<GetPassage xmlns:tei="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xmlns="http://chs.harvard.edu/xmlns/cts">
            <request>
                <requestName>GetPassage</requestName>
                <requestUrn>urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0007.tlg084a.perseus-eng3:20-39</requestUrn>
            </request>
            <reply>
                <urn>urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0007.tlg084a.perseus-eng3:20-39</urn>
                <passage>
                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:id="eng"><body><div n="urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0007.tlg084a.perseus-eng3" type="translation" xml:lang="eng"><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="20"><p rend="indent">Why is it that the women, when they adorn in their houses a shrine to the women’s goddess, whom they call Bona Dea,<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> Macrobius, <title rend="italic">Saturnalia</title>, i. 12. 21-28.</note> bring in no myrtle, although they are very eager to make use of all manner of growing and blooming plants? </p><p rend="indent">Was this goddess, as the mythologists relate, the wife of the seer Faunus; and was she secretly addicted to wine,<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> 265 b, <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>.</note> but did not escape detection and was beaten by her husband with myrtle rods, and is this the reason why they do not bring in myrtle and, when they make libations of wine to her, call it milk? </p><p rend="indent">Or is it because they remain pure from many things, particularly from venery, when they perform this holy service? For they not only exclude their husbands, but they also drive everything male out of the house<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">Life of Caesar</title>, ix. (711 e), <title rend="italic">Life of Cicero</title>, xix. (870 b); Juvenal, vi. 339.</note> whenever they conduct the customary ceremonies in honour of the goddess. So, because the myrtle is sacred to Venus, they religiously exclude it. For she whom they now call Venus Murcia, in ancient days, it seems, they styled Myrtia. </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="21"><p rend="indent">Why do the Latins revere the woodpecker and all strictly abstain<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">No doubt this means <q>from eating it</q> since they used to eat all small birds.</note> from it? <pb xml:id="v.4.p.37"/> </p><p rend="indent">Is it because, as they tell the tale, Picus,<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> Ovid, <title rend="italic">Metamorphoses</title>, xiv. 320 ff.</note> transformed by his wife’s magic drugs, became a woodpecker and in that form gives oracles and prophecies to those who consult him? </p><p rend="indent">Or is this wholly incredible and monstrous, and is that other tale<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> 278 c, 320 d, <foreign xml:lang="lat">infra</foreign>; <title rend="italic">Life of Romulus</title>, iv. (19 e), vii. (21 c).</note> more credible which relates that when Romulus and Remus were exposed, not only did a she-wolf suckle them, but also a certain woodpecker carne continually to visit them and bring them scraps of food? For generally, even to this day, in foot-hills and thickly wooded places where the woodpecker is found, there also is found the wolf, as Nigidius records. </p><p rend="indent">Or is it rather because they regard this bird as sacred to Mars, even as other birds to other gods? For it is a courageous and spirited bird and has a beak so strong that it can overturn oaks by pecking them until it has reached the inmost part of the tree. </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="22"><p rend="indent">Why do they suppose Janus to have been twofaced and so represent him in painting and sculpture? </p><p rend="indent">Is it because, as they relate, he was by birth a Greek from Perrhaebia, and, when he had crossed to Italy and had settled among the savages there, he changed both his speech and his habits? Or is it rather because he changed the people of Italy to another manner and form of life by persuading a people which had formerly made use of wild plants and lawless customs to till the soil and to live under organized government?<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> 274 e, <foreign xml:lang="lat">infra</foreign>; <title rend="italic">Life of Numa</title>, xix. (72 f); Athenaeus, 692 d; Lydus, <title xml:lang="lat" rend="italic">De Mensibus</title>, iv. 2; Macrobius, <title rend="italic">Saturnalia</title> i. 7. 21, and i. 9.</note> <pb xml:id="v.4.p.39"/> </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="23"><p rend="indent">Why do they sell articles for funerals in the precinct of Libitina, whom they identify with Venus?<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">Life of Numa</title>, xii. (67 e); Dionysius of Halicarnassus, <title rend="italic">Roman Antiquities</title>, iv. 15. 5; Varro, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">De Lingua Latina</title>, vi. 47.</note> </p><p rend="indent">Is this also one of the philosophic devices of king Numa, that they should learn not to feel repugnance at such things nor shun them as a pollution? </p><p rend="indent">Or is it rather a reminder that whatever is born must die, since one goddess presides over births and deaths? For in Delphi there is a little statue of Aphrodite of the Tomb, to which they summon the departed to come forth for the libations. </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="24"><p rend="indent">Why have they in the month three beginnings or fixed points, and do not adopt the same interval of days between them? </p><p rend="indent">Is it, as Juba<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">Müller, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Frag. Hist. Graec.</title> iii. p. 470.</note> and his followers relate, that on the Kalends the officials used to call<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> Old Latin <foreign xml:lang="lat">calare</foreign>, equated with Greek <foreign xml:lang="grc">καλεῖν</foreign> by Plutarch and by other writers.</note> the people and announce the Nones for the fifth day thereafter, regarding the Ides as a holy day? </p><p rend="indent">Or is it rather because, since they measured time by the phases of the moon, they observed that in each month the moon undergoes three very important changes: first, when she is hidden by her conjunction with the sun: second, when she has escaped the sun’s rays and becomes visible for the first time at sunset; and third, at the full moon, when her orb is completely round? The disappearance and concealment of the moon they call <foreign xml:lang="lat">Kalendae</foreign>, for everything <pb xml:id="v.4.p.41"/> concealed or secretis <foreign xml:lang="lat">clam</foreign>, and <q>to be concealed</q> is <foreign xml:lang="lat">celari</foreign>.<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">Much is made of Plutarch’s mistake in equating <foreign xml:lang="lat">celare</foreign> (mss.) with<foreign xml:lang="grc">λανθάνειν</foreign> rather than with<foreign xml:lang="grc">κρύπτειν</foreign>, but the mistake is more likely that of a scribe.</note> The first appearance of the moon they call Nones, the most accurate since it is the new moon: for their word for <q>new</q> and <q>novel</q> is the same as ours.<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">This is true etymologically; but is Plutarch thinking of the syllable <emph>nou</emph> in<foreign xml:lang="grc">νουμηνία</foreign> and <foreign xml:lang="lat">nouus</foreign>?</note> They name the Ides as they do either because of the beauty and form (<foreign xml:lang="lat">eidos</foreign>) of the full-orbed moon, or by derivation from a title of Jupiter.<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> Macrobius, <title rend="italic">Saturnalia</title>, i. 15. 14, where it is stated that <foreign xml:lang="lat">Idus</foreign> is derived from the Etruscan <emph>Itis</emph>, said to mean <q>Iovis fiducia.</q> </note> But we must not follow out the most exact calculation of the number of days nor cast aspersions on approximate reckoning; since even now, when astronomy has made so much progress, the irregularity of the moon’s movements is still beyond the skill of mathematicians, and continues to elude their calculations.<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">Life of Aristides</title>, chap. xix. (331 a).</note> </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="25"><p rend="indent">Why do they reckon the day that follows the Kalends, the Nones, or the Ides as unsuitable for leaving home or for travel? </p><p rend="indent">Is it, as most authorities think and as Livy<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">Livy, v. 37; and vi. 1. 11.</note> records, that on the day after the Ides of Quintilis, which they now call July, the military tribunes led out the army, and were vanquished in battle by the Gauls at the river Allia and lost the City? But when the day after the Ides had come to be regarded as ill-omened, did superstition, as is its wont, extend the custom <pb xml:id="v.4.p.43"/> further, and involve in the same circumspection the day after the Nones and the day after the Kalends? </p><p rend="indent">Or does this contain many irrational assumptions? For it was on a different day that they were defeated in battle,<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">The traditional date of the battle was July 18, 390 b.c.</note> a day which they call Alliensis from the river, and make a dread day of expiation<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">Life of Camillus</title>, chap. xix. 8 (138 d).</note>; and although they have many ill-omened days, they do not observe them under the same names<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">As the Kalends, the Nones, and the Ides have the same names in every month.</note> in each month, but each in the month in which it occurs: and it is thus quite incredible that the superstition should have attached itself simply to all the days that follow immediately after the Nones or the Kalends. </p><p rend="indent">Consider the following analogy: just as they have dedicated the first month to the gods of Olympus, and the second, in which they perform certain rites of purification and sacrifice to the departed, to the gods of the lower world, so also in regard to the days of the month they have established three as festive and holy days, as I have stated,<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">269 b, <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>.</note> which are, as it were, fundamental and sovereign days: but the days which follow immediately they have dedicated to the spirits and the dead, and have come to regard them as ill-omened and unsuitable for business. In fact, the Greeks worship the gods on the day of the new moon: the next day they have duly assigned to the heroes and spirits, and the second bowl of wine is mixed in honour of the heroes and heroines,<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">That is, the spirits of the men and women of the Heroic Age who dwelt after death in the Isles of the Blest or in Hades.</note> And speaking generally, time is a sort of number: and the beginning of number is divine, for it is the monad. But after it is the dyad, antagonistic to the beginning number, and the first of the even numbers. The even numbers are imperfect, incomplete, <pb xml:id="v.4.p.45"/> and indeterminate, just as the odd numbers are determinate, completing, and perfect.<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> 264 a, <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>, also <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Moralia</title>, 374 a, 387 f, 429 a, 1002 a, 1012 e.</note> Wherefore, in like manner, the Nones succeed the Kalends at an interval of five days and the Ides succeed the Nones at an interval of nine days. For the odd numbers define the beginnings, but the even numbers, since they occur after the beginnings, have no position nor power; therefore on these days they do not begin any business or travel. </p><p rend="indent">Or has also the saying of Themistocles<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> 320 f, <foreign xml:lang="lat">infra</foreign>; <title rend="italic">Life of Themistocles</title>, xviii. (121 b). The context of 345 c, <foreign xml:lang="lat">infra</foreign>, makes it very probably that the essay <title xml:lang="lat" rend="italic">De Gloria Atheniensium</title> began with this favourite story of Plutarch’s.</note> some foundation in reason? For once upon a time, said he, the Day-After had an altercation with the Feast-Day on the ground that the Feast-Day had much labour and toil, whereas she herself provided the opportunity of enjoying in leisure and quiet all the things prepared for the festival. To this the Feast-Day replied, <q>You are quite right; but if I had not been, you would not be!</q> This story Themistocles related to the Athenian generals who succeeded him, to show that they would have been nowhere, if he himself had not saved the city. </p><p rend="indent">Since, therefore, all travel and all business of importance needs provision and preparation, and since in ancient days the Romans, at the time of festivals, made no provision or plan for anything, save only that they were engaged in the service of their gods and busied themselves with this only, just as even to this day the priests cause such a proclamation to be made in advance as they proceed on their way to sacrifice: so it was only natural that they did not set out on a journey immediately after their festivals, nor did they transact any business, for they were <pb xml:id="v.4.p.47"/> unprepared; but that day they always spent at home making their plans and preparations. </p><p rend="indent">Or is it even as men now, who have offered their prayers and oblations, are wont to tarry and sit a while in the temples,<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">Life of Numa</title>, xiv. (69 e-70 a); Propertius ii. 28. 45-46; see also Lewy in <title xml:lang="lat" rend="italic">Philologus</title>, lxxxiv. p. 378.</note> and so they would not let busy days succeed holy days immediately, but made some pause and breathing-space between, since business brings with it much that is distasteful and undesired? </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="26"><p rend="indent">Why do women in mourning wear white robes and white head-dresses? </p><p rend="indent">Do they do this, as men say the Magi do, arraying themselves against Hades and the powers of darkness, and making themselves like unto Light and Brightness? </p><p rend="indent">Or is it that, just as they clothe the body of the dead in white, they think it proper that the relatives should also wear this colour? They adorn the body thus since they cannot so adorn the soul; and they wish to send forth the soul bright and pure, since it is now set free after having fought the good fight in all its manifold forms. </p><p rend="indent">Or are plainness and simplicity most becoming on these occasions? Of the dyed garments, some reflect expense, others over-elaboration: for we may say no less with reference to black than to purple: <q>These be cheating garments, these be cheating colours.</q> <note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">Apparently a misquotation of Herodotus, iii. 22. 1: otherwise misquoted in <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Moralia</title>, 646 b and 863 e. <foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> also Clement of Alexandria, <title xml:lang="lat" rend="italic">Stromateis</title>, i. x. 48. 6 (p. 344 Potter).</note> That which is naturally black is dyed not through art, but by nature: and when it is <pb xml:id="v.4.p.49"/> combined with a dark colour, it is overpowered.<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">This apparently means: Naturally black wool may be dyed purple or any other strong dark colour. It is possible, however, that Plutarch wrote<foreign xml:lang="grc">κέκραται</foreign> (and so several mss.): <q>it is modified when combined with a dark colour.</q> </note> Only white,<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> Plato, <title rend="italic">Republic</title>, 729 d-e.</note> therefore, is pure, unmixed, and uncontaminated by dye, nor can it be imitated: wherefore it is most appropriate for the dead at burial. For he who is dead has become something simple, unmixed, and pure, once he has been released from the body, which is indeed to be compared with a stain made by dyeing. In Argos, as Socrates<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">Müller, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Frag. Hist. Graec.</title> iv. 498.</note> says, persons in mourning wear white garments washed in water. </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="27"><p rend="indent">Why do they regard all the city wall as inviolable and sacred, but not the gates? </p><p rend="indent">Is it, as Varro has written, because the wall must be considered sacred that men may fight and die with enthusiasm in its defence? It was under such circumstances, it seems, that Romulus killed his brother because he was attempting to leap across a place that was inviolable and sacred, and to make it traversable and profane. </p><p rend="indent">But it was impossible to consecrate the gates, for through them they carry out many other objectionable things and also dead bodies.<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Moralia</title>, 518 b.</note> Wherefore the original founders of a city yoke a bull and a cow, and mark out with a plough all the land on which they intend to build<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> Varro, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">De Lingua Latina</title>, v. 143, <title xml:lang="lat" rend="italic">Res Rusticae</title>, ii. 1. 9; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, <title rend="italic">Roman Antiquities</title>, i. 88; Ovid, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Fasti</title>, iv. 819 ff.</note>; and when they are engaged in tracing<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">Life of Romulus</title>, xi. (23 d).</note> the circuit of the walls, as they measure off the space intended for gates, they lift up the ploughshare and thus carry the plough across, <pb xml:id="v.4.p.51"/> since they hold that all the land that is ploughed is to be kept sacred and inviolable. </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="28"><p rend="indent">Why do they tell children, whenever they would swear by Hercules, not to do so under a roof, and bid them go out into the open air?<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> Varro, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">De Lingua Latina</title>, v. 66.</note> </p><p rend="indent">Is it, as some relate, because they believe that Hercules had no pleasure in staying in the house, but rejoiced in a life in the open air and a bed under the stars? </p><p rend="indent">Or is it rather because Hercules is not one of the native gods, but a foreigner from afar? For neither do they swear under a roof by Bacchus, since he also is a foreign god if he is from Nysa. </p><p rend="indent">Or is this but said in jest to the children, and what is done is really a check upon over-readiness and hastiness to swear, as Favorinus stated? For what is done following, as it were, upon preparation produces delay and allows deliberation. Yet one might urge against Favorinus the fact that this custom is not common, but peculiar to Hercules, as may be seen from the legend about him: for it is recorded that he was so circumspect regarding an oath that he swore but once and for Phyleus, the son of Augeas, alone. Wherefore they say that the prophetic priestess also brought up against the Spartans all the oaths they had sworn, saying that it would be better and much more to be desired if they would keep them!<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Moralia</title>, 229 b and the note (Vol. III. p. 372).</note> </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="29"><p rend="indent">Why do they not allow the bride to cross the threshold of her home herself, but those who are escorting her lift her over?<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">Life of Romulus</title>, xv. (26 d-e).</note> <pb xml:id="v.4.p.53"/> </p><p rend="indent">Is it because they carried off by force also the first Roman brides and bore them in in this manner, and the women did not enter of their own accord? </p><p rend="indent">Or do they wish it to appear that it is under constraint and not of their own desire that they enter a dwelling where they are about to lose their virginity? </p><p rend="indent">Or is it a token that the woman may not go forth of her own accord and abandon her home if she be not constrained, just as it was under constraint that she entered it? So likewise among us in Boeotia they burn the axle of the bridal carriage before the door, signifying that the bride must remain, since her means of departure has been destroyed. </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="30"><p rend="indent">Why do they, as they conduct the bride to her home, bid her say, <q>Where you are Gaius, there am I Gaia</q> <note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><q><foreign xml:lang="lat">Ubi tu Gaius, ego Gaia</foreign>.</q></note>? </p><p rend="indent">Is her entrance into the house upon fixed terms, as it were, at once to share everything and to control jointly the household, and is the meaning, then, <q>Wherever you are lord and master, there am I lady and mistress</q>? These names are in common use also in other connexions, just as jurists speak of Gaius Seius and Lucius Titius,<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><q>John Doe and Richard Roe.</q></note> and philosophers of Dion and Theon.<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Moralia</title>, 1061 c.</note> </p><p rend="indent">Or do they use these names because of Gaia Caecilia,<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">Probably not the same as Tanaquil, wife of Tarquinius Priscus; but <foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> Pliny, <title rend="italic">Natural History</title>, viii. 48 (194).</note> consort of one of Tarquini sons, a fair and virtuous woman, whose statue in bronze stands in the temple of Sanctus?<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">We should probably emend to Sancus; the same mistake is made in the mss. of Propertius, iv. 9. 71-74, where see the excellent note of Barber and Butler.</note> And both her sandals and her spindle were, in ancient days, dedicated there as tokens of her love of home and of her industry respectively. <pb xml:id="v.4.p.55"/> </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="31"><p rend="indent">Why is the far-famed <q>Talassio</q> <note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">The traditional Roman spelling seems to be with -<emph>ss</emph>-.</note> sung at the marriage ceremony?<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">Life of Romulus</title>, xv. (26 c), <title rend="italic">Life of Pompey</title>, iv. (620 f); Livy, i. 9. 12.</note> </p><p rend="indent">Is it derived from <foreign xml:lang="lat">talasia</foreign> (spinning)? For they call the wool-basket (<foreign xml:lang="lat">talaros</foreign>) <foreign xml:lang="lat">talasus</foreign>. When they lead in the bride, they spread a fleece beneath her: she herself brings with her a distaff and her spindle, and wreaths her husband’s door with wool. </p><p rend="indent">Or is the statement of the historians true? They relate that there was a certain young man, brilliant in military achievements and valuable in other wTays, whose name was Talasius: and when the Romans were carrying off the daughters of the Sabines who had come to see the games, a maiden of particularly beautiful appearance was being carried off for him by some plebeian retainers of his. To protect their enterprise and to prevent anyone from approaching and trying to wrest the maiden from them, they shouted continually that she was being brought as a wife for Talasius (<foreign xml:lang="lat">Talasio</foreign>). Since, therefore, everyone honoured Talasius, they followed along and provided escort, joining in the good wishes and acclamations. Wherefore since Talasius’s marriage was happy, they became accustomed to invoke Talasius in other marriages also, even as the Greeks invoke Hymen. </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="32"><p rend="indent">Why is it that in the month of May at the time of the full moon they throw into the river from the Pons Sublicius figures of men, calling the images thrown Argives?<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> 285 a, <foreign xml:lang="lat">infra</foreign>, and Ovid, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Fasti</title>, v. 621 ff.; Varro, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">De Lingua Latina</title>, v. 45; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, <title rend="italic">Roman Antiquities</title>, i. 38. 2-3. Plutarch means the <foreign xml:lang="lat">Argei</foreign>, the origin and meaning of which is a mystery (see V. Rose’s edition, pp. 98 ff.).</note> </p><p rend="indent">Is it because in ancient days the barbarians who <pb xml:id="v.4.p.57"/> lived in these parts used to destroy thus the Greeks whom they captured? But Hercules, who was much admired by them, put an end to their murder of strangers and taught them to throw figures into the river, in imitation of their superstitious custom. The men of old used to call all Greeks alike Argives: unless it be, indeed, since the Arcadians regarded the Argives also as their enemies because of their immediate proximity, that, when Evander and his men<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">Who were Arcadians; <foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> Virgil, <title rend="italic">Aeneid</title>, viii. 52-151.</note> fled from Greece and settled here, they continued to preserve their ancient feud and enmity. </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="33"><p rend="indent">Why in ancient days did they never dine out without their sons, even when these were still but children? </p><p rend="indent">Did Lycurgus introduce this custom also, and bring boys to the common meals that they might become accustomed to conduct themselves toward their pleasures, not in a brutish or disorderly way, but with discretion, since they had their elders as supervisors and spectators, as it were? No less important is the fact that the fathers themselves would also be more decorous and prudent in the presence of their sons: for <q>where the old are shameless,</q> as Plato<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><title rend="italic">Laws</title>, 729 c; also cited or referred to <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Moralia</title>, 14 b, 71 b, 144 f.</note> remarks, <q>there the young also must needs be lost to all sense of shame.</q> </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="34"><p rend="indent">Why is it that while the other Romans make libations and offerings to the dead in the month of February, Decimus Brutus, as Cicero<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">De Legibus</title>, ii. 21. 54.</note> has recorded, used to do so in the month of December? This was <pb xml:id="v.4.p.59"/> the Brutus who invaded Lusitania, and was the first to visit those remote places, and cross the river Lethê with an army.<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">136 b.c. <foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> Appian, <title rend="italic">Spanish Wars</title> (72), 74; and Florus, <title rend="italic">Epitome</title>, ii. 17. 12.</note> </p><p rend="indent">Since most peoples are accustomed to make offerings to the dead at the close of the day and at the end of the month, is it not reasonable also to honour the dead in the last month<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">That is, according to Brutus’s reckoning. For the common people February continued to be the month of the Parentalia, and February was once the last month (<foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> 268 b, <foreign xml:lang="lat">supra</foreign>).</note> at the turn of the year? And December is the last month. </p><p rend="indent">Or do these honours belong to deities beneath the earth, and is it the proper season to honour these deities when all the crops have attained consummation? </p><p rend="indent">Or is it most fitting to remember those below when men are stirring the earth at the beginning of seed-time? </p><p rend="indent">Or is it because this month has been consecrated to Saturn by the Romans, and they regard Saturn as an infernal, not a celestial god? </p><p rend="indent">Or is it that then their greatest festival, the Saturnalia, is set: and it is reputed to contain the most numerous social gatherings and enjoyments, and therefore Brutus deemed it proper to bestow upon the dead first-fruits, as it were, of this festival also? </p><p rend="indent">Or is this statement, that Brutus alone sacrificed to the dead in this month, altogether a falsehood? For it is in December that they make offerings to Larentia and bring libations to her sepulchre. </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="35"><p rend="indent">And why do they thus honour Larentia who was at one time a courtesan? </p><p rend="indent">They record that there was another Larentia, Acca,<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> W. F. Otto, <title xml:lang="deu" rend="italic">Wiener Studien</title>, xxxv. 62 ff.</note> the nurse of Romulus, whom they honour in <pb xml:id="v.4.p.61"/> the month of April. But they say that the surname of the courtesan Larentia was Fabula. She became famous for the following reason<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign><title rend="italic">Life of Romulus</title>, chap. v. (19 f ff.); Macrobius, <title rend="italic">Saturnalia</title>, i. 10. 11-17; Augustine, <title xml:lang="lat" rend="italic">De Civitate Dei</title>, vi. 7; Tertullian, <title xml:lang="lat" rend="italic">Ad Nationes</title>, ii. 10.</note>: a certain keeper of the temple of Hercules enjoyed, it seems, considerable leisure and had the habit of spending the greater part of the day at draughts and dice: and one day, as it chanced, there was present no one of those who were wont to play with him and share the occupation of his leisure. So, in his boredom, he challenged the god to throw dice with him on fixed terms, as it were: if he should win, he was to obtain some service from the god: but if he should lose, he was to furnish a supper for the god at his own expense and provide a comely girl to spend the night with him. Thereupon he brought out the dice, and threw once for himself and once for the god, and lost. Abiding, therefore, by the terms of his challenge he prepared a somewhat sumptuous repast for the god and fetched Larentia, who openly practised the profession of courtesan. He feasted her, put her to bed in the temple, and, when he departed, locked the doors. The tale is told that the god visited her in the night, not in mortal wise, and bade her on the morrow go into the forum, and pay particular attention to the first man she met, and make him her friend. Larentia arose, therefore, and, going forth, met one of the wealthy men that were unwed and past their prime, whose name was Tarrutius. With this man she became acquainted, and while he lived she presided over his household, and when he died, she inherited his estate: and later, when she herself <pb xml:id="v.4.p.63"/> died, she left her property to the State: and for that reason she has these honours. </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="36"><p rend="indent">Why do they call one of the gates the Window, for this is what <foreign xml:lang="lat">fenestra</foreign> means: and why is the so-called Chamber of Fortune beside it?<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> 322 f, <foreign xml:lang="lat">infra</foreign>; Ovid, <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Fasti</title>, vi. 569 ff.</note> </p><p rend="indent">Is it because King Servius, the luckiest of mortals, was reputed to have converse with Fortune, who visited him through a window? </p><p rend="indent">Or is this but a fable, and is the true reason that when King Tarquinius Priscus died, his wife Tanaquil, a sensible and a queenly woman, put her head out of a window and, addressing the citizens, persuaded them to appoint Servius king, and thus the place came to have this name?<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> 323 d, <foreign xml:lang="lat">infra</foreign>; Livy, i. 41.</note> </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="37"><p rend="indent">Why is it that of all the things dedicated to the gods it is the custom to allow only spoils of war to disintegrate with the passage of time, and not to move them beforehand<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">That is, to move them away before they fell to pieces; for the ancients used to clear out their temples periodically.</note> nor repair them? </p><p rend="indent">Is it in order that men may believe that their repute deserts them at the same time with the obliteration of their early memorials, and may ever seek to bring in some fresh reminder of valour? </p><p rend="indent">Or is it rather that, as time makes dim the memorials of their dissension with their enemies, it would be invidious and malicious to restore and renew them? Nor among the Greeks, either, do <pb xml:id="v.4.p.65"/> they that first erected a trophy of stone or of bronze<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">AS did the Boeotians after Leuctra: Cicero, <title xml:lang="lat" rend="italic">De Inventione</title>, ii. 23 (69); <foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> Diodorus, xiii. 24. 5-6. Of course this means substituting for the impromptu suit of armour, set on a stake, a permanent replica; but memorials of battles had been popular for many years before this time. <foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign><title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Moralia</title>, 401 c-d.</note> stand in good repute. </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="38"><p rend="indent">Why did Quintus Metellus,<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true">Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius, consul 80 b.c.</note> when he became <foreign xml:lang="lat">pontifex maximus</foreign>, with his reputation for good sense in all other matters as well as in his statesmanship, prevent divination from birds after the month Sextius, which is now called August? </p><p rend="indent">Is it that, even as we attend to such matters in the middle of the day or at dawn, or in the beginning of the month when the moon is waxing, and avoid the declining days and hours as unsuitable for business, so likewise did Metellus regard the period of time after the first eight months as the evening or late afternoon, so to speak, of the year, since then it is declining and waning? </p><p rend="indent">Or is it because we should observe birds when they are in their prime and in perfect condition? And this they are before the summer-time: but towards autumn some are weak and sickly, others but nestlings and not full-grown, and still others have vanished completely, migrating because of the time of year. </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="39"><p rend="indent">Why were men who were not regularly enlisted, but merely tarrying m the camp, not allowed to throw missiles at the enemy or to wound them? </p><p rend="indent">This fact Cato the Elder<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> Cicero, <title xml:lang="lat" rend="italic">De Officiis</title>, i. 11 (37).</note> has made clear in one of his letters to his son, in which he bids the young man to return home if he has completed his term of service and has been discharged: or, if he should <pb xml:id="v.4.p.67"/> stay over, to obtain permission from his general to wound or slay an enemy. </p><p rend="indent">Is it because sheer necessity alone constitutes a warrant to kill a human being, and he who does so illegally and without the word of command is a murderer? For this reason Cyrus also praised Chrysantas<note resp="editor" place="unspecified" anchored="true"><foreign xml:lang="lat">Cf.</foreign> Xenophon, <title rend="italic">Cyropaedia</title>, iv. 1. 3; and the note on <title rend="italic" xml:lang="lat">Moralia</title>, 236 e (Vol. III. p. 420).</note> who, when he was about to kill an enemy, and had his weapon raised to strike, heard the recall sounded and let the man go without striking him, believing that he was now prevented from so doing. </p><p rend="indent">Or must he who grapples with the enemy and fights not be free from accountability nor go unscathed should he play the coward? For he does not help so much by hitting or wounding an enemy as he does harm by fleeing or retreating. He, therefore, who has been discharged from service is freed from military regulations: but he who asks leave to perform the offices of a soldier renders himself again accountable to the regulations and to his general. </p></div></div></body></text></TEI>
                </passage>
            </reply>
            </GetPassage>