλας</foreign>).</note> to those opinions concerning the face of the moon which are current and on the lips of everyone.</q><q>What else would you expect us to have done,</q> I said,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">The speaker and narrator of the dialogue is Lamprias, the brother of Plutarch; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 937 D, 940 F, 945 D, <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>.</note> <q>since it was the difficulty in these opinions that drove us from our course upon those others? As people with chronic diseases when they have despaired of ordinary remedies and customary regimens turn to expiations and amulets and dreams, just so in obscure and perplexing speculations, when the ordinary and reputable and customary accounts are not persuasive, it is necessary to try those that are more out of the way and not scorn them but literally to chant over ourselves<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Plato, <title rend="italic">Phaedo</title>, 77 E and 114 D, <title rend="italic">Republic</title>, 608 A.</note> the charms of the ancients and use every means to bring the truth to test.</q></p></div><pb xml:id="v12.p.37"/><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="2"><p rend="indent">Well, to begin with, you see that it is absurd to call the figure seen in the moon an affection of vision in its feebleness giving way to brilliance, a condition which we call [bedazzlement]. Anyone who asserts this<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">If Plutarch has a definite person in mind, I have not been able to identify him. Adler (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Diss. Phil. Vind.</title> x, p. 127) thinks that <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὁ λέγων</foreign> refers to a physicist whose name Plutarch himself probably did not know, and Raingeard that it refers to <q>esprits cultivÈs</q> in general.</note> does not observe that this phenomenon should rather have occurred in relation to the sun, since the sun lights upon us keen and violent (as Empedocles<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Frag. 40 (i, p. 329. 11 [Diels-Kranz]).</note> too somewhere not infelicitously renders the difference of the two: <quote rend="blockquote">The sun keen-shafted and the gentle moon,</quote> referring in this way to her allurement and cheerfulness and harmlessness), and moreover does [not] explain why dull and weak eyes discern no distinction of shape in the moon but her orb for them has an even and full light, whereas those of keen and robust vision make out more precisely and distinctly the pattern of facial features and more clearly perceive the variations. In fact the contrary, I think, should have been the case if the image resulted from an affection of the eye when it is overpowered: the weaker the subject affected, [the clearer] should be the appearance of the image. The unevenness also entirely refutes the hypothesis, for the shadow that one sees is not continuous and confused but is not<pb xml:id="v12.p.39"/> badly depicted by the words of Agesianax<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Schmid (Christ-Schmid-Stählin, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Gesch. der griech. Litteratur⁶ </title>, ii. 1, p. 164, n. 5) assumes that the verses here quoted are from the astronomical poem of Hegesianax; so also Susemihl (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Gesch. der griech. Litteratur in der Alexandrinerzeit</title>, ii, p. 33, n. 19), Schaefer (<title rend="italic">R.E.</title> i. 795), and Stähelin (<title rend="italic">R.E.</title> vii. 2603. 59 ff.). Powell (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Collectanea Alexandria</title>, p. 8) prints the verses as fragment 1 of the Phaenomena of Hegesianax but observes that Cod. A Catalogi Interpretum Arati gives <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἀγησιάναξ</foreign>.</note>: She gleams with fire encircled, but within Bluer than lapis show a maiden’s eye And dainty brow, a visage manifest. In truth, the dark patches submerge beneath the bright ones which they encompass and confine them, being confined and curtailed by them in turn; and they are thoroughly intertwined with each other [so as to] make the [delineation] of the figure resemble a painting. [This], Aristotle, seemed<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">i.e. in the earlier discussion which Lamprias is now relating for Sulla’s benefit.</note> to be a point not without cogency against your Clearchus<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Clearchus of Soli, pupil of Aristotle; Wehrli, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Die Schule des Aristoteles</title>, Heft III: <title rend="italic">Klearchos</title>, frag. 97 (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic">A.J.P.</title> lxx [1949], pp. 417-418).</note> also. <q>For the man is yours, since he was an associate of the ancient Aristotle, although he did pervert many doctrines of the School.</q><note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">For <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὁ Περίπατος</foreign>, <q>the Promenade,</q> used to designate the school of Aristotle, <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Musica</title>, 1131 F, and <q>the Peripatetics</q> in <title rend="italic">Adv. Coloten</title>, 1115 A - B, and <title rend="italic">Sulla</title>, xxvi (468 B).</note> </p></div><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="3"><p rend="indent">Apollonides broke in and inquired what the opinion of Clearchus was. <q>You are the last person,</q> I said, <q>who has any right not to know a theory of which geometry is, as it were, the very hearth and <pb xml:id="v12.p.41"/> home. The man, you see, asserts that what is called the face consists of mirrored likenesses, that is images of the great ocean reflected in the moon,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Similar theories are referred to by Aëtius, ii. 30. 1 (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 361 B 10-13) = Stobaeus, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Eclogae</title>, i. 26. 4; Lucian, <title rend="italic">Icaromenippus</title>, § 20; Simplicius, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Caelo</title>, p. 457. 15-16. Such a theory is recorded and refuted by Ibn Al-Haitham, the Arabic astronomer of the tenth and eleventh centuries (cf, Schoy’s translation, pp. 1-2 and 5-6). Emperor Rudolph II believed the spots on the moon to be the reflection of Italy and the large Italian islands (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Kepler, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Opera Omnia</title>, ii, p. 491 cited by Pixis, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Kepler als Geography</title> p. 102); and A. von Humboldt (<title rend="italic">Kosmos</title>, iii, p. 544 [Stuttgart, 1850]) tells of a Persian from Ispahan who assured him that what we see in the moon is the map of our earth (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Ebner, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Geographische Hinweise und Anklänge in Plutarchs Schrift, de facie</title>, p. 13, n. 3).</note> for the visual ray when reflected naturally reaches from many points objects which are not directly visible and the full moon is itself in uniformity and lustre<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">i.e. in the evenness and polish of its surface.</note> the finest and clearest of all mirrors. Just as you think, then, that the reflection of the visual ray to the sun accounts for the appearance of the (rainbow) in a cloud where the moisture has become somewhat smooth and (condensed),<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">For the rainbow as a reflection of the sun in the cloud <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Iside</title>, 358 F, Amatorius, 765 E - F (where there is a strong verbal similarity to the present passage), <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Placitis</title>, 894 C - F (= Aëtius, iii. 5, 3-10 and 11 [<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, pp. 372-373]). According to Aëtius, iii. 5. 11 ( = <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Placitis</title>, 894 F) the theory was held by Anaxagoras (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> frag. B 19 = ii, p. 41. 8-11 [Diels-Kranz]). It is developed by Aristotle in <title rend="italic">Meteorology</title>, iii. 4, 373 A 32 375 B 15 (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Areius Didymus’s <title rend="italic">Epitome</title>, frag. 14 = <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 455.14 ff., and Seneca, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Nat. Quaest.</title> i. 3). Diogenes Laertius, vii. 152 cites Posidonius for the definition <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἶριν δ’ εἶναι <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>ὡς Ποσειδώνιός φησιν <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>ἔμφασιν ἡλίου τμήματος ἣ ἐν νέφει δεδροσιμένῳ, κοίλῳ καὶ συνεχεῖ πρὸς φαντασίαν, ὡς ἐν κατόpτρῳ φανταζομένην κατὰ κύκλου περιφέρειαν</foreign> (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Seneca, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Nat. Quaest.</title> i. 5. 13); and Adler (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Diss. Phil. Vind.</title> x, pp. 128-129) contends that Posidonius was Plutarch’s source for the formulation of the theory. Plutarch’s <foreign xml:lang="grc">oἴεσθ’ ὑμεῖς</foreign>, however, addressed to Apollonides must be intended to ascribe the theory generally to <q>you mathematicians</q>; and this is confirmed by the passage of <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Iside</title> cited above, which reads: <foreign xml:lang="grc">καἰ καθάπερ οἱ μαθηματικοὶ τὴν ἶριν <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>λέγουσι <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . . "/></foreign> On the difference between the theories of Aristotle and Posidonius <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> O. Gilbert, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Die meteorologischen Theorien des griechischen Altertums</title>, pp. 614-616.</note> so Clearchus thought that the outer ocean is seen in the moon, not in the place where it is but in the place whence the visual ray has been deflected to the ocean and the reflection of the ocean to us. <pb xml:id="v12.p.43"/> So Agesianax again has somewhere said: <quote rend="blockquote"><l>Or swell of ocean surging opposite </l><l>Be mirrored in a looking-glass of flame.</l></quote> </q> <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Powell (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Collectanea Alexandrina</title>, p. 9) prints these lines as fragment 2 of the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Phaenomena</title> of Hegesianax; see note a on p. 39 <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>.</note> </p></div><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="4"><p rend="indent">Apollonides was delighted. <q>What an original and absolutely novel contrivance the hypothesis is,</q> he said, <q>the work of a man of daring and culture; but how did you proceed to bring your counterargument against it?</q> <q>In the first place,</q> I said, <q>in that, although the outer ocean is a single thing, a confluent and continuous sea,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Strabo, i. 1. 8 (i, p. 6. 4-7 [Meineke]).</note> the dark spots in the moon do not appear as one but as having something like isthmuses between them, the brilliance dividing and delimiting the shadow. Hence, since each part is separated and has its own boundary, the layers of light upon shadow,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">The language is that of painting; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Lucian, <title rend="italic">Zeuxis</title>, 5: <foreign xml:lang="grc">τῶν χρωμάτων ἀκριβῆ τὴν κρᾶσιν καὶ εὔνκαφον τὴν ἐπιβολὴν ποιήσασθαι.</foreign> </note> assuming the semblance of height and depth, have produced a very close likeness of eyes and lips. Therefore, one must assume the existence of several outer oceans separated by isthmuses and mainlands, which is absurd and false; or, if the ocean is single, it is not plausible that its reflected image be thus discontinuous. Tell me whether for in your presence it is safer to put this as a question than as an assertion whether it is possible, though the inhabited world has length and breadth, that every visual ray when reflected from the moon should in like manner reach the ocean, even the visual rays of those who are sailing in the great ocean itself, yes and who dwell in it as the Britons <pb xml:id="v12.p.45"/> do, and that too even though the earth, as you say,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">i.e. <q>you mathematicians</q>; see <foreign xml:lang="grc">oἴεσθ’ ὑμεῖς</foreign> in 921 A <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>. The reference is to the eccentrics of Hipparchus’s theory of the motion of the moon. For defence of the text and a detailed interpretation of this sentence <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic">Class. Phil.</title> xlvi (1951), pp. 137-138.</note> does not have the relation of centre to the orbit of the moon. Well, this,</q> I said, <q>it is your business to consider; but the reflection of vision either in respect to the moon or (in general) is beyond your province and that of Hipparchus too.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Because Hipparchus was a mathematician and not a physicist (<foreign xml:lang="grc">φυσιολόγος</foreign>); on the difference <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Geminus in Simplicius, <title rend="italic">Phys.</title> pp. 291. 23-292. 29, and the phrase, <foreign xml:lang="grc">διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐφωδιάσθαι ἀπὸ φυσιολογίας</foreign>, which Theon of Smyrna (p. 188. 19-20) uses of Hipparchus.</note> Although Hipparchus was industrious, still many find him unsatisfactory in his explanation of the nature of vision itself, (which) is more likely to involve a sympathetic compound and fusion<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Plato’s theory; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic">Timaeus</title>, 45 C and <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Placitis</title>, 901 B- C = Aëtius, iv. 13. 11 (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 404).</note> than any impacts and rebounds such as those of the atoms that Epicurus invented.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">Adv. Coloten</title>, 1112 C and <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Placitis</title>, 901 A - B = Aëtius, iv. 13. 1 (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 403. 2-4). The present passage seems to imply that Hipparchus’s explanation of vision resembled that of Epicurus. In <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Placitis</title>, 901 B = Aëtius, iv. 13. 9 (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 404) a theory of vision is attributed to Hipparchus, however, which does not at all resemble that of the atomists; but the name Hipparchus there is probably a mistake, <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic">Class. Phil.</title> xlvi (1951), p. 154, n. 6.</note> Moreover, Clearchus, I think, would refuse to assume with us that the moon is a body of weight and solidity instead of an ethereal and luminiferous star as you say<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Lamprias addresses Apollonides and Aristotle, for that the moon is an ethereal and luminiferous star is the Peripatetic theory (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> the statement of Aristotle at 928 E <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign> and the references in the note there) and that is why it is ascribed to Clearchus. Obviously then <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὑμῖν</foreign> of the MSS. must be an error and should be changed to <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἡμῖν</foreign>, for that the moon is a body with weight and solidity is the opinion of the Academy, <foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> of Lamprias, Lucius, and their circle (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 926 C, 928 C, 931 B - C <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>).</note>; (and) such a moon ought <pb xml:id="v12.p.47"/> to shatter and divert the visual ray so that reflection would be out of the question. But if anyone dismisses our objections, we shall ask how it is that the reflection of the ocean exists as a face only in the moon and is seen in none of all the many other stars, although reason requires that all or none of them should affect the visual ray in this fashion. But [let us have done with this; and do you]],</q> I said with a glance at Lucius, <q>recall to me what part of our position was stated first.</q> </p></div><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="5"><p rend="indent">Whereat Lucius said: <q>Nay, lest we give the impression of flatly insulting Pharnaces by thus passing over the Stoic opinion unnoticed, do now by all means address some remark to the gentleman who, supposing the moon to be a mixture of air and gentle fire, then says that what appears to be a figure is the result of the blackening of the air as when in a calm water there runs a ripple under the surface.</q> <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Von Arnim (<title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 198) prints this and some of the subsequent sentences as frag. 673 among the Physical Fragments of Chrysippus. For the Stoic doctrine that the moon is a mixture of air and fire <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Placitis</title>, 891 B and 892 B ( = Aëtius, ii. 25. 5 [<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 356] and ii. 30. 5 [<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 361]), and <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 136. 32. The <q>gentle fire</q> here mentioned is the <foreign xml:lang="grc">πῦρ τεχνικόν</foreign> as distinguished from destructive fire (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> i, p. 34. 22-27 and ii, p. 200. 14-16). For the Stoic explanation of the face in the moon <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 199. 3-5 ( = Philo Judaeus, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Somniis</title>, i, § 145); and for the simile of the ripple <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic">Iliad</title>, vii. 63-64.</note> <q>You are [very] nice, Lucius,</q> I said, <q>to dress up the absurdity in respectable language. Not so our <pb xml:id="v12.p.49"/> comrade<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">See 929 B and 929 F <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>. This comrade was the leader of the earlier discussion, which is here being recapitulated, and is probably to be identified with Plutarch himself (so Hirzel, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">r Dialog</title>, ii, p. 184, n. 2, and Hartman, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Plutarcho</title>, p. 557); <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Tuenda Sanitate</title>, 122 F for a similar situation and Quaest. Conviv. 643 C, where Hagias addresses Plutarch as <q>comrade.</q> </note>; but he said what is true, that they blacken the Moon’s eye defiling her with blemishes and bruises, at one and the same time addressing her as Artemis<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 212. 38-39 (Chrysippus), iii, p. 217. 12-13 (Diogenes of Babylon); in general <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv</title> 658 F 659 A, and Roscher, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">über Selene und Verwandtes</title>, p. 116.</note> and Athena<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 938 B <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>. In <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Iside</title>, 354 C Isis, who later is identified with the moon (372 D), is identified with Athena (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 376 A). <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Roscher, <foreign xml:lang="lat">Op. cit.</foreign> pp. 123 f. (on the supposed fragment of Aristotle there cited see V. Rose, <title rend="italic">Aristoteles Pseudepigraphus</title>, pp. 616 [no. 4] and 617).</note> and making her a mass compounded of murky air and smouldering fire neither kindling nor shining of herself, an indiscriminate kind of body, forever charred and smoking like the thunderbolts that are darkling and by the poets called lurid.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><bibl><title rend="italic">Odyssey</title>, xxiii. 330</bibl> and <bibl>xxiv. 539</bibl>; <bibl>Hesiod, <title rend="italic">Theogony</title>, 515</bibl>; <bibl>Pindar, <title rend="italic">Nemean</title>, x. 71</bibl>; <bibl>Aristotle, <title rend="italic">Meteorology</title>, 371 A 17-24</bibl>.</note> Yet a smouldering fire, such as they suppose that of the moon to be, cannot persist or subsist at all unless it get solid fuel that shelters and at the same time nourishes it<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">See 934 B - C <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>.</note>; this some philosophers, I believe, see less clearly than do those who say in jest that Hephaestus is said to be lame because fire without wood, like the lame without a stick, makes no progress.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Cornutus, chap. 18 (p. 33. 18-22 Lang); <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Heracliti Quaestiones Homericae</title>, § 26 (p. 41. 2-6 Oelmann).</note> If the moon really is fire, whence came so much air in it? For the region that we see revolving above us is the place not of air but of a superior substance, the nature of which is to rarefy all things and set them afire; and, if air did come to be there, why has it not been etherealized by the fire<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 184. 2-5: <foreign xml:lang="grc"><gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>ἑξαιθερoῦσθαι πάντα <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>εἰς πῦρ αἰθερῶδες ἀναλυομένων πάντων</foreign>. The <q>ether</q> here is Stoic ether, <foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> a kind of fire (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Primo Frigido</title>, 951 c-d and note d on 928 D <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>), not Aristotle’s <q>fifth essence,</q> which does not enter into the process of the alteration of simple bodies.</note> <pb xml:id="v12.p.51"/> and in this transformation disappeared but instead has been preserved as a housemate of fire this long time, as if nails had fixed it forever to the same spots and riveted it together? Air is tenuous and without configuration, and so it naturally slips and does not stay in place; and it cannot have become solidified if it is commingled with fire and partakes neither of moisture nor of earth by which alone air can be solidified.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Primo Frigido</title>, 951 D, 952 B, 953 D 954 A: but the Stoic opinion given in 949 B ( = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 142. 6-10) was that solidification (<foreign xml:lang="grc">φῦξις</foreign>) is a state produced in water by air, and Galen reports (<title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 145. 8-11) that according to the Stoics the hardness and resistance of earth are caused by fire and air.</note> Moreover, velocity ignites the air in stones and in cold lead, not to speak of the air enclosed in fire that is whirling about with such great speed.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><bibl>Aristotle, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Caelo</title>, 289 A 19-32</bibl>, <bibl><title rend="italic">Meteorology</title>, 341 A 17-19</bibl>; Ideler, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Aristotelis Meteorologica</title>, i, pp. 359-360.</note> Why, they are vexed by Empedocles because he represents the moon to be a hail-like congelation of air encompassed by the sphere of fire<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Empedocles, A 60 (i, p. 294. 24-31 [Diels-Kranz]); <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> [Plutarch], <title rend="italic">Stromat.</title> § 10 = <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 582. 12-15 = i, p. 288. 30-32 (Diels-Kranz); and C. E. Millard, <title rend="italic">On the Interpretation of Empedocles</title>, pp. 65-68.</note>; but they themselves say that the moon is a sphere of fire containing air dispersed about it here and there, and a sphere moreover that has neither clefts nor depths and hollows, such as are allowed by those who make it an earthy body, but has the air evidently resting upon its convex surface. That it should so remain is both contrary to reason and impossible to square with what is observed when the moon is full. On that assumption there should have been no distinction of dark and shadowy air; but all the air should become dark when occulted, or when the moon is caught by the sun it should all shine out with an even light. For with us too, while <pb xml:id="v12.p.53"/> the air in the depths and hollows of the earth, wherever the suns rays do not penetrate, remains shadowy and unlit, that which suffuses the earth outside takes on brilliance and a luminous colour. The reason is that air, because of its subtility, is delicately attuned to every quality and influence; and, especially if it touches light or, to use your phrase, merely is tangent to it, it is altered through and through and entirely illuminated.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Chrysippus, frag. 570 (<title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 178. 20-22), <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Primo Frigido</title>, 952 F. With the words <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὥς φατε</foreign> Lamprias addresses Pharnaces as representative of the Stoics, for whose doctrine of the instantaneous alteration of air by light see 930 F <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign> and the references there; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> especially <foreign xml:lang="grc">κατὰ νύξιν ἣ ψαῦσιν</foreign> there with <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἂν ἐριψαύσῃ μόνον, ὥς φατε</foreign>, here. Aristotle originated the doctrine that the transparent medium is altered instantaneously throughout its whole extent by the mere presence of light at any point (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Sensu</title>, 446 B 27 447 A 10 and <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Anima</title>, 418 B 9 ff.).</note> So this same point seems right handsomely to re-enforce those who pack the air on the moon into depths of some kind and chasms, even as it utterly refutes you who make her globe an unintelligible mixture or compound of air and fire for it is not possible<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> on the Stoic theory.</note> that a shadow remain upon the surface when the sun casts his light upon all of the moon that is within the compass of our vision.</q> </p></div><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="6"><p rend="indent">Even while I was still speaking Pharnaces spoke: <q>Here we are faced again with that stock manoeuvre of the Academy<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">The word <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸ περίακτον</foreign> occurs in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Comp. Lys. Sulla</title>, iii, 476 E, where it seems to mean <q>the old saw,</q> though it may refer to a proverbial state of <q>inside out and wrong side to.</q> In <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Gloria Atheniensium</title>, 348 E Plutarch mentions <foreign xml:lang="grc">μηχανὰς ἀπὸ σκηνῆς περιάκτους</foreign>, but that rather tells against taking <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸ περίακτον</foreign> as the name of this stage-machine. He uses <foreign xml:lang="grc">περιαγωγή</foreign> in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Genio Socratis</title>, 588 D in the sense of <q>distraction</q> and in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Praecepta Gerendae Reipublicae</title>, 819 A in the sense of <q>a trick of diversion,</q> a sense which certainly suits <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸ περίακτον</foreign> in the present context. The complaint of Pharnaces is frequently made by the interlocutors of Socrates; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <bibl><author>Xenophon</author>, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Memorabilia</title>, iv, 4. 9</bibl>; <bibl><author>Plato</author>, <title rend="italic">Republic</title>, 336 C</bibl>; <bibl><author>Aristotle</author>, <title rend="italic">Soph. Elench.</title> 183 B 6-8.</bibl> </note>: on each occasion that they engage in discourse with others they will not offer any accounting of their own assertions but must keep <pb xml:id="v12.p.55"/> their interlocutors on the defensive lest they become the prosecutors. Well, me you will not to-day entice into defending the Stoics against your charges until I have called you people to account for turning the universe upside down.</q> Thereupon Lucius laughed and said: <q>Oh, sir, just don’t bring suit against us for impiety as Cleanthes thought that the Greeks ought to lay an action for impiety against Aristarchus the Samian on the ground that he was disturbing the hearth of the universe because he sought to save (the) phenomena by assuming that the heaven is at rest while the earth is revolving along the ecliptic and at the same time is rotating about its own axis.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">= <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> i, p. 112, frag. 500; the title, <q>Against Aristarchus,</q> appears in the list of Cleanthes writings given by Diogenes Laertius, vii. 174. For the theory of Aristarchus <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <bibl><author>Plutarch</author>, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Plat. Quaest.</title> 1006 c</bibl>; <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Placitis</title> 891 A = Aëtius, ii. 24. 8 (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 355); Archimedes, <title rend="italic">Arenarius</title>, i. 1.4-7 (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Opera Omnia</title>, ii, p. 218 Heiberg); Sextus Empiricus, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Adv. Math.</title> x. 174; T. L. Heath, <title rend="italic">Aristarchus of Samos</title>, pp. 301 ff.</note> We<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> we Academics, the party which did in fact maintain that the moon is an earthy body.</note> express no opinion of our own now; but those who suppose that the moon is earth, why do they, my dear sir, turn things upside down any more than you<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> you Stoics; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Achilles, Isagogê, 4 = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 555, p. 175. 36 ff.</note> do who station the earth here suspended in the air? Yet the earth is a great deal larger than the moon<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">This would not have been admitted by most of the Stoics, who thought that the moon is larger than the earth; but in this Posidonius and possibly others disagreed with the earlier members of the school; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Aëtius, ii. 26. 1 (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 357 and p. 68, n. 1), and M. Adler, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Diss. Phil. Vind.</title> x (1910), p. 155.</note> according to the mathematicians who during the occurrences of eclipses and the transits of the moon through the shadow calculate her magnitude by the length of time that she is obscured.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Cleomedes, ii. 1, § 80 (p. 146. 18 ff. Ziegler); Simplicius, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Caelo</title>, p. 471. 6-11.</note> For the <pb xml:id="v12.p.57"/> shadow of the earth grows smaller the further it extends, because the body that casts the light is larger than the earth<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Cleomedes, ii. 2. §§ 93-94 (p. 170. 11 ff. Ziegler); Theon of Smyrna, p. 197. 1 ff. (Hiller); Pliny, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Nat. Hist.</title> ii. 11 (8), 51.</note>; and that the upper part of the shadow itself is taper and narrow was recognized, as they say, even by Homer, who called night nimble because of the sharpness of the shadow.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu Oraculorum</title>, 410 D. Homer uses the phrase <foreign xml:lang="grc">θοὴ νύξ</foreign> frequently (e.g. <bibl>Iliad, x. 394</bibl> [<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Leaf’s note ad loc.], <bibl>Odyssey, xii. 284</bibl>). Another <foreign xml:lang="grc">θοός</foreign>, supposedly meaning <q>pointed,</q> <q>sharp</q> and cognate with <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐθόωσα</foreign> in <bibl>Odyssey, ix. 327</bibl>, is used of certain islands in <bibl>Odyssey, xv. 299</bibl> (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <bibl>Strabo, viii. 350-351</bibl>; <bibl>Pseudo-Plutarch, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Vita et Poesi Homeri</title>, B, 21</bibl> [vii, p. 347. 19 ff. Bernardakis]). The latter passage so understood was used to support the hypothesis that <foreign xml:lang="grc">θοὴ νυξ</foreign> referred to the <q>sharpness</q> of the earth’s shadow: <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic">Heracliti Quaestiones Homericae</title>, §§ 45-46 (p. 67. 13 ff. Oelmann). Eustathius (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Comment. ad Iliadem</title>, 814. 15 ff.) mentions besides this another astronomical interpretation of the phrase by Crates of Mallos.</note> Yet captured by this part in eclipses<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">For this temporal dative without <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐν</foreign> <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Theon of Smyrna, p. 194. 1-3 (Hiller).</note> the moon barely escapes from it in a space thrice her own magnitude. Consider then how many times as large as the moon the earth is, if the earth casts a shadow which at its narrowest is thrice as broad as the moon.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> An. Proc. in Timaeo</title>, 1028 D where Plutarch ascribes to geometers the approximate calculation of three to one as the ratio of the earth’s diameter to that of the moon and of twelve to one as the ratio of the sun’s diameter to that of the earth, figures which agree roughly with those of Hipparchus (t: 1: s = 1 . 1/3 . 12 1/3; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Heath, Aristarchus of Samos, pp. 342 and 350 after Hultsch). Hipparchus, however, considered the breadth of the shadow at the moon’s mean distance from the earth in eclipses to be lunar diameters (Ptolemy, Syntaxis, iv. 9 [i, p. 327. 1-4 Heiberg]), while Aristarchus, whose calculations of the moon’s diameter Plutarch quotes at 932 B <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>, declared the shadow to be 2 lunar diameters in breadth (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Aristarchus, Hypothesis 5 [Heath, <foreign xml:lang="lat">Op. cit.</foreign> p. 352. 13]; Pappus, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Collectionis Quae Supersunt</title>, ii, p. 554. 17-18 and p. 556. 14-17 [Hultsch]), the figure given by Cleomedes as well (pp. 146. 18-19 and 178. 8-13 [Ziegler]; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Geminus, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Elementa</title>, ed. Manitius, p. 272). Plutarch may here simply have assumed that the ratio of the lunar diameter to the breadth of the shadow would be the same as the Hipparchean ratio of the lunar diameter to the diameter of the earth; but he may also have erroneously supposed that the time taken by the moon to enter the shadow, the time of complete obscuration, and the time taken to leave the shadow equal three diameters instead of two (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Cleomedes, p. 146. 21-25 [Ziegler] and M. Adler, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Diss. Phil. Vind.</title> x [1910], p. 156, n. 2).</note> All the same, you fear for the moon lest it fall; whereas concerning the earth perhaps Aeschylus has <pb xml:id="v12.p.59"/> persuaded you that Atlas <quote rend="blockquote">Stands, staying on his back the prop of earth And sky no tender burden to embrace.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Aeschylus, <title rend="italic">Prometheus Vinct.</title> 351-352 (Smyth).</note> </quote> Or, while under the moon there stretches air unsubstantial and incapable of supporting a solid mass, the earth, as Pindar says, is encompassed by steel-shod pillars<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Pindar, frag. 88 (Bergk) = 79 (Bowra).</note>; and therefore Pharnaces is himself without any fear that the earth may fall but is sorry for the Ethiopians or Taprobanians,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> the Sinhalese; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Strabo, ii. 1. 14, chap. 72 and xv. 1. 14, chap. 690; Pliny, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Nat. Hist.</title> vi. 22 (24).</note> who are situated under the circuit of the moon, lest such a great weight fall upon them. Yet the moon is saved from falling by its very motion and the rapidity of its revolution, just as missiles placed in slings are kept from falling by being whirled around in a circle.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Aristotle, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Caelo</title>, 284 A 24-26 and 295 A 16-21 (on Empedocles [Cherniss, <title rend="italic">Aristotle’s Criticism of Presocratic Philosophy</title>, p. 204, n. 234]). Plutarch himself in <title rend="italic">Lysander</title>, xii. 3-4 (439 D) ascribes to Anaxagoras the notion that the heavenly bodies are kept from falling by the speed of their circular motion.</note> For each thing is governed by its natural motion unless it be diverted by something else. That is why the moon is not governed by its weight: the weight has its influence frustrated by the rotatory motion. Nay, there would be more reason perhaps to wonder if she were absolutely unmoved and stationary like the earth. As it is, while [the] moon has good cause for not moving in this direction, the influence of weight alone might reasonably move the earth, since it has no part in any other motion; and the earth is heavier than the moon not merely in proportion to its greater size but <pb xml:id="v12.p.61"/> still more, inasmuch as the moon has, of course, become light through the action of heat and fire.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Here Lucius assumes the Stoic theory of the composition of the moon in order to rebut the Stoic objections.</note> In short, your own statements seem to make the moon, if it is fire, stand in greater need of earth, that is of matter to serve it as a foundation, as something to which to adhere, as something to lend it coherence, and as something that can be ignited by it, for it is impossible to imagine fire being maintained without fuel,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><bibl><author>Seneca</author>, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Nat. Quaest.</title> vii. 1. 7</bibl>: <q type="unspecified" xml:lang="lat"><gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>magni fuere viri, qui sidera crediderunt ex duro concreta et ignem alienum pascentia. <q type="unspecified" xml:lang="lat">nam per se,</q> inquiunt, <q>flamma diffugeret, nisi aliquid haberet, quod teneret et a quo teneretur, conglobatamque nec stabili inditam corpori, profecto iam mundus turbine suo dissipasset.</q> </q></note> but you people say that earth does abide without root or foundation.</q> <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Aristotle’s remark (<title rend="italic">Meteorology</title>, 353 A 34 - B 5) about the ancient <foreign xml:lang="grc">θεολόγοι</foreign> who assumed <foreign xml:lang="grc">ῥίζαι γῆς καὶ θαλάττης</foreign> and see <bibl><author>Hesiod</author>, <title rend="italic">Theogony</title>, 728</bibl>; <bibl><author>Aeschylus</author>, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Prometheus Vinct.</title> 1046-1047</bibl>; and the <q>Orphic</q> lines quoted by Proclus, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">In Timaeum</title>, 211 C (ii, p. 231. 27-28 [Diehl]) = Kern, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Orphicorum Fragmenta</title>, 168. 29-30 (p. 202). The phrase <foreign xml:lang="grc">ῥίζα καὶ βάσις</foreign> is applied to the earth itself in a different sense by <q>Timaeus Locrus</q> (97 E). For the ascription to Xenophanes of the notion that the earth <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐπ’ ἄπειρον ἐρρίζωται</foreign> <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Xenophanes, frag. A 47 (i, pp. 125-126 [Diels-Kranz]).</note> <q>Certainly it does,</q> said Pharnaces, <q>in occupying the proper and natural place that belongs to it, the middle, for this is the place about which all weights in their natural inclination press against one another and towards which they move and converge from every direction, whereas all the upper space, even if it receive something earthy which has been forcibly hurled up into it, straightway extrudes it into our region or rather lets it go where its proper inclination causes it naturally to descend.</q> <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">= <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 195, frag. 646. This is the doctrine of proper place and natural motion, originally Aristotelian and ascribed to Aristotle in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu Oraculorum</title>, 424 B but adopted also by the Stoics (cf <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 162. 14-19; p. 169. 8-11; p. 175. 16-35; p. 178. 12-15); it should not be confused, however, as Raingeard confuses it, with the Stoic doctrine that the universe itself is in the middle of the void (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu Oraculorum</title>, 425 D - E, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Stoicorum Repugnantiis</title>, 1054 C - D).</note> </p></div><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="7"><p rend="indent">At this — for I wished Lucius to have time to collect his thoughts — I called to Theon. <q>Which of <pb xml:id="v12.p.63"/> the tragic poets was it, Theon,</q> I asked, <q>who said that physicians <quote rend="blockquote">With bitter drugs the bitter bile purge?</quote> </q> Theon replied that it was Sophocles.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Sophocles, frag. 770 (Nauck²). The verse is quoted with variations at <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Cohibenda Ira</title>, 463 F, and <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Tranquillitate Animi</title>, 468 B.</note> <q>Yes,</q> I said, <q>and we have of necessity to allow them this procedure; but to philosophers one should not listen if they desire to repulse paradoxes with paradoxes and in struggling against opinions that are amazing fabricate others that are more amazing and outlandish,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Aristotle’s remark, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Caelo</title>, 294 A 20-21: <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸ δὲ τὰs περὶ τούτου λύσεις μὴ μᾶλλον ἀτόπους εἶναι δοκεῖη τῆς ἀπορίας, θαυμάσειεν ἆνa τις</foreign>.</note> as these people do in introducing their motion to the centre. What paradox is not involved in this doctrine? Not the one that the earth is a sphere although it contains such great depths and heights and irregularities?<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">This objection to the Peripatetic and Stoic theory that the sphericity of the earth is a necessary consequence of the natural motion of earth <q>downwards</q> to the centre of the universe (<bibl><author>Aristotle</author>, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Caelo</title>, 297 A 8 - b 23</bibl>; <bibl>Strabo, i. 1. 20</bibl>, chap. 11; Adrastus in Theon of Smyrna, p. 122. 1-16 [Hiller]) was often answered (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Dicaearchus in Pliny, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Nat. Hist.</title> ii. 65. 162; Adrastus in Theon of Smyrna, pp. 124. 7-127, 23, using arguments from Archimedes, Eratosthenes, and Dicaearchus; Cleomedes, i. 56 [p. 102. 9-20 Ziegler]; Alexander in Simplicius, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Caelo</title>, p. 546. 15-23; Alexander, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Mixtione</title>, p. 237. 5-15 [Bruns]). Plutarch, who defends Plato for constructing the spherical earth of molecules that are cubes on the ground that no material object can be a perfect sphere (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Plat.</title> 1004 B - C), probably did not intend this or the subsequent paradoxes to be taken too seriously. Lamprias is simply riding Pharnaces as hard as he can, using any argument, good or bad, to make him appear ridiculous.</note> Not that people live on the opposite hemisphere clinging to the earth like wood-worms or geckos turned bottomside up?<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Lucretius, i. 1052-1067 in his argument against the Stoic <q>motion to the centre.</q> Plutarch mentions the antipodes in connection with the Stoics in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Stoicorum Repugnantiis</title>, 1050 B. In <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Herodoti Malignitate</title>, 869 C it is said that <q>some</q> say that there are antipodes.</note> — and that we ourselves in standing remain not at right angles to the earth but at an oblique angle, leaning from the perpendicular <pb xml:id="v12.p.65"/> like drunken men?<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Aristotle, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Caelo</title>, 296 B 18 - 21 and 297 B 17 - 21: the courses of bodies falling to the earth form equal angles with the horizontal plane at the point of contact and are not parallel. So, Lamprias argues, men standing upright on the earth would not be parallel to one another but all in converging on the centre would deviate from the <q>absolute</q> perpendicular.</note> Not that incandescent masses of forty tons<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Probably not aeroliths, as Raingeard supposes, but incandescent boulders such as are thrown up by volcanoes; for <foreign xml:lang="grc">μύδροι</foreign> in this sense <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> [Aristotle], <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Mundo</title>, 395 B 22-23; Strabo, vi. 2. 8, chap. 274; vi. 2. 10, chap. 275; xiii. 4. 11, chap. 628. For the falling of great boulders within the earth <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Lucretius, vi. 536-550, and Seneca, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Nat. Quaest.</title> vi. 22. 2; but Plutarch probably had in mind a subterranean geography such as that of <title rend="italic">Phaedo</title>, 111 D ff., of which the next sentence but one contains an explicit reminiscence.</note> falling through the depth of the earth stop when they arrive at the centre, though nothing encounter or support them; and, if in their downward motion the impetus should carry them past the centre, they swing back again and return of themselves? Not that pieces of meteors burnt out on either side of the earth do not move downwards continually but falling upon the surface of the earth force their way into it from the outside and conceal themselves about the centre?<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">For the text and interpretation of this sentence <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic">Class. Phil.</title> xlvi (1951), pp. 139-140.</note> Not that a turbulent stream of water, if in flowing downwards it should reach the middle point, which they themselves call incorporeal,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 926 B <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>. According to the Stoics the limits of bodies are incorporeal and therefore in the strict sense nonexistent (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Communibus Notitiis</title>, 1080 e; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 1081 B and <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 159, frag. 488), since only the corporeal exists (<title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 115, frag. 320 and p. 117, frag. 329). Only corporeal existence, moreover, can produce an effect or be affected (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Communibus Notitiis</title>, 1073 E, <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 118, frag. 336 and p. 123, frag. 363). How then can the incorporeal centre have any effect upon corporeal entities?</note> stops suspended [or] moves round about it, oscillating in an incessant and perpetual see-saw?<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><bibl><author>Plato</author>, <title rend="italic">Phaedo</title>, 111 E 112 E</bibl>, which is certainly the source of Plutarch’s figure, and Aristotle’s criticism of Plato’s account in <title rend="italic">Meteorology</title>, 355 B 32 356 A 19.</note> Some of these a man could not even mistakenly force <pb xml:id="v12.p.67"/> himself to conceive as possible. For this amounts to upside down and all things topsy-turvy, everything as far as the centre being down and everything under the centre in turn being up.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">Phaedo</title>, 112 E 1-3. By introducing the conventional phrase <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὑπὸ τὸ μέσον</foreign>, which really begs the question, Lamprias makes the notion appear to be a ridiculous self-contradiction.</note> The result is that, if a man should so coalesce with the earth<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">That <foreign xml:lang="grc">συμπαθείᾳ τῆς γῆς</foreign>, which has given rise to many conjectures, need mean no more than this is proved by <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 317 B 14-16: <foreign xml:lang="grc">τῆς τε τῶν ὄντων συμαθείας καὶ τῆς τῶν σωμάτων ἀλληλουχίας</foreign>. For the figure used here <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <bibl><author>Aristotle</author>, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Caelo</title>, 285 A 27-b 5</bibl>, and Simplicius, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Caelo</title>, p. 389. 8-24 and p. 391. 33 ff. The most famous later parallel is the position of Lucifer in Dante’s Inferno, xxxiv. 76-120.</note> that its centre is at his navel, the same person at the same time has his head up and his feet up too. Moreover, if he dig through the further side, his [bottom] in emerging is [up], and the man digging himself <q>up</q> is pulling himself <q>down</q> from <q>above</q> <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> his feet emerge first; and they, his bottom part, are <q>up.</q> In digging himself <q>up</q> relatively to the surface through which he emerges, he is with reference to himself pulling himself not <q>up</q> to a position above his head but <q>down</q> to a position below his feet. The paradox rests upon the assumption that head and feet are respectively <q>absolute up</q> and <q>absolute down</q> for man (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <bibl>Aristotle, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Incessu Animal.</title> 705 A 26 706 B 16</bibl>, and <bibl><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Parva Nat.</title> 468 A 1-12</bibl>).</note>; and, if someone should then be imagined to have gone in the opposite direction to this man, the feet of both of them at the same time turn out to be up and are so called.</q></p></div><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="8"><p rend="indent">Nevertheless, though of tall tales of such a kind and number they have shouldered and lugged in not a wallet-full, by heaven, but some juggler’s pack and hotchpotch, still they say<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">= <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 195, frag. 646.</note> that others are playing the buffoon by placing the moon, though it is earth, on high and not where the centre is. Yet if all heavy body converges to the same point and is <pb xml:id="v12.p.69"/> compressed in all its parts upon its own centre,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Lamprias refers directly to the words of Pharnaces at 923 E - F <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>. <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Stoicorum Repugnantiis</title>, 1055 A: <foreign xml:lang="grc">εἰ γὰρ αὐτός γε νεύειν ἐπὶ τὸ αυτοῦ μέσον ἀεὶ πέφυκε καὶ τὰ μέρη πρὸς τοῦτο κατατείνειν πανταχόθεν<gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . . "/></foreign> </note> it is no more as centre of the sum of things than as a whole that the earth would appropriate to herself the heavy bodies that are parts of herself; and [the downward tendency] of falling bodies<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">That <foreign xml:lang="grc">τῶν ῥερόντων</foreign> can stand alone in this sense, pace Adler (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Diss. Phil. Vind.</title> x, p. 96), is proved by <bibl><author>Aristotle</author>, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Caelo</title>, 312 B 24</bibl>.</note> proves not that the [earth] is in the centre of the cosmos but that those bodies which when thrust away from the earth fall back to her again have some affinity and cohesion with her.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Aristotle (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Caelo</title>, 296 B 9-25) asserted that heavy, <foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> earthy, objects move to the centre of the universe and so only <q>accidentally</q> to the centre of the earth. The Stoics distinguished the cosmos as <foreign xml:lang="grc ">ὅλον</foreign> from <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸ πᾶν</foreign>, which is the cosmos plus the infinite void encompassing it (<title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 167, frags. 522-524), putting the cosmos in the centre of the <foreign xml:lang="grc">πᾶν</foreign> and explaining this as the result of the motion of all things to the centre of the latter (<title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, pp. 174-175, frags. 552-554; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> note d on 923 F <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>) but stating that within the cosmos those things that have weight, <foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> water and earth, move naturally down, <foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> to the centre (<title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 175. 16-35, frag. 555). Nevertheless, Chrysippus’s own words could be used to show that the natural motion to the centre must belong to the parts of the universe <foreign xml:lang="lat">qua</foreign> parts of the whole and not because of their own nature (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Stoicorum Repugnantiis</title>, 1054 E 1055 C); and with the very word <foreign xml:lang="grc">οἰκειώσεται</foreign> Lamprias turns against the Stoics their own doctrine of <foreign xml:lang="grc">οἰκείωσις</foreign> (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Stoicorum Repugnantiis</title>, 1038 B = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 43, frag. 179).</note> For as the sun attracts to itself the parts of which it consists<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">According to Reinhardt (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Kosmos und Sympathie</title>, pp. 173-177) the source of Plutarch’s argument must be Posidonius; but none of the passages cited contains any parallel to this statement concerning the sun, for references to the attractive power of the sun over the other planets (Reinhardt, <foreign xml:lang="lat">Op. cit.</foreign> p. 58, n. 2; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> R. M. Jones, <title rend="italic">Class. Phil.</title> xxvii [1932], pp. 122 ff.) are irrelevant. There may rather have been a connection between this notion and the doctrine of Cleanthes referred to in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Communibus Notitiis</title>, 1075 D = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> i, p. 114, frag. 510.</note> so the earth too accepts as [her] own the stone<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">This is not a reference to aeroliths as Raingeard and Kronenberg suppose nor to the imaginary stone in intercosmic space (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu Oraculorum</title>, 425 C) as Adler believes, but to any <foreign xml:lang="grc">γεῶδές τι ὑπὸ βίας ἀναρριφέν</foreign>, in the words of Pharnaces (923 F <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>); <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Aristotle’s use of <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὁ λίθος</foreign> in the statement of his principle of natural motion (<title rend="italic">Eth. Nic.</title> 1103 A 19-22).</note> that has properly a downward tendency, and consequently every such thing <pb xml:id="v12.p.71"/> ultimately unites and coheres with her. If there is a body, however, that was not originally allotted to the earth or detached from it but has somewhere independently a constitution and nature of its own, as those men<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">The men referred to in 924 D, <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἑτέρους <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>ἄνω τὴν σελήνην, gῆν οὖσαν, ἐνιδρύοντας</foreign>, whom the Stoics attack and among whom are Lamprias and Lucius themselves and <q>our comrade</q> (921 F).</note> would say of the moon, what is to hinder it from being permanently separate in its own place, compressed and bound together by its own parts? For it has not been proved that the earth is the centre of the sum of things,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> even if it is the centre of our cosmos; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu Oraculorum</title>, 425 A - E, where concerning the possibility of a multiplicity of universes in <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸ πᾶν</foreign> Plutarch points out that even on the hypothesis of natural motion and proper place up, down, and centre would apply separately within each cosmos, there could be no centre of <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸ πᾶν</foreign>, and the laws of motion in any one universe could not affect objects in any other or hypothetical objects in intercosmic space.</note> and the way in which things in our region press together and concentrate upon the earth suggests how in all probability things in that region converge upon the moon and remain there. The man who drives together into a single region all earthy and heavy things and makes them part of a single body — I do not see for what reason he does not apply the same compulsion to light objects in their turn but allows so many separate concentrations of fire and, since he does not collect all the stars together, clearly does not think that there must also be a body common to all things that are fiery and have an upward tendency.</p></div><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="9"><p rend="indent"><q>Now</q>, said I, <q>my dear Apollonides, you mathematicians<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">This is implied by the second person plural addressed to Apollonides, <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 925 B <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign> and 920 F, 921 C <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>.</note> say that the sun is an immense distance from the upper circumference and that above <pb xml:id="v12.p.73"/> the sun Venus and Mercury and the other planets<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">For the order of the planets <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Dreyer, <title rend="italic">History of the Planetary Systems</title>, pp. 168-170, and Boyancè, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="fre">Ètudes sur le Songe de Scipion</title>, pp. 59-65; the order here given is not the one adopted by most of the astronomers of Plutarch’s time, by the later Stoics, or in all probability by Posidonius.</note> revolve lower than the fixed stars and at great intervals from one another; but you think that in the cosmos there is provided no scope and extension for heavy and earthy objects. You see that it is ridiculous for us to deny that the moon is earth because she stands apart from the nether region and yet to call her a star although we see her removed so many thousands of miles from the upper circumference as if plunged [into] a pit. So far beneath the stars is she that the distance cannot be expressed, but you mathematicians in trying to calculate it run short of numbers; she practically grazes the earth and revolving close to it <quote rend="blockquote">Whirls like a chariot’s axle-box about,</quote> Empedocles says,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Empedocles, frag. B 46 (i, p. 331 [Diels-Kranz]).</note></q><quote rend="blockquote">That skims [the post in passing].</quote></p><p rend="indent">Frequently she does not even surmount the earth’s shadow, though it extends but a little way because the illuminating body is very large; but she seems to revolve so close, almost within arm’s reach of the earth, as to be screened by it from the sun unless she rises above this shadowy, terrestrial, and nocturnal place which is earth’s estate. Therefore we must <pb xml:id="v12.p.75"/> boldly declare, I think, that the moon is within the confines of [the] earth inasmuch as she is occulted by its extremities.</p></div><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="10"><p rend="indent">Dismiss the fixed stars and the other planets and consider the demonstrations of Aristarchus in his treatise, <title rend="italic">On Sizes and Distances</title>, that <q>the distance of the sun is more than 18 times and less than 20 times the distance of the moon,</q> that is its distance from us.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">This is Proposition 7 of Aristarchus’s treatise, the full title of which is <title rend="italic">On the Sizes and Distances of the Sun and Moon</title>. The treatise is edited and translated by Sir Thomas Heath in his <title rend="italic">Aristarchus of Samos</title>, pp. 352 ff.</note> According to the highest estimate, however, the moon’s distance from us is said to be 56 times the radius of the earth.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">This was not the highest estimate hitherto given, nor have I been able to identify its author. <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> on this matter and the subsequent calculations in this passage <title rend="italic">Class. Phil.</title> xlvi (1951), pp. 140-141. No attempt is made to give equivalents for stades in calculations, for it is uncertain what stade is meant in any one place. Schiaparelli assumes everywhere the Olympic stade of 185 metres (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Scritti sulla storia della astronomia antica</title>, i, p. 333, n. 3 and p. 342, n. 1); Heath argues that Eratosthenes used a stade of 157.5 metres and Ptolemy the royal stade of 210 metres (<title rend="italic">Aristarchus of Samos</title>, pp. 339 and 346); and Raingeard (p. 83 on 925 D 6) assumes without argument that Plutarch used the Attic stade of 177.6 metres.</note> Even according to the mean calculations this radius is 40,000 stades; and, if we reckon from this, the sun is more than 40,300,000 stades distant from the moon. She has migrated so far from the sun on account of her weight and has moved so close to the earth that, if properties<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">There is a play on the meaning of <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὰs οὐσίας</foreign>, <q>substances,</q> as <q>property</q> or <q>estates</q> and as <q>the real nature of things.</q> </note> are to be determined by locations, the lot, I mean the position, of earth lays an action against the moon and she is legally assignable by right of propinquity and kinship to the chattels real and personal of earth. We do not err at all, I think, if granting such altitude and extension to the things called <q>upper</q> we leave what is <q>down below</q> also <pb xml:id="v12.p.77"/> some room to move about in and so much latitude as there is from earth to moon. For as he is immoderate who calls only the outermost surface of the heaven <q>up</q> and all else <q>down,</q> so is he intolerable who restricts <q>down</q> to the earth or rather to the centre; but both there and here some extension must be granted since the magnitude of the universe permits it. The claim that everything away from the earth is <foreign xml:lang="lat">ipso facto</foreign> <q>up</q> and <q>on high</q> answered by a counter-claim that what is away from the circuit of the fixed stars is <foreign xml:lang="lat">ipso facto</foreign> <q>down.</q> </p></div><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="11"><p rend="indent">After all, in what sense is earth situated in the middle and in the middle of what? The sum of things is infinite; and the infinite, having neither beginning nor limit, cannot properly have a middle, for the middle is a kind of limit too but infinity is a negation of limits. He who asserts that the earth is in the middle not of the sum of things but of the cosmos is naive if he supposes that the cosmos itself is not also involved in the very same difficulties.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu Oraculorum</title>, 424 D, where <foreign xml:lang="grc">καθ’ ὅυς δ’ ἔστιν</foreign> (scil, <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸ κενόν</foreign>) refers to the Stoics (for whose distinction between the pa=n and the <foreign xml:lang="greek">κόσμος</foreign> see note c on 924 E <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>), and <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Stoicorum Repugnantiis</title>, 1054 B - D, where as here Plutarch uses against the Stoics a weapon taken from their own arsenal.</note> In fact, in the sum of things no middle has been left for the cosmos either, but it is without hearth and habitation,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">Gracchi</title>, ix. 5. 828 D: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἄοικοι καὶ ἀνίδρυτοι</foreign>.</note> moving in infinite void to nothing of its own; [or], if it has come to rest because it has found some other reason for abiding, not because of the nature of its location,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, pp. 174-175, frags. 552 and 553; <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Stoicorum Repugnantiis</title>, 1054 F 1055 B.</note> similar inferences are permissible in the cases of both earth and moon, that the former is stationary <pb xml:id="v12.p.79"/> here and the latter is in motion there by reason of a different soul or nature rather [than] a difference [of location]. Besides this, consider whether they<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">The Stoics.</note> have not overlooked an important point. If anything in any way at all off the centre of the earth is <q>up</q>, no part of the cosmos is <q>down</q>; but it turns out that the earth and the things on the earth and absolutely all body surrounding or enclosing the centre are <q>up</q> and only one thing is <q>down,</q> that incorporeal point<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 169. 9-11, frag. 527: <foreign xml:lang="grc"><gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>τῆς γῆς περὶ τὸ μέσον σημεῖον τoῦ κόσμου κειμένης, ὅ δὴ τοῦ παντός ἐστι κάτω, ἄνω δὲ τὸ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸ κύκλῳ πάντῃ</foreign>.</note> which must be in opposition to the entire nature of the cosmos, if in fact <q>down</q> and <q>up</q> are natural opposites.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 176, frag. 556: <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸ ἄνω καὶ τὸ κάτω οὐ κατὰ σχέσιν <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>φύσει γὰρ διάφορα ταῦτα.</foreign> </note> This, moreover, does not exhaust the absurdity. The cause of the descent of heavy objects and of their motion to this region is also abolished, for there is no body that is <q>down</q> towards which they are in motion and it is neither likely nor in accordance with the intention of these men that the incorporeal should have so much influence as to attract all these objects and keep them together around itself.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">See note d on 924 B <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>, and <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu Oraculorum</title>, 424 E against Aristotle.</note> On the contrary, it proves to be entirely unreasonable and inconsistent with the facts for the whole cosmos to be <q>up</q> and nothing but an incorporeal and unextended limit to be <q>down</q>; but that statement of ours is reasonable, that ample space and broad has been divided between <q>up</q> and <q>down</q>.</p></div><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="12"><p rend="indent">All the same, let us assume, if you please, that <pb xml:id="v12.p.81"/> the motions of earthy objects in the heaven are contrary to nature; and then let us calmly observe without any histrionics and quite dispassionately that this indicates not that the moon is not earth but that she is earth in an unnatural location. For the fire of Aetna too is below earth unnaturally, but it is fire; and the air confined in skins,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 928 B <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>. Plutarch probably has in mind inflated skins used for floats; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Aristotle, <title rend="italic">Physics</title>, 217 A 2 - 3, 255 B 26, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Caelo</title>, 311 B 9 - 13.</note> though by nature it is light and has an upward tendency, has been constrained to occupy an unnatural location. <q>As to the soul herself</q>, I said, <q>by Zeus, is her confinement in the body not contrary to nature, swift as she is and fiery, as you say,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 217, frag. 773: <foreign xml:lang="grc">οἱ μὲν γὰρ Στωϊκοὶ πνεῦμα λέγουσιν αὐτὴν ἔνθερμον καὶ διάπυρον.</foreign> </note> and invisible in a sluggish, cold, and sensible vehicle? Shall we then on this account deny that there is soul <emph>in</emph> body or that mind, a divine thing, though it traverses instantaneously in its flight all heaven and earth and sea,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">For this commonplace of the flight of the mind through the universe <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> R. M. Jones, <title rend="italic">Class. Phil.</title> xxi (1926), pp. 97-113.</note> has passed into flesh and wines and marrow under the influence of weight and density and countless qualities that attend liquefaction?<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">This is a reference to the Stoic notion that the embodiment of soul was a process of condensation or liquefaction. <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Stoicorum Repugnantiis</title>, 1053 B - C ( = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 605) and for the qualities that would attend liquefaction <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 155. 34: <foreign xml:lang="grc">γῆς τε καὶ ὕδατος, παχνμερῶν καὶ βαρέων καὶ ἀτόνων ὅντων.</foreign> </note> This Zeus of yours too, is it not true that, while in his own nature he is single, a great and continuous fire, at present he is slackened and subdued and transformed, having become and continuing to become everything in the course of <pb xml:id="v12.p.83"/> his mutations?<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">= <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, p. 308, frag. 1045. Zeus <q>in his own nature</q> is the state of the universe in the ecpyrosis, while <q>at present</q> he is the universe in the state of diacosmesis; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Placitis</title>, 881 F 882 A (= Aëtius, i. 7. 33 = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 1027), Diogenes Laertius, vii. 137 ( = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 526), <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Stoicorum Repugnantiis</title>, 1052 C ( = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frags. 1068 and 604), <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Communibus Notitiis</title> 1075 A - C ( = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 1049), and <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frags. 1052, 1053, and 1056.</note> So look out and reflect, good sir, lest in rearranging and removing each thing to its <q>natural</q> location you contrive a dissolution of the cosmos and bring upon things the <q>Strife</q> of Empedocles — or rather lest you arouse against nature the ancient Titans and Giants<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">The Strife of Empedocles is connected with the mythical war of the Giants by Proclus, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">In Platonis Parmenidem Comment.</title> p. 849, 13-15 (ed. Cousin, Paris, 1864) = p. 659 (ed. Stallbaum).</note> and long to look upon that legendary and dreadful disorder and discord [when you have separated] all that is heavy and [all] that is light. </q><quote rend="blockquote">The suns bright aspect is not there descried, No, nor the shaggy might of earth, nor sea</quote> as Empedocles says.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Empedocles, frag. B 27 (i, pp. 323. 11-324. 4 [DielsKranz]), where the <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὠκέα γυῖα</foreign> given by Simplicius is adopted instead of Plutarch’s <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀγλαὸν εἶδος</foreign>. Bignone, however, who prints the lines given by Plutarch as frag. 26 a and those given by Simplicius as frag. 27, is probably right in taking this to be one of the lines which were repeated with a different ending in two different parts of the poem (<title rend="italic">Empedocle, studio critico</title>, pp. 220 ff., 421, 599 ff.). Certainly Plutarch represents his quotation as describing the period when Strife has completely separated the four roots, whereas Simplicius says that his comes from the description of the Sphere, when all were thoroughly intermingled.</note> Earth had no part in heat, water no part in air; there was not anything heavy above or anything light below; but the principles of all things<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> the four <q>roots,</q> earth, air, fire, and water, for the separation of which by Strife <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Empedocles, frags. B 17. 8-10 and B 26. 6-9 (i, p. 316. 2-4 and p. 323. 4-7 [DielsKranz]).</note> were untempered and unamiable<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">From this Mullach manufactured for Empedocles the verse that he numbered 174 (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Frag. Phil. Graec.</title> i, p. 5). Stein took only <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἄκρατοι καὶ ἄστοργοι</foreign> to be a quotation. The word <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἄστοργος</foreign> appears nowhere in the fragments of Empedocles (though <foreign xml:lang="grc">στοργή</foreign> does in frag. B 109 [i, p. 351. 22, DielsKranz]), whereas Plutarch uses it several times in other connections (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Amatorius</title>, 750 F, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Nat.</title> 917 D, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Sollertia Animalium</title>, 970 B).</note> and <pb xml:id="v12.p.85"/> solitary, not accepting combination or association with one another, but avoiding and shunning one another and moving with their own peculiar and arbitrary motions<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Clara Millerd, <title rend="italic">On the Interpretation of Empedocles</title>, p. 54, and Cherniss, <title rend="italic">Aristotle’s Criticism of Presocratic Philosophy</title>, p. 175, n. 130. Plutarch’s circumstantial account of the motion of the four <q>roots</q> during the complete dominance of Strife is coloured by the passage of Plato to which he refers.</note> they were in the state in which, according to Plato,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><title rend="italic">Timaeus</title>, 53 B; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu Oraculorum</title>, 430 D, and <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> An. Proc. in Timaeo</title>, 1016 F.</note> everything is from which God is absent, that is to say in which bodies are when mind or soul is wanting. So they were until desire came over nature providentially, for Affection arose or Aphrodite or Eros, as Empedocles says and Parmenides and Hesiod,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Amatorius</title>, 756 D - F, where Empedocles, frag. B 17. 20-21 (i, p. 317. 1-2 [Diels-Kranz]), and Parmenides, frag. B 13 (i, p. 243. 16 [Diels-Kranz]) are quoted, and Hesiod, <title rend="italic">Theogony</title>, 120 is referred to; and <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Aristotle, <title rend="italic">Metaphysics</title>, 984 B 23 985 A 10. With Plutarchs <foreign xml:lang="grc">εκ προνοιάς</foreign> contrast Aristotles criticism of Empedocles (<title rend="italic">Metaphysics</title>, 1000 B 1217) and <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Empedocles, frags. B 17. 29 and B 30 (i, p. 317. 10 and p. 325. 10-12 [Diels-Kranz]). By <foreign xml:lang="grc">εκ προνοιάς</foreign> here Plutarch prepares the way for his use in the next paragraph of the Stoic doctrine of providence against the Stoic doctrine of natural place.</note> in order that by changing position and interchanging functions and by being constrained some to motion and some to rest and compelled to give way and shift from the <q>natural</q> to the <q>better</q> [the bodies] might produce a universal concord and community.</p></div><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="13"><p rend="indent">If not a single one of the parts of the cosmos ever got into an unnatural condition but each one is naturally situated, requiring no transposition or rearrangement and having required none in the beginning either, I cannot make out what use there is of providence<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">On the importance of providence in Stoic doctrine and its ubiquity in Stoic writings <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Stoicorum Repugnantiis</title>, 1050 A - B ( = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 937), 1051 E ( = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 1115); <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Communibus Notitiis</title>, 1075 E ( = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 1126), 1077 D - E ( = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 1064); Cicero, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Natura Deorum</title>, iii. 92 ( = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 1107); Diogenes Laertius, vii. 138-139 ( = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 634).</note> or of what Zeus, the master-craftsman<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Plutarch ascribes to Pindar this epithet of Zeus in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv</title> 618 B, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Sera Numinis Vindicta</title>, 550 A, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Communibus Notitiis</title>, 1065 E, and in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Praecepta Gerendae Reipublicae</title>, 807 C uses it of the statesman; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Pindar, frag. 48, Bowra = 57, Bergk and Schroeder = 66, Turyn.</note> <pb xml:id="v12.p.87"/>is maker and father-creator.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">This terminology is more Platonic than Stoic: <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv</title> 720 B - C, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> An. Proc. in Timaeo</title>, 1017 A; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic">Timaeus</title>, 28 C and contrast <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 323 a.</note> In an army, certainly, tacticians are useless if each one of the soldiers should know of himself his post and position and the moment when he must take and keep them. Gardeners and builders are useless too if here water all of itself <q>naturally</q> moves to the things that require it and irrigates them with its stream, and there bricks and timbers and stones by following their <q>natural</q> inclinations and tendencies assume of themselves their appropriate position and arrangement. If, however, this notion eliminates providence forthwith and if the arrangement of existing things pertains to God and [the] distributing of them too,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><bibl><author>Aristotle</author>, <title rend="italic">Metaphysics</title>, 1075 A 11-15</bibl>, and Diogenes Laertius, vii. 137 ( = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 526): (<foreign xml:lang="grc">θεός</foreign>) <foreign xml:lang="grc"><gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>δημιουργὸς ὣν τῆς διακοσμήσεως</foreign>.</note> what wonder is there that nature has been so marshalled and disposed that here in our region there is fire but the stars are yonder and again that earth is here but the moon is established on high, held fast by the bonds of reason which are firmer than the bonds of nature?<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Wyttenbach’s correction is assured by <title rend="italic">Timaeus</title>, 41 B 4-6, of which this is meant to be an echo.</note> For, if all things really must follow their <q>natural</q> inclinations and move with their <q>natural</q> motions, you must order the sun not to revolve and Venus too and every other star as well, for light and fiery bodies move <q>naturally</q> upwards <pb xml:id="v12.p.89"/> and not in a circle.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">The Stoics held that the heavenly bodies consist of fire, which, though they call it <foreign xml:lang="grc">αἰθήρ</foreign>, is not a <q>fifth essence</q> like Aristotle’s (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Diogenes Laertius, vii. 137 = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 580; <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 682). In <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Stoicorum Repugnantiis</title>, 1053 E Plutarch quotes Chrysippus to the effect that <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸ πῦρ ἀβαρὲς ὂν ἀνωφερς εἶναι</foreign> ( = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 434). In accordance with this, he here argues, the Stoics are not justified in explaining the circular motion of the heavenly bodies as <q>natural</q> in the way that Aristotle did.</note> If, however, nature includes such variation in accordance with location that fire, though it is seen to move upwards here, as soon as it has reached the heavens revolves along with their rotation, what wonder is there that the same thing has happened to heavy and earthy bodies that have got there and that they too have been reduced by the environment to a different kind of motion? For it certainly cannot be that heaven <q>naturally</q> deprives light objects of their upward motion but is unable to master objects that are heavy and have a downward inclination; on the contrary, by [whatever] influence it rearranged the former it rearranged the latter too and employed the nature of both of them for the better.</p></div><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="14"><p rend="indent">What is more, if we are finally to throw off the habits [and] opinions that have held our minds in thrall and fearlessly to say what really appears to be the case, no part of a whole all by itself seems to have any order, position, or motion of its own which could be called unconditionally <q>natural.</q> <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Plutarch, frag. vii. 15 (Bernardakis, vol. vii, p. 31. 6 ff. = Olympiodorus, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">In Phaedonem</title>, p. 157. 22-25 [Norvin]).</note> On the contrary, each and every such part, whenever its motion is usefully and properly accommodated to that for the sake of which the part has come to be and which is the purpose of its growth or production, and whenever it acts or is affected or disposed so that it contributes to the preservation or beauty or function <pb xml:id="v12.p.91"/> of that thing, then, I believe, it has its <q>natural</q> position and motion and disposition. In man, at any rate, who is the result of <q>natural</q> process if any being is, the heavy and earthy parts are above, chiefly in the region of the head, and the hot and fiery parts are in the middle regions; some of the teeth grow from above and some from below, and neither set is <q>contrary to nature</q>; and it cannot be said that the fire which flashes in the eyes above is <q>natural</q> whereas that in the bowels and heart is <q>contrary to nature,</q> but each has been assigned its proper and useful station. Observe, as Empedocles says, <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">The two lines here quoted and the line that preceded them are quoted together in support of the same contention in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv</title> 618 B = Empedocles, frag. B 76 (i, p. 339. 9-11 [Diels-Kranz]).</note> the nature of <q rend="italics" type="unspecified">Tritons and tortoises with hides of stone</q> and of all testaceans, <q rend="italics" type="unspecified">Thoult see earth there established over flesh;</q> and the stony matter does not oppress or crush the constitution<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">For <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἕξις</foreign> = <q>the bodily constitution</q> <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv.</title> 625 A - B, 680 D, 681 E; <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Amatorius</title>, 764 C.</note> on which it is superimposed, nor on the other hand does the heat by reason of lightness fly off to the upper region and escape, but they have been somehow intermingled and organically combined in accordance with the nature of each.</p></div><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="15"><p rend="indent">Such is probably the case with the cosmos too, if it really is a living being<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">In <title rend="italic">Adv. Coloten</title>, 1115 B Strato’s denial of this is cited as an example of his opposition to Plato; and in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> An. Proc. in Timaeo</title>, 1014 C - D Plutarch, speaking of the creation of the world by the Platonic demiurge, says <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸ κάλλιστον ἀπεργασάμενος καὶ τελειότατον <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>ζῳον</foreign>, thereby referring to such passages as <title rend="italic">Timaeus</title>, 30 B - D, 32 C - D, 68 E, 69 B - C. Still, Platonic though it is, this assumption is one which his Stoic adversaries would grant (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Diogenes Laertius, vii. 139 and 142-143 [= <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frags. 634 and 633]); and Plutarch believes that in granting it they are committed to the implication that the moon despite its location can consist of earth.</note>: in many places it has <pb xml:id="v12.p.93"/> earth and in many fire and water and breath as the result not of forcible expulsion<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><bibl><author>Aristotle</author>, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Caelo</title>, 277 B 1-2</bibl>: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ουδὲ βίᾳ</foreign> (scil. <foreign xml:lang="grc">φέρεται αὐτῦν τὸ μὲν ἄνω τὸ δὲ κάτω</foreign>) <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὥσοερ τινές φασι τῇ ἐκθλίξει</foreign>, and Cherniss, <title rend="italic">Aristotle’s Criticism of Presocratic Philosophy</title>, p. 191, n. 196.</note> but of rational arrangement. After all, the eye has its present position in the body not because it was extruded thither as a result of its lightness, and the heart is in the chest not because its heaviness has caused it to slip and fall thither but because it was better that each of them should be so located. Let us not then believe with regard to the parts of the cosmos either that earth is situated here because its weight has caused it to subside or that the sun, as Metrodorus of Chios<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">For this Atomist, who is not to be confused with the Epicurean, Metrodorus of Lampsacus, or with the Anaxagorean, <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Diels-Kranz, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Frag, der Vorsok⁵ </title> ii, pp. 231-234; the present passage should be added to that collection, from which it is missing. According to <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Placitis</title>, 889 B ( = Aëtius, ii. 15. 6 [<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 345 A 7-12]) Metrodorus considered the sun to be farthest from the earth, the moon below it, and lower than the moon the planets and fixed stars. For the explanation of the suns position here ascribed to Metrodorus see note a <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign> and <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Simplicius, De Caelo, p. 712. 27-29.</note> once thought, was extruded into the upper region like an inflated skin by reason of its lightness or that the other stars got into their present positions because they tipped the balance, as it were, at different weights. On the contrary, the rational principle is in control; and that is why the stars revolve fixed like <q>radiant eyes</q> <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">In <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Fortuna</title>, 98 B the phrase is quoted as Plato’s; it comes from <title rend="italic">Timaeus</title>, 45 B (<foreign xml:lang="grc">τῶν δὲ ὀργάνων πρῶτον μὲν φωσφόρα συνευεκτήναντο ὄμματα, τοιᾷδε ἐνδήσαντες αἰτίᾳ</foreign>), and Plutarch’s <foreign xml:lang="grc">τῷ προσὠποῳ τοῦ παντὸς ἐνδεδεμένοι</foreign> was suggested by this in conjunction with the preceding lines (45 a: .<foreign xml:lang="grc"> . . ὑποθέντες αὐτ aυτόσε τὸ πρόσωπον, ὄργανα ἐνέδησαν τούτῳ</foreign>), though Plato is there speaking of the human face and eyes.</note> in the countenance of the universe, the sun in the hearts capacity transmits and disperses out of himself heat and light as it were blood and breath, and earth and sea <q>naturally</q> serve the cosmos to the ends that bowels and bladder do an animal. The moon, situate between sun and earth as the liver or another of the soft <pb xml:id="v12.p.95"/> viscera<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> the spleen. For the purpose of liver and spleen <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <bibl><author>Aristotle</author>, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Part. Animal.</title> 670 A 20-29</bibl>, 670 B 4-17, 673 B 25-28; and for the close connection of liver and spleen 669 B 15 670 A 2.</note> is between heart and bowels, transmits hither the warmth from above and sends upwards the exhalations from our region, refining them in herself by a kind of concoction and purification.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Eustathius, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Ad Iliadem</title>, 695. 12 ff. says that according to the Stoics the <q>golden rope</q> of <bibl><title rend="italic">Iliad</title>, viii. 19</bibl> is <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὁ ἥλιος εἰς ὃν κάτωθεν ὥσττερ εἰς καρδίαν ἀποχεῖται ἀναδιομένη ἡ τῶν ὑγρῶν ἀναθυμίασις</foreign>. Starting from this K. Reinhardt (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Kosmos und Sympathie</title>, pp. 332 ff.) argued that Posidonius was Plutarch’s source for the analogy between the parts of the cosmos and the organs of the body; but Reinhardt’s contention is refuted by R. M. Jones, <title rend="italic">Class. Phil.</title> xxvii (1932), pp. 121-128. Passages which equate sun and heart are fairly frequent, e.g. Theon of Smyrna, pp. 187. 13-188. 7 (Hiller); Proclus, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">In Timaeum</title>, 171 C - D (ii, p. 104. 20-21 and 28-29, Diehl); Macrobius, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Somn. Scip.</title> i. 20. 6-7 (pp. 564-565, Eyssenhardt); Chalcidius, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">In Platonis Timaeum</title>, § 100 (p. 170, Wrobel); <q>Anon. Christ.</q>, <title rend="italic">Hermippus</title>, pp. 17.15-18.11 (Kroll-Viereck) with astrological ascriptions of different bodily organs to the seven planets. An entirely different analogy between the various human faculties and the seven planets is mentioned by Proclus, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">In Timaeum</title>, 348 A - B (iii, p. 355. 7-18, Diehl), and Numenius in Macrobius, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Somn. Scip.</title> i. 12. 14-15 (p. 533, Eyssenhardt); and I know no parallel to Plutarch’s further analogy of earth and moon with bowels and liver or spleen. In the pseudo-Hippocratic <title rend="italic"><foreign xml:lang="grc">Περὶ ἐβδομάδων</foreign></title> the moon because of its central position in the cosmos appears to have been equated with the diaphragm (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Roscher, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Die hippokratische Schrift von der Siebenzahl</title>, p. 5. 45 ff., pp. 10-11, p. 123). In the section of Porphyry’s <q>Introduction to Ptolemys Apotelesmatica</q> published by F. Cumont in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="fre">Mèlanges Bidez</title>, i, pp. 155-156, the source of which Cumont contends must have been Antiochus of Athens, the moon is said to have the spleen as its special province, while the heart is assigned to the sun; but there the liver is the province of Jupiter.</note> It is not clear to us whether her earthiness and solidity have any use suitable to other ends also. Nevertheless, in everything the better has control of the necessary.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Plato, Timaeus, 48 A: <foreign xml:lang="grc">noῦ δὲ ἀνάγκης ἄρχοντος τῷ πείθειν αὐτὴν τῶν γιγομένων τὰ πλεῖστα ἐπι τὸ βέλτιστον ἄγρειν κτλ.</foreign> For the term <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸ κατηναγκασμένον</foreign> <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 916.</note> Well, what probability can we thus conceive in the statements of the Stoics? They say that the luminous and tenuous part of the ether by reason of its subtility became sky and the part which was condensed or compressed became stars, and that of these the most sluggish and turbid is the moon.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">= <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 668; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Cleomedes, ii. 3. 99 (pp. 178. 26-180. 8, Ziegler) and contrast ii. 4. 100 (p. 182. 8-10). On the Stoic <q>ether</q> <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Diogenes Laertius, vii. 137 (= <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 580) and note g on 922 B <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>.</note> Yet all the same anyone can see that the moon has not been separated from the ether but that there is <pb xml:id="v12.p.97"/> still a large amount of it about her in which she moves and much of it beneath her in which [they themselves assert that the bearded stars] and comets whirl. So it is not the inclinations consequent upon weight and lightness that have circumscribed the precincts<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">The lexica give <q>weigh</q> <q>balance</q> as the meaning of <foreign xml:lang="grc">σεσήλωται</foreign>, but the logic of the passage here shows that the word must be connected with <foreign xml:lang="grc">σηκός</foreign>, not with <foreign xml:lang="grc">σήκωμα</foreign> (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Hesychius: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀποσηκώσας</foreign> and <foreign xml:lang="grc">σάκωσε</foreign>). Amyot’s <q><foreign xml:lang="fre">situez et colloquez</foreign></q> and Keplers <q><foreign xml:lang="lat">quasi obvallata sunt</foreign></q> render the sense correctly.</note> <q>of each of the bodies, but their arrangement is the result of a different principle.</q></p></div><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="16"><p rend="indent">With these remarks I was about to yield the floor to Lucius,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">It was ostensibly in order to give Lucius time to collect his thoughts that Lamprias began the <q>remarks</q> which he has just concluded after ten paragraphs (see 923 F <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>).</note> since the proofs of our position were next in order; but Aristotle smiled and said: <q>The company is my witness that you have directed your entire refutation against those who suppose that the moon is for her part semi-igneous and yet assert of all bodies in common that of themselves they incline either upwards or downwards. Whether there is anyone, however, who says<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">This is Aristotle, of course: <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Caelo</title>, 269 A 2-18, 270 A 12-35; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> [Aristotle], <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Mundo</title>, 392 A 5-9 and <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Placitis</title>, 887 D = Aëtius, ii. 7. 5 (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 336).</note> that the stars move naturally in a circle and are of a substance far superior to the four substances here<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">I have added this word in the translation in order to make it clear that <q>the four</q> are the four sublunar substances, earth, water, air, and fire.</note> did not even accidentally come to your notice, so that I at any rate have been spared trouble.</q> And Lucius [broke in and] said: <q><gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>good friend, probably one would not for the moment quarrel with you and your friends, despite the countless difficulties involved, when you ascribe to the other stars and the whole heaven a nature pure and undefiled and free from qualitative change and <pb xml:id="v12.p.99"/> moving in a circle whereby [it is possible to have the nature] of endless revolution too; but let this doctrine descend and touch the moon, and in her it no longer preserves the impassivity and beauty of that body. Not to mention her other irregularities and divergencies, this very face which she displays is the result of some alteration of her substance or of the admixture somehow of another substance.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Aëtius, ii. 30. 6 (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 362 B 1-4): <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ἀριστοτέλης μὴ εἶναι αὐτῆs</foreign> (scil. <foreign xml:lang="grc">σελήνης</foreign>) <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀκήρατον τὸ σύγκριμα διὰ τὰ πρόσγεια ἀερώματα τoῦ αἰθέρος, ὃν προσαγορεύει σῶμα πέμπτον</foreign>. In fact in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Gen. Animal.</title> 761 B 22 Aristotle does say that the moon shares in the fourth body, <foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> fire.</note> That which is subjected to mixture, however, is the subject of some affection too, for it loses its purity, since it is perforce infected by what is inferior to it. The moon’s sluggishness and slackness of speed and the feebleness and faintness of her heat [which], in the words of Ion, <quote rend="blockquote">ripes not the grape to duskiness,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">At <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv</title> 658 C Plutarch quotes the whole line, Ion, frag. 57 (Nauck²).</note> </quote> to what shall we ascribe them except to her weakness and alteration, [if] an eternal and celestial<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">For the epithet <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὀλύμπιος</foreign> used of the moon <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 935 C <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign> and <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Defectu Oraculorum</title>, 416 E: <foreign xml:lang="grc">οἱ δ’ ὀλυμπίαν γῆν</foreign> (scil. <foreign xml:lang="grc">σελήνην</foreign>) <foreign xml:lang="grc"><gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>προσεῖπον</foreign>, and for the meaning attached to it <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> the etymology in the pseudo-Plutarchian <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Vita et Poesi Homeri</title>, B, 95 [vii, p. 380. 17-20, Bernardakis]; Pseudo-Plutarch in Stobaeus, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Eclogae</title>, i. 22 (i, p. 198. 10 ff., Wachsmuth); [Aristotle], <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Mundo</title>, 400 A 6-9; Eustathius, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">In Iliadem</title>, 38. 38.</note> body can have any part in [alteration]? The fact is in brief, my dear Aristotle, that regarded as earth the moon has the aspect of a very beautiful, august, and elegant object; but as a star or luminary or a divine and heavenly body she is, I am afraid, misshapen, ugly, and a disgrace to the noble title, if it is true <pb xml:id="v12.p.101"/> that of all the host in heaven she alone goes about in need of alien light,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">At <title rend="italic">Adv. Coloten</title> 1116 A Plutarch quotes Parmenides as having called the moon <foreign xml:lang="grc">άλλότριον φῶς</foreign> (= Parmenides, frag. B 14 [i, p. 243. 19, Diels-Kranz]); <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Empedocles, frag. B 45 (i, p. 331. 2 [Diels-Kranz]).</note> as Parmenides says <q rend="bloclquote" type="unspecified">Fixing her glance forever on the sun.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">= Parmenides, frag. B 15 (i, p. 244. 3 [Diels-Kranz]), quoted also at <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Rom.</title> 282 B.</note> </q> Our comrade in his discourse<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">See note a on p. 48 <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>.</note> won approval by his demonstration of this very proposition of Anaxagorass that <q>the sun imparts to the moon her brilliance</q> <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">= Anaxagoras, frag. B 18 (ii, p. 41. 5-7 [Diels-Kranz]).</note>; for my part, I shall not speak about these matters that I learned from you or in your company but shall gladly proceed to what remains. Well then, it is plausible that the moon is illuminated not by the suns irradiating and shining through her in the manner of glass<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Aëtius, ii. 25. 11 (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 356 B 21) = Ion of Chios, frag. A 7 (i, p. 378. 33-34 [Diels-Kranz]).</note> or ice<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">See note c on 922 C <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>.</note> nor again as the result of some sort of concentration of brilliance or aggregation of rays, the light increasing as in the case of torches.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Placitis</title>, 891 F = Aëtius, ii. 29. 4 (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 360 A 3-8 and b 5-11).</note> Were that true, we should see the moon at the full on the first of the month no less than in the middle of the month, if she does not conceal and obstruct the sun but because of her subtility lets his light through or as a result of combining with it flashes forth and joins in kindling the light in herself.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">The latter was the theory of Posidonius as Plutarch indicates in 929 D <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Cleomedes, ii. 4. 101 (pp. 182. 20-184. 3 [Ziegler]) and ii. 4. 104-105 (pp. 188. 5-190. 16).</note> Certainly her deviations or aversions<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> the various deflections of the moon in latitude and the varying portion of the lunar hemisphere turned away from the sun as the moon revolves in her orbit. For these two variations in the explanation of the lunar phases <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Cleomedes, ii. 4. 100 (pp. 180. 26-182. 7 [Ziegler]), and Geminus, ix. 5-12 (p. 126. 5 ff. [Manitius]).</note> cannot be <pb xml:id="v12.p.103"/> alleged as the cause of her invisibility when she is in conjunction, as they are when she is at the half and gibbous or crescent; then, rather, <q>standing in a straight line with her illuminant</q>, says Democritus, <q>she sustains and receives the sun,</q> <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">= Democritus, frag. A 89 a (ii, p. 105. 32-34 [DielsKranz]). For the meaning of <foreign xml:lang="grc">κατὰ στάθμην</foreign> <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Placitis</title>, 883 a, 884 C. The words <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὑπολαμβάνει καὶ δέχεται</foreign> have a sexual meaning here; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 944 E <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Iside</title>, 372 D, <title rend="italic">Amatorius</title>, 770 A, and Roscher, über Selene und Verwandtes, pp. 76 ff.</note> so that it would be reasonable for her to be visible and to let him shine through. Far from doing this, however, she is at that time invisible herself and often has concealed and obliterated him. <quote rend="blockquote">His beams she put to flight,</quote> as Empedocles says, <quote rend="blockquote"><l>From heaven above as far as to the earth,</l><l> Whereof such breadth as had the bright-eyed moon</l><l> She cast in shade,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">= Empedocles, frag. B 42 (i, p. 330. 11-13 [Diels-Kranz]).</note> </l><l> </l></quote> just as if the light had fallen into night and darkness and not upon <emph>an</emph> other star. As for the explanation of Posidonius that the profundity of the moon prevents the light of the sun from passing through her to us,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">See note h on 929 C <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>. In Cleomedes, ii. 4. 105 (p. 190. 4-16 [Ziegler]) the refutation given by Plutarch here is answered or anticipated by the statement that the air does not have <foreign xml:lang="grc">βάθος</foreign> as the moon does, and from what follows it appears that by the <foreign xml:lang="greek">βάθος</foreign> of the moon Posidonius must have meant not mere spatial depth but a certain density as well.</note> this is obviously refuted by the fact that the air, though it is boundless and has many times the profundity of the moon, is in its entirety illuminated and filled with sunshine by the rays. There remains then the theory of Empedocles that the moonlight which we see comes from the moons reflection of <pb xml:id="v12.p.105"/> the sun. That is why there, is neither warmth<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">a At 937 B <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign> and <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Pythiae Oraculis</title>, 404 D it is said that in being reflected from the moon the sun’s rays lose their heat entirely (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Macrobius, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Somn. Scip.</title> i. 19. 12-13 [p. 560. 30 ff., Eyssenhardt]). Just above, however, at 929 A Plutarch ascribed to the moonlight a <q>feeble</q> heat, and so he does in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Nat.</title> 918 A (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Aristotle, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Part. Animal.</title> 680 A 3334; [Aristotle], <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Problemata</title>, 942 A 24-26; Theophrastus, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Causis Plant.</title> iv. 14. 3). Kepler (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Somnium sive Astronomia Lunaris</title>, note 200) asserts that he had felt the heat from the rays of the full moon concentrated in a concave parabolic mirror; but the first real evidence of the moon’s heat was obtained by Melloni in 1846 by means of the newly invented thermopile. <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> R. Pixis, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Kepler als Geograph</title>, p. 135; S. Günther, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Vergleichende Mond- und Erdkunde</title>, p. 82, n. 3; Nasmyth-Carpenter, <title rend="italic">The Moon</title> (London, 1885), p. 184.</note> nor brilliance in it when it reaches us, as we should expect there to be if there had been a kindling or mixture of [the] lights [of sun and moon].<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">I have added the words <q>sun and moon</q> in the translation to make explicit the meaning of <foreign xml:lang="grc">[τῶν] φώτων</foreign>. For the theory referred to see note h on 929 C <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>.</note> To the contrary, just as voices when they are reflected produce an echo which is fainter than the original sound and the impact of missiles after a ricochet is weaker, <quote rend="blockquote">Thus, having struck the moon’s broad disk, the ray<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">= Empedocles, frag. B 43 (i, p. 330. 20 [Diels-Kranz]).</note> </quote> comes to us in a refluence weak and faint because the deflection slackens its force.</q> </p></div><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="17"><p rend="indent">Sulla then broke in and said: <q>No doubt this position has its plausible aspects; but what tells most strongly on the other side, did our comrade<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">See 929 B and note a on p. 48 <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>.</note> explain that away or did he fail to notice it?</q> <q>What’s that?</q> said Lucius, <q>or do you mean the difficulty with respect to the half-moon?</q> <q>Exactly,</q> said Sulla, <q>for there is some reason in the contention that, since all reflection occurs at equal angles,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">This expression is intended to have the same sense as <foreign xml:lang="grc">πρὸς ἴσας γίγνεσθαι γωνίας ἀνάκλασιν πᾶσαν</foreign> (930 A <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>), and both of them mean (<emph>pace</emph> Raingeard, p. 100, and Kepler in note 28 to his translation) <q>the angle of reflection is always equal to the angle of incidence.</q> <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> [Euclid], <title rend="italic">Catoptrica</title> aà (= Euclid, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Opera Omnia</title>, vii, p. 286. 21-22 [Heiberg]) with Olympiodorus, <title rend="italic">In Meteor.</title> p. 212. 7 = Hero Alexandrinus, <title rend="italic">Opera</title>, ii. 1, p. 368. 5 (Nix-Schmidt) and [Ptolemy], <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Speculis</title>, ii = Hero Alexandrinus, <title rend="italic">Opera</title>, ii. 1, p. 320. 12-13 (Nix-Schmidt); and contrast the more precise formulation of Philoponus, <title rend="italic">In Meteor.</title> p. 27. 34-35.</note> whenever <pb xml:id="v12.p.107"/> the moon at the half is in mid-heaven the light cannot move earthwards from her but must glance off beyond the earth. The ray that then touches the moon comes from the sun on the horizon<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Kepler in note 19 to his translation points out that this is true only if <foreign xml:lang="grc">μεσουρανῇ</foreign> <q>is in mid-heaven</q> refers not to the meridian but to the great circle at right-angles to the ecliptic.</note> and therefore, being reflected at equal angles, would be produced to the point on the opposite horizon and would not shed its light upon us, or else there would be great distortion and aberration of the angle, which is impossible.</q> <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Cleomedes, ii. 4. 103 (p. 186. 7-14 [Ziegler]) introduces as <foreign xml:lang="grc">σχεδὸν γνώριμον</foreign> his summary of this argument against the theory that moonlight is merely reflected sunlight.</note> <q>Yes, by Heaven,</q> said Lucius, <q>there was talk of this too</q>; and, looking at Menelaus the mathematician as he spoke, he said: <q>In your presence, my dear Menelaus, I am ashamed to confute a mathematical proposition, the foundation, as it were, on which rests the subject of catoptrics. Yet it must be said that the proposition, <q>all reflection occurs at equal angles,</q> <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">See note e on 929 F <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>.</note> is neither self-evident nor an admitted fact.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">It has been suggested that <foreign xml:lang="grc">οὔθ’ ὁμολογούμενον</foreign> is a direct denial of <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὡμολογηένον ἐστι παρὰ πᾶσιν</foreign> at the beginning of Hero’s demonstration (Schmidt in Hero Alexandrinus, <title rend="italic">Opera</title> [ed. Nix-Schmidt], ii. 1, p. 314. However that may be, the law is assumed in Proposition XIX of Euclid’s <title rend="italic">Optics</title>, where it is said to have been stated in the <title rend="italic">Catoptrics</title> (Euclid, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Opera Omnia</title>, vii, p. 30. 1-3 [Heiberg]); and a demonstration of it is ascribed to Archimedes (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Scholia in Catoptrica</title>, 7 = Euclid, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Opera Omnia</title>, vii, p. 348. 17-22 [Heiberg]; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Lejeune, <title rend="italic">Isis</title>, xxxviii [1947], pp. 51 ff.). It is assumed by Aristotle in <title rend="italic">Meteorology</title>, iii. 3-5 and possibly also by Plato (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Cornford, Platos <title rend="italic">Cosmology</title>, pp. 154 f. on <title rend="italic">Timaeus</title>, 46 B); <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> also Lucretius, iv. 322-323 and [Aristotle], <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Problemata</title>, 901 B 21-22 and 915 B 30-35. Proposition XIX of Euclids <title rend="italic">Optics</title>, referred to above, is supposed to be part of the <q>Dioptrics</q> of Euclid which Plutarch cites at <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Non Posse Suaviter Vivi</title>, 1093 E (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Schmidt, <foreign xml:lang="lat">Op. cit.</foreign> p. 304).</note> It is refuted in the case of convex<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> cylindrical, not spherical, convex mirrors; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic">Class. Phil.</title> xlvi (1951), pp. 142-143 for the construction and meaning of this sentence.</note> mirrors when the point of incidence of the visual ray produces images that are magnified in one respect; and it is refuted by folding mirrors,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">For such mirrors <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> [Ptolemy], <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Speculis</title>, xii = Hero Alexandrinus, <title rend="italic">Opera</title>, ii. 1, p. 342. 7 ff.</note> either <pb xml:id="v12.p.109"/> plane of which, when they have been inclined to each other and have formed an inner angle, exhibits a double image, so that four likenesses of a single object are produced, two reversed on the outer surfaces and two dim ones not reversed in the depth of the mirrors. The reason for the production of these images Plato explains,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Plutarch means <title rend="italic">Timaeus</title>, 46 B - C, where Plato, however, describes a concave, cylindrical mirror, not a folding plane mirror. Plutarch apparently mistook the words <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν ὕξη λαβoῦσα</foreign>, by which Plato describes the horizontal curvature of the mirror, to mean that the two planes of a folding mirror were raised to form an angle at the hinge which joined them.</note> for he has said that when the mirror is elevated on both sides the visual rays interchange their reflection because they shift from one side to the other. So, if of the visual rays (some) revert straight to us (from the plane surfaces) while others glance off to the opposite sides of the mirrors and thence return to us again, it is not possible that all reflections occur at equal angles.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">See note e on 929 F <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>.</note> Consequently (some people) take direct issue (with the mathematicians) and maintain that they confute the equality of the angles of incidence and reflection by the very streams of light that flow from the moon upon the earth, for they deem this fact to be much more credible than that theory. Nevertheless, suppose that this<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> the <q>theory</q> that the angle of reflection is always equal to the angle of incidence.</note> must be conceded as a favour to <pb xml:id="v12.p.111"/> geometry, the dearly beloveds3 In the first place, it is likely to occur only in mirrors that have been polished to exact smoothness; but the moon is very uneven and rugged, with the result that the rays from a large body striking against considerable heights which receive reflections and diffusions of light from one another are multifariously reflected and intertwined and the refulgence itself combines with itself, coming to us, as it were, from many mirrors. In the second place, even if we assume that the reflections on the surface of the moon occur at equal angles, it is not impossible that the rays as they travel through such a great interval get fractured and deflected<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">With these words Plutarch means to refer to the effects of refraction; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Placitis</title>, 894 C = Aëtius, iii. 5. 5 (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 372. 21-26); Cleomedes, ii. 6. 124-125 (p. 224. 8-28 [Ziegler]); Alexander, <title rend="italic">In Meteor.</title> p. 143. 7-10.</note> so as to be blurred and to bend their light. Some people even give a geometrical demonstration that the moon sheds many of her beams upon the earth along a line extended from the surface that is bent away from us<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> the argument given by Cleomedes, ii. 4. 103 (pp. 186. 14-188.7 [Ziegler]) and especially: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὅτι δ᾽ ἀπὸ παντὸς τοῦ κύκλου αὐτῆς φωτίζεται ἡ γῆ, γνώριμον. εὐθέως γὰρ ἅμα τῷ τὴν πρώτην ἴτυν ἀνασχεῖν ἐκ τοῦ ὁρίζοντος φωτίζει τὴν γῆν, τούτων τῶν μερῶν αὐτῆς περικλινῶν ὄντων καὶ πρός τὸν οὐρανόν, ἀλλ᾽οὐχί, μὰ Δία, πρὸς τὴν γῆν ὁρώντων</foreign> For <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἡ ἐκκεκλιμένη</foreign> <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Hippocrates, <title rend="italic">Art.</title> 38 (iv, p. 168. 18 [Littrè]).</note>; but I could not construct a geometrical diagram while talking, and talking to many people too.</q></p></div><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="18"><p rend="indent"><q>Speaking generally,</q> he said, <q>I marvel that they adduce against us the moon’s shining upon the earth at the half and at the gibbous and the crescent phases too.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">i.e.</foreign> the moon at the half, gibbous, and crescent phases presents such a great difficulty for the Stoics themselves that it is strange for them to adduce these phenomena as refutation of the theory that the moon shines by reflected light. Wyttenbach’s conjecture, <foreign xml:lang="grc"> ἐκπίπτουσαν</foreign> for <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐμπίπτουσαν</foreign>, approved by Purser and apparently adopted by Prickard in his translation of 1918, betrays a misapprehension of the meaning of the text.</note> After all, if the mass of the moon that is illuminated by the sun were ethereal or fiery, the <pb xml:id="v12.p.113"/> sun would not leave her<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">For <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀπέλειπεν</foreign> <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> 931 C <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>. The dative with the verb is unobjectionable, <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf. e.g.</foreign> [<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Reg. et Imp. Apophthegm.</title>] 178 D, 195 F.</note> a hemisphere that to our perception is ever in shadow and unilluminated; on the contrary, if as he revolves he grazed her ever so slightly, she should be saturated in her entirety and altered through and through by the light proceeding easily in all directions. Since wine that just touches water at its surface<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">For <foreign xml:lang="grc">κατὰ πέρας</foreign> <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Communibus Notitiis</title>, 1080 E ( = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag, 487): <foreign xml:lang="grc">ψαύειν κατὰ πέρας τὰ σώματα <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>λέγουσι</foreign> and <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 433 cited in note d on 930 F <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign>. The <q>emendations</q> of Emperius and Papabasileios are consequently ill-advised.</note> or a drop of blood fallen into liquid at the moment [of contact] stains all the liquid red,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Communibus Notitiis</title>, 1078 D - E ( = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 480) and <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frags. 473, 477, 479.</note> and since they say that the air itself is filled with sunshine not by having any effluences or rays commingled with it but by an alteration and change that results from impact or contact of the light,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 433 (Galen, <title rend="italic">In Hippocr. Epidem. vi Comment.</title> iv, vol. xvii, B, p. 161 [Kühn], especially: <foreign xml:lang="grc">τοῖς ἄνω πέρασιν αὐτοῦ</foreign> (scil. <foreign xml:lang="grc">τοῦ ἀέρος</foreign>) <foreign xml:lang="grc">προσπιπτούσης τῆς ἡλιακῆς αὐγῆς ὅλος ἀλλοιοῦταί τε καὶ μεταβάλλεται συνεχὴς ὢν ἑαυτῷ</foreign>). <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> also note a on 922 E <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>.</note> how do they imagine that a star can come in contact with a star or light with light and instead of blending and producing a thorough mixture and change merely illuminate those portions of the surface which it touches?<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Cleomedes, ii. 4. 101 (p. 182. 20 ff. [Ziegler]) for the doctrine of Posidonius, which Plutarch here turns against him and the Stoics generally: <foreign xml:lang="grc">τρίτη ἐστὶν αἵρεσις ἡ λέγουσα κιρνᾶσθαι αὐτῆς </foreign> (scil. <foreign xml:lang="grc">τῆς σελήνης</foreign>) <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὸ φῶς ἔκ τε τοῦ οἰκείου καὶ τοῦ ἡλιακοῦ φωτὸς καὶ τοιοῦτον γίνεσθαι οὐκ ἀπαθοῦς μενούσης αὐτῆς <gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . "/>ἀλλ᾽ ἀλλοιουμένης ὑπὸ τοῦ ἡλιακοῦ φωτὸς καὶ κατὰ τοιαύτην τὴν κρᾶσιν ἴδιον ἰσχούσης τὸ φῶς<gap reason="lost" rend=" . . . . "/></foreign> <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> ibid. 104 (p. 188. 4-7).</note> In fact, the circle which the sun in its revolution describes and causes to turn about the moon now coinciding with the circle that divides her visible and invisible parts and now standing at right <pb xml:id="v12.p.115"/> angles to it so as to intersect it and be intersected by it, by different inclinations and relations of the bright part to the dark producing in her the gibbous and crescent phases,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Cleomedes, ii. 5. 109-111 (pp. 196. 28-200. 23 [Ziegler]).</note> conclusively demonstrates that her illumination is the result not of combination but of contact, not of a concentration of light within her but of light shining upon her from without. In that she is not only illuminated herself, however, but also transmits to us the semblance of her illumination, she gives us all the more confidence in our theory of her substance. There are no reflections from anything rarefied or tenuous in texture, and it is not easy even to imagine light rebounding from light or fire from fire; but whatever is to cause a repercussion or a reflection must be compact and solid,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Here <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐμβριθές</foreign> is used as the opposite of <foreign xml:lang="grc">λεπτομερές</foreign> (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Liddell and Scott, s.v. <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐμβρίθεια</foreign> ii) as <foreign xml:lang="grc">πυκνόν</foreign> is of <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀραιόν</foreign>.</note> in order that it may stop a blow and repel it.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Cleomedes, ii. 4. 101-102 (p. 184. 9-18 [Ziegler]). Cleomedes, assuming that the moon is <foreign xml:lang="grc">μανόν</foreign>, uses this as an argument against reflection; Plutarch, having established the necessity of reflection, uses the argument to support the contention that the moon is earthy.</note> At any rate, the same sunlight that the air lets pass without impediment or resistance is widely reflected and diffused from wood and stone and clothing exposed to its rays. The earth too we see illuminated by the sun in this fashion. It does not let the light penetrate its depths as water does or pervade it through and through as air does; but such as is the circle of the sun that moves around the moon and so great as is the part of her that it intercepts, just such a circle in turn moves around the earth, always illuminating just so much and leaving another part unilluminated,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Cleomedes, ii. 5. 108 (p. 194. 20 ff. [Ziegler]).</note> for <pb xml:id="v12.p.117"/> the illuminated portion of either body appears to be slightly greater than a hemisphere.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Cleomedes, ii. 5. 109 (p. 198. 6-9 [Ziegler]).</note> Give me leave then to put it in geometrical fashion in terms of a proportion. Given three things approached by the light from the sun: earth, moon, air; if we see that the moon is illuminated not as the air is rather than as the earth, the things upon which the same agent produces the same effects must be of a similar nature.</q> <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">I have tried to preserve the contorted form in which Plutarch expresses the point that the moon, since it is affected by sunlight as the earth is and not as air is, must have the consistency of earth and not of air.</note> </p></div><div subtype="section" type="textpart" n="19"><p rend="indent">When all had applauded Lucius, I said: <q>Congratulations upon having added to an elegant account an elegant proportion, for you must not be defrauded of what belongs to you,</q> He smiled thereat and said: <q>Well then proportion must be used a second time, in order that we may prove the moon to be like the earth not only because the effects of the same agent are the same on both but also because the effects of both on the same patient are the same. Now, grant me that nothing that happens to the sun is so like its setting as a solar eclipse. You will if you call to mind this conjunction recently which, beginning just after noonday, made many stars shine out from many parts of the sky<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Concerning this eclipse see the Introduction, § 3 <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign> on the date of the dialogue.</note> and tempered the air in the manner of twilight.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">For <foreign xml:lang="grc">λυκανγές</foreign> see 941 D <foreign xml:lang="lat">s.v.</foreign> and Lucian, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Vera Hist.</title> ii, 12. Prickard takes the <foreign xml:lang="grc">κρᾶσις</foreign> to refer to the degree of heat; Raingeard, like Amyot and Wyttenbach, takes it to refer to colour or light. Either is possible, but I think a reference to colour the more probable; for <foreign xml:lang="grc">κρᾶσις</foreign> used of colour <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaest. Conviv</title> 647 c.</note> If you do not recall it, Theon here will cite us Mimnermus<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">Anthologia Lyrica Graeca</title>, ed. Diehl², i. 1, pp. 50-57, and Edmonds, <title rend="italic">Elegy and Iambus</title>, i, pp. 82-103; Mimnermus is mentioned in the pseudo-Plutarchean <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Musica</title>, chap. 8, 1133 f.</note> and Cydias<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Plato, <title rend="italic">Charmides</title>, 155 d; Edmonds, <title rend="italic">Lyra Graeca</title>, iii, p. 68; Wilamowitz, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="deu">Textgeschichte der griechischen Lyriker</title>, p. 40, n. 1.</note> and <pb xml:id="v12.p.119"/> Archilochus<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Archilochus, frag. 74 (<title rend="italic">Anthologia Lyrica Graeca</title>, ed. Diehl², i. 3, p. 33 = Edmonds, <title rend="italic">Elegy and Iambus</title>, ii, p. 134).</note> and Stesichorus besides and Pindar,<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Pliny, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Nat. Hist.</title> ii. 12, § 54: <q><foreign xml:lang="lat">quo in metu fuisse Stesichori et Pindari vatum sublimia ora palam est deliquio solis.</foreign></q> </note> who during eclipses bewail <q>the brightest star bereft</q> <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">= Pindar, Paean, ix. 2-3: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἄστρον ὑπέρτατον ἐν ἁμέρᾳ κλεπτόμενον.</foreign> </note> and <q>at midday night falling</q> <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Possibly Stesichorus, <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Bergk, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Poetae Lyrici Graeci⁴ </title>, iii, p. 229 (frag. 73), and Edmonds, <title rend="italic">Elegy and Iambus</title>, i, p. 102, n. 1.</note> and say that the beam of the sun <q>[is sped] the path of shade</q> <note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Pindar, Paean, ix. 5: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐτίσκοτον ἀτραπὸν ἐσσυμένα</foreign>. For the genitive <foreign xml:lang="grc">σκότους</foreign> <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Audiendis Poetis</title>, 36 E, and <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Latenter Vivendo</title>, 1130 B.</note>; and to crown all he will cite Homer, who says the faces of men are covered with night and gloom<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Adapted from <bibl n="Hom. Od. 20.351"><title rend="italic">Odyssey</title>, xx. 351-352</bibl>.</note> and the sun has perished out of heaven<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><bibl n="Hom. Od. 20.356"><title rend="italic">Odyssey</title>, xx. 356-357.</bibl></note> speaking with reference to the moon and [hinting that] this naturally occurs <quote rend="blockquote">When waning month to waxing month gives say.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><bibl n="Hom. Od. 19.307"><title rend="italic">Odyssey</title>, xix. 307</bibl>. For this interpretation of the Homeric lines <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Vita et Poesi Homer</title>, chap. 108 (vii, p. 388. 15 ff. [Bernardakis]), and Heraclitus, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaestiones Homericae</title>, § 75 (pp. 98. 20-99. 18 [Oelmann]).</note> </quote> For the rest, I think that it has been reduced by the precision of mathematics to the [clear] and certain [formula] that night is the shadow of earth<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Primo Frigido</title>, 953 A and <title rend="italic">Plat. Quaest.</title> 1006 F, where on <title rend="italic">Timaeus</title>, 40 C Plutarch quotes Empedocles to this effect. Aristotle refers to the definition, <title rend="italic">Topics</title>, 146 B 28 and <title rend="italic">Meteorology</title>, 345 B 7-8.</note> and the eclipse of the sun is the shadow of the moon<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> the lines of Empedocles quoted at 929 c-d <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>. In <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Placitis</title>, 890 F = Aëtius, ii. 24. 1 this explanation of solar eclipses is ascribed to Thales — quite unhistorically, as the subsequent entries show.</note> whenever the visual ray encounters it. The fact is that in setting the sun is screened from our vision by the earth and in eclipse by the moon; both are cases of occultation, but the vespertine is occultation by the earth and the ecliptic by the moon with her shadow <pb xml:id="v12.p.121"/> intercepting the visual ray.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Cleomedes, ii. 3. 94-95 (p. 172. 6-10 [Ziegler]) and ii. 4. 106 (p. 192. 16-24); Geminus, x (pp. 130. 11-132. 12 [Manitius]).</note> What follows from this is easy to perceive. If the effect is similar, the agents are similar, for it must be the same agents that cause the same things to happen to the same subject. Nor should we marvel if the darkness of eclipses is not so deep or so oppressive of the air as night is. The reason is that the body which produces night and that which produces the eclipse while the same in substance are not equal in size. In fact the Egyptians, I think, say that the moon is one seventy-second part (of the earth),<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">I know of no other reference to such an estimate.</note> and Anaxagoras that it is the size of the Peloponnesus<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">According to Hippolytus, <title rend="italic">Refut.</title> i. 8. 6-10 ( = <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 562 = Anaxagoras, frag. A 42 [ii, p. 16. 16-31, Diels-Kranz]), Anaxagoras said that the sun exceeds the Peloponnesus in size (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Aëtius, ii. 21. 3 and Diogenes Laertius, ii. 8). The statement here concerning the moon is missing from Diels-Kranz.</note>; and Aristarchus demonstrates that the ratio of [the earth’s diameter to] the diameter of the moon is smaller than 60 to 19 and greater than 108 to 43.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">This is Proposition 17 of Aristarchus’s essay, <q>On the Sizes and Distances of the Sun and Moon</q> (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Heath’s edition and translation in his <title rend="italic">Aristarchus of Samos</title>, pp. 351 ff.). Although Plutarch does not say that this contradicts Stoic doctrine, the older, orthodox Stoics held that the moon as well as the sun is larger than the earth (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Placitis</title>, 891 C = Aëtius, ii. 26. 1 = <title rend="italic">S. V. F.</title> ii, frag. 666; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <bibl><author>Pliny</author>, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Nat. Hist.</title> ii. 11 [8]. 49</bibl>).</note> Consequently the earth because of its size removes the sun from sight entirely, for the obstruction is large and its duration is that of the night. Even if the moon, however, does sometimes cover the sun entirely, the eclipse does not have duration or extension; but a kind of light is visible about the rim which keeps the shadow from being profound and absolute.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Cleomedes, ii. 4. 105 (p. 190. 17-26).</note> The ancient Aristotle gives this as a reason besides some others why the moon <pb xml:id="v12.p.123"/> is observed in eclipse more frequently than the sun, saying that the sun is eclipsed by interposition of the moon but the moon [by that of the earth, which is much larger].<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">= Aristotle, frag. 210 (Rose). The reference is not to <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat"> Caelo</title>, 293 B 20-25, for in that passage Aristotle gives not his own opinion but that of some Pythagoreans (<foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Cherniss, <title rend="italic">Aristotles Criticism of Presocratic Philosophy</title>, pp. 198-199, and Aëtius, ii. 29. 4 cited there). For the terminology <foreign xml:lang="grc">σελήνης</foreign> or <foreign xml:lang="grc">γῆς ἀντίφραξις</foreign> <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> <bibl><author>Aristotle</author>, <title rend="italic">Anal. Post.</title> 90 a 15-18</bibl>, and with the whole passage <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Pseudo-Alexander, <title rend="italic">Problem.</title> 2. 46 (quoted by Rose, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Aristoteles Pseudepigraphus</title>, § 194, p. 222), and Philoponus, <title rend="italic">In Meteor.</title> p. 15. 21-23.</note> Posidonius gave this definition: The following condition is an eclipse of the sun, conjunction of the moon’s shadow with whatever [parts of the earth it may obscure], for there is an eclipse only for those whose visual ray the shadow of the moon intercepts and screens from the sun<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified"><foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Cleomedes, ii. 3. 94-95 (p. 172. 6-17 [Ziegler]) and 98 (p. 178. 13-24), ii. 4. 106 (p. 192. 14-20).</note>; — since he concedes then that a shadow of the moon falls upon us, he has left himself nothing to say that I can see. Of a star there can be no shadow, for shadow means the unlighted and light does not produce shadow but naturally destroys it.<note anchored="true" resp="Loeb" place="unspecified">Posidonius ranked the moon as a <q>star</q>; <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Arius Didymus, <title rend="italic">Epitome</title>, frag. 32 (<title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Dox. Graeci</title>, p. 466. 18-21), and Edelstein, <title rend="italic">A. J. P.</title> lvii (1936), p. 297. For the theory that the light of the moon is a product of her own proper light and the solar light which produces an alteration in her <foreign xml:lang="lat">cf.</foreign> Cleomedes, ii. 4.101 (pp. 182. 20-184. 3 [Ziegler]) and 104 (p. 188. 5-27), the latter of which indicates how the present contention of Plutarch could have been answered from the point of view of Posidonius.</note> </q></p></div></div></body></text></TEI>
                </passage>
            </reply>
            </GetPassage>