(Φίλιππος), king of MACEDONIA, son of Demetrius II., was one of the ablest and most eminent of the Macedonian monarchs. It appears that he was born in the year B. C. 237, and he was thus only eight years old at the death of his father Demetrius. The sovereign power was consequently assumed by his uncle Antigonus Doson, who, though he certainly ruled as king rather than merely as guardian of his nephew, was faithful to the interests of Philip, whom he regarded as his natural successor, and to whom he transferred the sovereignty at his death, in B. C. 220, to the exclusion of his own children. (Plb. 2.45, 70, 4.2; Paus. 8.8.9; Just. 28.4; Porphyr. ap. Euseb. Arm. p. 158.) He was careful however to appoint friends of his own to all the more important offices of the state; one of whom, Apelles, bore the title of guardian of the young king (Plb. 4.87), though the latter seems to have in fact assumed the administration of affairs into his own hands from the very beginning of his reign. The prudent and vigorous administration of Antigonus had greatly strengthened the Macedonian empire; but the youth of Philip, who was only seventeen years old at the time of his accession (Plb. 4.5; Justin makes him only fourteen), was regarded with contempt by his enemies, and the Aetolians seized the opportunity to commit acts of aggression and hostility in the Peloponnese. Aratus and the Achaeans immediately applied to the young king for assistance ; but Philip, though not unmindful of his allies, was at first unwilling to engage in open war with the Aetolians on account of what he regarded as mere plundering expeditions. Soon, however, the defeat of the Achaeans at Caphyae, and the daring outrage of the Aetolians in seizing and burning Cynaetha, aroused him to the necessity of immediate action, and he proceeded in person to Corinth at the head of a considerable force. He arrived too late to act against the Aetolians, who had already quitted the Peloponnese, but by advancing to Tegea he succeeded in overawing the Lacedaemonians, who were secretly disposed to favour the Aetohans, and for a time prevented them from quitting the cause of their allies. He next presided at a general assembly of the Achaeans and other allied states at Corinth, at which war was declared against the Aetolians by the common consent of all present, including besides Philip himself and the Achaeans, the Boeotians, Phocians, Epeirots, Acarnanians, and Messenians. Few of these, however, were either disposed or ready to take an active part in immediate hostilities, while the Lacedaemonians and Eleans openly espoused the cause of the Aetolians. It was evident there-fore that the chief burden of the war would devolve upon Philip and the Achaeans, and the young king returned to Macedonia to prepare for the contest. (Plb. 4.5, 9, 16, 19, 22-29, 31_36; Plut. Arat. 47). His first care was to fortify his own frontiers against the neighboring barbarians, and
The ensuing spring (B. C. 218) he first turned his attention to the reduction of the important island of Cephallenia, but failed in an attack on the city of Palae in consequence of the treachery and misconduct of one of his own officers, Leontius, who purposely prevented the troops under his command from carrying the breach by assault. Hereupon Philip abandoned the enterprise; but landing suddenly at the head of the Ambracian gulf, he penetrated unexpectedly into the heart of Aetolia, where he surprised the capital city of Thermus, in which all the wealth and treasures of the Aetolian leaders were deposited. The whole of these fell into the hands of the king, and were either carried off or destroyed, together with a vast quantity of arms and armour; but not content with this, Philip set fire to the sacred buildings, and destroyed all the statues and other works of art with which they were adorned. The Aetolians in vain attacked his army on his retreat, and he succeeded in carrying off the spoils in safety to his fleet. (Plb. 5.2-9, 13, 14.) Having by this sudden blow struck terror into the Aetolians themselves, he next turned his arms against their Peloponnesian allies, and returning in all haste to Corinth, assembled the Achaean forces, and invaded Laconia before the Spartans had heard of his having quitted Aetolia. Descending the valley of the Eurotas he passed close to Sparta itself, laid waste the whole country as far as Taenarus and Malea and on his return totally defeated the forces with which Lycurgus had occupied the heights near Sparta, in order to, intercept his retreat. (Id. 5.17-24.) An attempt was now made byy the Chians and Rhodians to effect a peace by their mediation; but though Philip consented to a truce for the purpose of carrying on the negotiations, these proved abortive, and the war was still continued. The operations of the next year (B. C. 217) were less brilliant, but fortune still favoured the arms of Philip and his allies; the king, who had returned to Macedonia, took the important fortress of Bylazora, in Paeonia, which was well calculated to check the inroads of the Dardanians, and afterwards invaded Thessaly, where he reduced the Phthiotic Thebes. The Achaeans, on their side, had raised large forces, and carried on the war with much success in the Peloponnese. Meanwhile, events of far greater importance had been passing in Italy, and the news of the battle of Thrasymene, which reached Philip while he was celebrating the Nemean games at Argos, determined him to listen to the overtures for peace which had been renewed by the neutral powers, the Chians, Rhodians, and Ptolemy, king of Egypt. A treaty was soon brought about, by which it was agreed that both parties should retain what they then possessed; and thus ended, after a duration of three years, the contest commonly known as the Social War. (Plb. 5.24, 29, 30, 97_105.)
During the course of these events it is certain that the character of Philip appears in the most favourable light. Throughout the military operations he displayed uncommon abilities. His daring and rapid movements disconcerted all the plans of his enemies; and the boldness of his conceptions was accompanied with a vigour and skill in the execution of them, which might have done credit to the oldest and most practised general. But his military talents were accompanied with merits of a still higher order. His policy inclined always to the side of clemency and moderation, and he had established a well-earned popularity throughout Greece, by repeated proofs of generosity and good faith. So high, indeed, was his character in these respects, that all the cities of Crete are said to have voluntarily united in placing themselvesunderhis protection and patronage (Plb. 7.12; Plut. Arat. 48). Unfortunately these favourable dispositions were not destined to last long; and the change that subsequently came over his character appears to have commenced almost immediately after the close of the Social War. It is scarcely probable, as suggested by Plutarch, that his naturally evil disposition had been hitherto restrained by fear, and that he now first began to show himself in his true colours ; Polybius more plausibly ascribes the change in his character to the influence of evil counsellors ; though these very probably did no more than accelerate the natural effects too often produced by the intoxication of success and the possession of arbitrary power at an early age. It is certain at least that the evil counsellors were not wanting. Apelies and the other officers to whom the chief posts in the administration had been confided by Antigonus Doson, had hoped to hold the uncontrolled direction of affairs, under the reign of the young king, and could ill brook to see their power supplanted by the growing influence of Aratus, who at this period chiefly swayed the counsels of Philip. Having filed in repeated attempts to undermine the power of the Achaean leader, by calumnies and intrigues, they went so far as to engage in the most treasonable schemes for frustrating all the designs of Philip himself, and thwarting the success of his military enterprizes. Their machinations were at length discovered, and Apelles himself together with Leontius and Megaleas, the partners of his guilt, were severally Put to death. (Plb. 4.76, 82-87, 5.2, 4, 14_16, 25-28; Plnt, Arat. 48.)
But the removal of these adversaries was far from giving to Aratus the increased power and influence
Whether Philip really meditated at this time the invasion of Italy, or was merely desirous of establishing his power over all the countries east of the Adriatic, it is certain that his proceedings were marked by an unaccountable degree of hesitation and delay. He suffered the remainder of the season of 215 to pass away without any active measures, and though in the following year (B. C. 214), he at length appeared in the Adriatic with a fleet, with which he took the town of Oricus, and laid siege to the important city of Apollonia, his arms were soon paralysed by the arrival of a small Roman force under M. Laevnus, and he was not only compelled to raise the siege of Apollonia, but destroyed his own ships to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy, and effected his retreat to Macedonia by land. (Liv. 24.40.) The folrelieve it. (Liv. 26.25, 26, 28; Plb. 9.41, lowing year (213), he was more successful, having made himself master of the strong fortress of Lissus, the capture of which was followed by the submisance sion of great part of Illyria (Plb. 8.15): but this decisive blow was not followed up; and the apparent inaction of the king during the two fol lowing years is the more remarkable, because the occupation of Tarentum by Hannibal would have seemed likely, at this juncture, to facilitate his communications with Italy.
Meanwhile, the proceedings of Philip in Greece were but too well calculated to alienate all the favourable dispositions previously entertained to wards him. In B. C. 215, he had interposed in the affairs of Messenia, in a manner that led to a fearful massacre of the oligarchical party in that state: the reproaches of Aratus on this occasion were bitter and vehement, and from henceforth all friendship was at an end between them. Philip was, however, still so far swayed by his influence as to refrain at that time from the design of seizing by treachery on the fortress of Ithome: but after his return from his unsuccessful expedition to Illyria (B. C. 214) he returned to this project, and sent Demetrius of Pharos to carry it into execution. The latter was killed in the attempt; but his death produced no change in the counsels of Philip, who now invaded Messenia himself, and laid waste the open country with fire and sword. Meanwhile, the breach between him and Aratus had become daily more complete, and was still further widened by the discovery that the king was carrying on a criminal intercourse with the wife of the younger Aratus. At length the king was induced to listen to the insidious proposal of Taurion, and to rid himself of his former friend and counsellor by means of a slow and secret poison, B. C. 213. (Plb. 7.10_14, 8.10, 14; Plut. Arat. 49-52.)
The war between Philip and the Romans had been carried on, for some time, with unaccountable slackness on both sides, when it all at once assumed a new character in consequence of the alliance entered into by the latter with the Aetolians. In the treaty concluded by the Roman praetor, M.Valerius Laevinus, with that people (before the end of B. C. 211), provision was also made for comprising in the alliance Scerdilaidas, king of Illyria, and Attalus, king of Pergamus, and the king of Macedonia thus found himself threatened on all sides by a powerful confederacy. (Liv. 26.24; Just. 29.4.) This news at length roused him from his apathy. Though it was then midwinter, he hastened to provide for the safety of his frontiers, both on the side of Illyria and that of Thrace, and then marched southwards, with an army, to the succour of the Acarnanians, who were attacked by the Aetolians, but the latter withdrew on learning the approach of Philip, and the king returned to Macedonia. hostilities were renewed in the spring (B. C. 210), and the Romans opened the campaign by the capture of Anticvra; but after this, instead of supporting their allies with vigour, they withdrew the greater part of their forces, and P. Sulpicius Galba, who had succeeded Laevinus in the command, found himself unable to effect anything more than the conquest of Aegina, while Philip succeeded in reducing the strong fortress of Echinus in Thessaly, notwithstand ing all the efforts of the Romans and Aetolians to relieve it. (Liv. 26.25, 26, 28; Plb. 9.41, 42.)
The next summer (B. C. 209) [*](* Concerning the chronology of these events, and the error committed by Livy, who assigns this campaign to the year 208, see Schorn (Gesch. Griechenl. p. 186, not.), and Thirlwall (Hist. of Greece, vol. viii. p. 268, not.). Clinton (F. H. vol. iii. p. 48) has.followed Livy without comment.), the arms of Philip were directed to the support of his allies, the Achaeans, who were unable to make head against the Lacedaemonians, Messenians, and Eleans. Marching through Thessaly, he defeated the Aetolian general Pyrrhias, though supported by some Roman troops furnished him by Galba, in two successive actions, forced the pass of Thermopylae, and made his way successfully to the Peloponnese, where he celebrated the Heraean games at Argos. The Rhodians and Chians, as well as the Athenians and Ptolemy, king of Egypt, now again interposed their good offices, to bring about a peace between the contending parties, and negotiations were opened at Aegium, but these proved abortive in consequence of the arrogant demands of the Aetolians, in whom the arrival of Attalus at this juncture had excited fresh hopes. Philip now invaded Elis in conjunction with the Achaean praetor Cycliadas, but was worsted in an engagement under the walls of the city, in which, however, the king greatly distinguished himself by his personal bravery; and the inroads of the Dardanians, and other Barbarian tribes now compelled him to return to Macedonia. (Liv. 27.29_33; Just. 29.4.)
At the opening of the campaign of 208, Philip found himself assailed on all sides by the formidable confederacy now organized against him. Sulpicius with the Roman fleet, in conjunction with the king Attalus, commenced their attacks by sea, while the Illyrian princes, Scerdilaidas and Pleuratus, and the Thracian tribe of the Maedi threatened his northern frontiers, and his allies, the Achaeans, Acarnanians, and Boeotians, were clamorous for support and assistance against the Aetolians and Lacedaemonians. The energy and activity displayed by the king under these trying circumstances, is justly praised by Polybius: while he sent such support as his means enabled him to his various allies, he himself took up his post at Demetrias in Thessaly, to watch the proceedings of Sulpicius and Attalus; and though he was unable to prevent the fall of Oreus, which was betrayed into their hands [PLATOR], he not only saved Chalcis from a similar fate, but narrowly missed surprising Attalus himself in the neighbourhood of Opus. The king of Pergamus was soon after recalled to the defence of his own dominions against Prusias, king of Bithynia, and Sulpicius, unable to keep the sea single-handed, withdrew to Aegina. Philip was thus left at liberty to act against the Aetolians, and to support his own allies in the Peloponnese, where Machanidas, the Lacedaemonian tyrant, retired on his approach. The king was content with this success; and after taking part in the general assembly of the Achaeans at Aegium, and ravaging the coasts of Aetolia, returned once more into his own dominions. (Plb. 10.41, 42; Liv. 28.5-8; Just. 29.4.)
The events of the succeeding years of the war are very imperfectly known to us, but it is evident that matters took a turn decidedly favourable to Philip and his allies. Attalus continued in Asia, and the Romans, whose attention was directed wholly towards affairs in Spain and Africa, lent no support to their Grecian allies. Meanwhile, the Achaeans, under Philopoemen, were victorious in the Peloponnese over Machanidas, and the Aetolians, finding themselves abandoned by their allies, and unable to cope single-handed with the power of Philip, who had a second time carried his ravages into the heart of their country, and plundered their capital city of Thermus, at length consented to peace upon the conditions dictated by the conqueror. What these were we know not, but the treaty had hardly been concluded, when a Roman fleet and army, under P. Sempronius Tuditanus, arrived at Dyrrhachium. Philip hastened to oppose him, and offered him battle, but the Roman general shut himself up within the walls of Apollonia; and meanwhile the Epeirots, by their intervention, succeeded in bringing about a peace between the two parties. A preliminary treaty was concluded between Philip and Sempronius at Phoenice in Epeirus, B. C. 205, and was readily ratified by the Roman people, who were desirous to give their undivided attention to the war in Africa. (Liv. 29.12; Plb. 11.4, 7; Appian. Mac. Exc. 2.)
It is probable that both parties looked upon the peace thus concluded as little more than a suspension of hostilities. Such was clearly the view with which the Romans had accepted it, and Philip was evidently well aware of their sentiments in this respect. Hence he not only proceeded to carry out his views for his own aggrandizement and the humiliation of his rivals in Greece, without any regard to the Roman alliances in that country, but he even went so far as to send a strong body of auxiliaries to the Carthaginians in Africa, who fought at Zama under the standard of Hannibal. (Liv. 30.26, 33, 42, 31.1.) Meanwhile, his proceedings in Greece were stained by acts of the darkest perfidy and the most wanton aggression. The death of Ptolemy Philopator, king of Egypt (B. C. 205), and the infancy of his successor, at this time opened a new field to the ambition of Philip, who concluded a league with Antiochus against the Egyptian monarch, according to which the Cyclades, as well as the cities and islands in Ionia subject to Ptolemy, were to fall to the share of the Macedonian king. (Plb. 3.2, 15.20; Appian. Mac. Exc. 3; Just. 30.2.)
In order to carry out this scheme, it was necessary for Philip to establish his naval power firmly in the Aegaean, and to humble that of Attalus and the Rhodians, and the latter object he endeavoured to effect by the most nefarious means, for which he found ready instruments in Dicaearchus, an Aetolian pirate, and Heracleides, an exile from Tarentum, who seems at this period to have held the same place in the king's confidence previously enjoyed by Demetrius of Pharos. While Dicaearchus, with a squadron of twenty ships, cruised in the Aegaean, and made himself master of the principal islands of the Cyclades, Heracleides contrived to ingratiate himself with the Rhodians, and then took an opportunity to set fire to their arsenal, and burn great part of their fleet. (Plb. 13.4, 5, 15.20, 18.37; Diod. xxviii. Exc. Vales. pp. 572, 573; Polyaen. 5.17.2.) Meanwhile, Philip himself had reduced under his dominion the cities of Lysimachia and Chalcedon, notwithstanding they were in a state of alliance
But a more formidable enemy was now at hand. The Romans were no sooner free from their longprotracted contest with Carthage than they began to lend a favourable ear to the complaints that poured in on all sides from the Athenians, the Rhodians, Attalus, and Ptolemy, against the Macedonian monarch; and notwithstanding some reluctance on the part of the people, war was declared against Philip, and the conduct of it assigned to the consul P. Sulpicius Galba, B. C. 200. But it was late in the season before he was able to set out for his province; and after sending a small force, under C. Claudius Centho, to the assistance of the Athenians, he took up his quarters for the winter at Apollonia. Meanwhile Attalus and the Rhodians neglected to prosecute the war, perhaps waiting for the arrival of the Roman forces. Philip, on his part, was not slow in availing himself of the respite thus granted him. While he sent Nicanor to invade Attica, he himself turned his arms towards Thrace, where he reduced in succession the important towns of Aenus and Maroneia, and then advancing to the Chersonese, laid siege to Abydus. The desperate resistance of the inhabitants prolonged the defence of this place for so long a time that it would have been easy for their allies to have relieved them, but Attalus and the Rhodians neglected to send them assistance, the remonstrances of the Roman ambassador, M. Aemilius Lepidus, were treated with derision by Philip, and the city ultimately fell into his hands, though not till almost the whole of the inhabitants had perished either by the sword of the enemy or by their own hands. (Liv. 31.2_5, 6, 14, 16_18; Plb. 16.27_34.)
Immediately after the fall of Abydos, Philip learnt the arrival of Sulpicius in Epeirus, but finding that the consul had already taken up his winterquarters, he took no farther measures to oppose him. Claudius, who had been sent to the support of the Athenians, was more enterprizing, and not content with guarding the coasts of Attica, he, by a bold stroke, surprised and plundered Chalcis. Philip, on this news, hastened to oppose him, but finding that Claudius had already quitted Chalcis, which he was not strong enough to hold, the king pushed on with great rapidity, in the hopes of surprising Athens itself, an object which, in fact, he narrowly missed. Foiled in this scheme, he avenged himself by laying waste the environs of the city, sparing in his fury neither the sepulchres of men, nor the sacred groves and temples of the gods. After this he repaired to Corinth, and took part in an assembly of the Achaeans, but failed in inducing that people to take part more openly in the war with the Romans; and having a second time ravaged the territory of Attica, returned once more into Macedonia. (Liv. 31.18, 22-26.)
The consul, Sulpicius, was now, at length, ready to take the field, B. C. 199. He had already gained some slight successes through his lieutenant, L. Apustius, and had been joined by the Illyrian prince Pleuratus, Amynander, king of Athamania, and the Dardanian, Bato. The Aetolians, on the contrary, though strongly solicited both by Philip and the Romans, as yet declined to take part in the war. Sulpicius advanced through Dassaretia. where Philip met him with his main army, and several unimportant actions ensued, in one of which, near Octolophus, the Romans gained the victory; and this advantage, though of little consequence in itself, had the effect of deciding the Aetolians to espouse the Roman cause, and they joined with Amynander in an inroad into Thessaly. At the same time the Dardanians invaded Macedonia from the north, and Philip found it necessary to make head against these new enemies. He accordingly quitted his strong position near the camp of Sulpicius, and having eluded the vigilance of the Roman general, effected his retreat unmolested into Macedonia, from whence he sent Athenagoras against the Dardanians, while he himself hastened to attack the Aetolians, who were still in Thessaly, intent only upon plunder. Philip fell upon them by surprise, put many of them to the sword, and totally defeated their army, which would have been utterly destroyed, had it not been for their ally, Amynander. The Roman general meanwhile, after pushing on into Eordaea and Orestis, where he took the city of Celetrus, had fallen back again into Epeirus, without effecting anything of importance: the Dardanians had been repulsed and defeated by Athenagoras,
It was apparently late in the season before the new consul, P. Villius Tappulus, arrived in Epeirus to succeed Sulpicius, and a mutiny that broke out in his own army prevented him from undertaking any hostile operations. Philip meanwhile had followed up his victory over the Aetolians by laying siege to Thaumaci, in Thessaly, but the courageous defence of the garrison protracted this siege until so late a period of the year, that Philip was compelled to abandon the enterprise, and return to Macedonia for the winter. (Id. 32.3, 4.) After spending this period of repose in the most active preparations for renewing the contest, he took the field again with the first approach of spring, B. C. 198, and established his camp in a strong position near the pass of Antigoneia, where it completely commanded the direct route into Macedonia, Viilius advanced to a position near that of the king, but was wholly unable to force the pass; and while he was still deliberating what to do, his successor Flamininus arrived and took the command of the army. (Id. ib. 5, 6, 9.) The events of the war from this period till its termination have been already fully given under FLAMININUS.
By the peace finally granted to Philip (B. C. 196), the king was compelled to abandon all his conquests, both in Europe and Asia, withdraw his garrisons from all Greek cities, surrender his whole fleet to the Romans, and limit his standing army to 5000 men, besides paying a sum of 1000 talents. Among the hostages given for the fulfilmeant of these hard conditions, was his son Demetrius. (Plb. 18.27; Liv. 33.30.) Whatever resentment and enmity he might still entertain against his conquerors, Philip was now effectually humbled, and it is certain that his conduct towards Rome at this time is characterised by every appearance of good faith and of a sincere desire to cultivate the friendship of the all-powerful republic. At the suggestion of the Roman deputy, Cn. Cornelius, he sent an embassy to Rome, to request that the treaty of peace might be converted into one of alliance (Plb. 18.31); and in the following year (195), he sent a strong body of auxiliaries to the assistance of Flamininus against Nabis. (Liv. 34.26.) At a subsequent period he resisted all the efforts of the Aetolian envoy, Nicander, to induce him once more to take up arms in concert with Antiochus, as well as the tempting offers of that monarch himself, who spared no promises in order to gain him over to his alliance. (Id. 35.12, 39.28.) At the commencement of B. C. 191, he sent ambassadors to Rome, with offers of support and assistance against Antiochus, who was then already in Greece. The Syriann king had the imprudence at this time to give personal offence to Philip, who immediately engaged in measures of more active hostility, lent all the assistance in his power to the Roman praetor, Baebius, and co-operated with the Romans in the siege of Limnaea, while he took the opportunity to expel Amynander from Athamania, and make himself master of that province. (Id. 36.4, 8, 13, 14.) Though he took no part in the decisive battle at Thermopylae, he joined the consul Aciiius Galabrio shortly after, and it was arranged between them that Philip should besiege Lamia at the same time that Glabrio carried on the siege of Heracleia, but the latter city having fallen first, the king was ordered to desist from the siege of Lamia, which thereupon surrendered to the Romans. Philip was indignant at being thus balked of his prize, but he nevertheless obtained permission from the consul, while the latter was occupied in the siege of Naupactus, to turn his arms against some of the cities which had taken part with the Aetolians ; and not only made himself master of Demetrias, and other places in Thessaly, but overran the whole of Perrhaebia, Aperantia, and Dolopia. (Id. 36.25, 33, 34, 39.23.) The Romans, at this period, evinced their satisfaction with the conduct of Philip by restoring to him his son Demetrius and the other hostages, and remitting all the arrears of tribute, which remained yet unpaid (Pol. 20.13, 21.9; Liv. 36.35): the king, in return, rendered them still more important services, by providing every thing necessary for the march of their army through Macedonia and Thrace, when advancing to the attack of Antiochus in Asia; and securing its passage, without obstruction, as far as the Hellespont. (Liv. 37.7; Appian. Mac. Exc. 7.3.) But the seeds of fresh disputes were already sown, and Polybius has justly remarked that the real causes of the second war of the Romans with Macedonia arose before the death of Philip, though it did not break out till a later period. So long as the Romans were engaged in the contest with Antiochus, and stood in need of the support of the Macedonian king, he had been allowed to retain possession of the conquests he had made during that war; and though Athamania had been again wrested from him by Amynander and the Aetolians, he still held many towns in Perrhaebia and Thessaly, which he had captured from the Aetolians, with the express permission of Acilius Glabrio. But after the fall of Antiochus, deputies from those states appeared at Rome (B. C. 185), to demand the restitution of the cities in question, and at the same time Eumenes warned the senate of the increasing power of Philip, who was diligently employed in strengthening hisinternal resources, while he was secretly enlarging his frontiers on the side of Thrace, and had made himself master of the important cities of Aenus and Maroneia. This was enough to arouse the jealousy of the senate. After the usual form of sending deputies to inquire into the matters on the spot, it was decreed that Philip should surrender all his conquests in Perrhaebia and Thessaly, withdraw his garrisons from the cities of Thrace, and confine himself within the ancient limits of Macedonia. (Liv. 39.23_29, 33; Polvb. 23.4, 6, 11, 13. 14.)
The indignation of the king was vehemently excited by these commands, but he was not yet prepared to resist the power of Rome, and accordingly complied, but, before he withdrew his troops from Maroneia, made a barbarous massacre of many of the unhappy citizens. At the same time he sent his younger son, Demetrius, to Rome, to answer the complaints which were now pouring in from all sides against him : and the young prince was received with so much favour by the senate. that they arreed to pardon all the past grounds of offence against Philip, out of consideration for his son, B. C. 183. (Plb. 23.13, 14, 24.1_3 : Liv. 39.34, 35, 46, 47.) Unhappily the partiality thus displayed by the Romans towards Demetrius
The character of Philip may be summed up in the remark of the impartial Polybius (10.26) that there are few monarchs of whom more good or more evil could justly be said. His naturally good qualities were gradually eclipsed and overgrown by evil tendencies, and he is a striking, though by no means a solitary, example of a youth full of hopeful promise degenerating by degrees into a gloomy and suspicious tyrant. Of his military and political abilities the history of his reign affords sufficient proof, notwithstanding occasional intervals of apparent apathy and inaction for which it is difficult to account. He was also a fluent and ready speaker, and possessed a power of repartee which he loved to indulge in a manner not always consistent with kingly dignity (Plb. 17.4; Liv. 32.34, 36.14). In addition to the darker stains of perfidy and cruelty, his private character was disgraced by the most unbridled licentiousness, as well as by habitual excesses in drinking. (Plb. 10.26, 26.5; Liv. 27.30.)
Besides his two sons already mentioned, he left a third son, named Philip (but whether legitimate or not we are not informed), who could have been born but a few years before the death of his father. [PHILIPPUS, No. 25.] (In addition to the ancient authorities cited in the course of the above narrative, the reign and character of Philip will be found fully discussed and examined by Schorn, Gesch. Griechenlands, Bonn, 1833; Flathe, Gesch. Macedoniens, vol. ii.; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. viii. chap. 63-66; and Brandstätter, Gesch. des Aetolischen Bundes, Berlin, 1844.)
[E.H.B]