<GetPassage xmlns:tei="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xmlns="http://chs.harvard.edu/xmlns/cts">
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                <requestUrn>urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0007.tlg084a.perseus-eng3:intro-1</requestUrn>
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                <urn>urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0007.tlg084a.perseus-eng3:intro-1</urn>
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                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:id="eng"><body><div n="urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0007.tlg084a.perseus-eng3" type="translation" xml:lang="eng"><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="intro"><pb xml:id="v.4.p.2"/><head>THE ROMAN QUESTIONS <foreign xml:lang="lat">(QUAESTIONES ROMANAE)</foreign></head><lb/><head>INTRODUCTION</head><p rend="indent"><title rend="italic">The Roman Questions</title> is an attempt to explain one hundred and thirteen Roman customs, the majority of which deal with religious matters. The treatise is one of three similar compilations of wThich two have been preserved and one, the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Quaestiones Barbaricae</title> (No. 139 in Lamprias’s list), has been lost. Plutarch possessed a great desire to know the reason why: besides the many discussions of a similar sort contained in the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Symposiacs</title> (<title rend="italic">Table Talk</title>), there is extant a discussion of <title rend="italic">Physical Causes</title>, and the titles of other writings of the same sort have been preserved for us in Lamprias’s list of Plutarch’s writings.<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">(149)<foreign xml:lang="grc">Αἰτίαι τῶν περιφερομένων Στωικῶν</foreign>; (160)<foreign xml:lang="grc">Αἰτίαι καὶ τοπόι</foreign>; (161)<foreign xml:lang="grc">Αἰτίαι ἀλλαγῶν</foreign>; (167)<foreign xml:lang="grc">Αἰτίαι γυναικῶν</foreign>.</note> </p><p rend="indent">The Greek title, which means <q>causes</q>, is twice mentioned by Plutarch himself in the <title rend="italic">Lives</title>,<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><title rend="italic">Life of Romulus</title>, chap. xv. (26 e); <title rend="italic">Life of Camillus</title> chap. xix. (138 e).</note> and we might call it <q>The Reasons Why.</q> In nearly every case at least two and often more reasons are given: of these presumably not more than one can be right. Thus the other explanations will embody the results of Plutarch’s researches on the matter or his own quaint speculations. Consequently the book, which is an important source for Roman <pb xml:id="v.4.p.3"/> customs, especially for religious customs, has been of the greatest service to students of early Roman religion, a field in which so little is certain and which provides (even as it provided for Plutarch) such glorious opportunities for speculation that it has been somewhat overtilled in recent years. Anyone interested in such matters may observe the trend of this scholarship if he will examine F. B. Jevons’ reprint of Holland’s translation of the <title rend="italic">Roman Questions</title> (London, 1892): or better, H. J. Rose, <title rend="italic">The Roman Questions of Plutarch, a New Translation with Introductory Essays and a Running Commentary</title> (Oxford, 1924). Professor Rose might, indeed, have improved his translation by consulting some good Greek lexicon: but the essays and the commentary are very valuable, for they contain, among other matters of interest, a discussion of Plutarch’s sources and of early Roman religion: the commentary is fortified with abundant references to ancient writers and to modern scholars. It is a scholarly work and the most important contribution to the study of the <title rend="italic">Roman Questions</title> since Wyttenbach. </p><p rend="indent">This treatise could hardly have been written by a person ignorant of Latin. Plutarch in his <title rend="italic">Life of Demosthenes</title>, chap, ii., modestly disavows any profound knowledge of Latin: yet he had read a considerable amount in the language and had spent some time in Rome. Hence he was quite able to use Latin works in compiling the <title rend="italic">Roman Questions</title>. Some Roman writers he mentions by name, especially Varro, and Verrius Flaccus, an antiquarian of the Augustan age. Livy is specifically cited but twice in the <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Moralia</title>, once in the present work and once in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">De Fortuna Romanorum</title>; yet he is referred <pb xml:id="v.4.p.4"/> to no less than twelve times in the <title rend="italic">Lives</title>, most of these citations being in the <title rend="italic">Marcellus</title> and the <title rend="italic">Camillus</title>. Perhaps Plutarch’s more exact acquaintance with Livy, if he ever acquired this, dates from a time later than the period during which he was engaged in the compilation of the <title rend="italic">Roman Questions</title>. </p><p rend="indent">Other Roman authorities are mentioned occasionally, such as Cato the Elder, Nigidius Figulus, Antistius Labeo, Ateius Capito, and Fenestella: but no doubt they and others are used in accounts introduced by such expressions as <q>they say,</q> <q>some say,</q> <q>the story is told,</q> and the like. Some of these references have, in fact, been traced by scholars to their originals. It has been remarked of Cicero that any statement found in that author’s works appears, or has appeared, elsewhere. The same affirmation might be made of Plutarch with some confidence. Unless he specifically testifies to oral tradition or hearsay, we may be certain that his facts, like Cicero’s, are drawn from his extensive reading. </p><p rend="indent">Critics lay stress on a few mistakes which Plutarch made in interpreting Latin (these will be found noted in Rose and in Hartman), but against them must be set the unnumbered instances in which he is right. He did not, however, have to depend wholly on Latin writers, for he undoubtedly had at hand the <title rend="italic">Roman Antiquities</title> of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (1st cent. b.c.) and the works of Juba,<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">Müller, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Frag. Hist. Graec.</title> iii. 465-484.</note> the scholarly king of Mauretania, who as a youth had been brought to Rome in 46 b.c. to grace the triumph of Julius Caesar. Juba became greatly interested in Roman <pb xml:id="v.4.p.5"/> customs, and wrote a book in which he paralleled them with the customs of other peoples. </p><p rend="indent">Many of the matters discussed in the <title rend="italic">Roman Questions</title> are to be found treated elsewhere in Plutarch’s work, particularly in the Roman <title rend="italic">Lives</title>. The Lives of <title rend="italic">Romulus</title> and of <title rend="italic">Numa</title> are especially rich in parallel passages: for very many of the Roman customs were thought to go back to the earliest period of Roman history. </p><p rend="indent">The book was probably published after the death of Domitian in a.d, 96, though this is a not quite certain inference from the text (276 e). The work is No. 138 in Lamprias’s catalogue of Plutarch’s works. The . ms. tradition (on which see J. B. Titchener, <title rend="italic">University of Illinois Studies</title>, ix., 1924) is good. </p></div><pb xml:id="v.4.p.7"/><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="1"><p rend="indent">Why do they bid the bride touch fire and water? </p><p rend="indent">Is it that of these two, being reckoned as elements or first principles, fire is masculine and water feminine,<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> Varro, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">De Lingua Latina</title>, v. 61. The genders are those of <foreign xml:lang="lat">ignis</foreign> and <foreign xml:lang="lat">aqua</foreign>, not those of the Greek words.</note> and fire supplies the beginnings of motion and water the function of the subsistent element or the material? </p><p rend="indent">Or is it because fire purifies and water cleanses, and a married woman must remain pure and clean? </p><p rend="indent">Or is it that, just as fire without moisture is unsustaining and arid, and water without heat is unproductive and inactive,<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Moralia</title>, 650 b; Servius on Virgil, <title rend="italic">Aeneid</title>, iv. 167; Lactantius, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Institutiones Divinae</title>, ii. 9. 21.</note> so also male and female apart from each other are inert, but their union in marriage produces the perfection of their life together? </p><p rend="indent">Or is it that they must not desert each other, but must share together every sort of fortune, even if they are destined to have nothing other than fire and water to share with each other? </p></div></div></body></text></TEI>
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