The six books of a common-weale

IT is one of the highest questions of State, and it may be of the greatest difficultie to resolue, for the inconueniences that may rise on either part, the which I will treat of as briefly as I may, setting down what I hold most convenient, leauing notwithstanding the resolution to the wise polititians. To follow the opinion of Aristotle simply, and to maintaine that a citie ought to be well fortified, well situated for the sending forth of an armie, and of hard accesse for the enemie; were not to decide the difficulties which might be obiected, whether it should have place in a Monarchie, as well as in a Popular estate, or in a tyranie as in a monarchie; seeing that we have shewed before that Commonweals contrarie one unto an other, or at the least very different, must be gouerned by contrarie or very different maximes. Besides, for the well training the subiect up in armes, there is nothing more contrarie than to fortifie their townes, for that the fortification of them make the inhabitants effeminate and cowards: as Cleomenes king of Lacedemonia doth witnes, who seeing the strong fortifications of a towne, he cryed out, O goodly retreat for women. And for this cause Licurgus the lawgiuer would neuer allow[*](Reasons against the fortifying of townes.) the city of Sparta to be fortified, fearing least the subiects relying on the strength of their walls should grow faintharted, knowing well that there was no such fortresse as of men, who will alwaies fight for their goods, lives, and honors, for their wiues, children, and countrie, so long as they have no hope in flight, or of any retreat to saue themselves. These two things then are contrarie, to haue warlike citisens, and fortified cities: for valiant and warlike men have no need of castles, and those which dwell in strong places desire no warre. So we see the Tartarians in Scythia, and the Aethiopians and Arabians in Affrike, which are held to bee most warlike: and yet they have no forts but tents, and some villages without wall or ditch. And euen the great Negus or

Preste-Ian, which is the greatest lord in all Affrike, hauing (as they say) fiftie kings under [*](Francis Aluere in the historie of Aethiopia.) him that doe him homage, hath no forts nor castles, but his tents, but that fort only which is built upon the top of the mountaine Anga, whereas all the princes of the blood are kept with a sure guard, least they should draw the subiects from the obedience of their prince by seditious factions. Yet there is no prince under heauen more reuerenced and respected of his subiects, nor more redoubted of his enemies, than in Tartaria, and Aethiopia. Forts are held fruitlesse and of small consequence in the opinion[*](He that is master of the field, is master of the townes.) of the greatest captaines, who hold him that is maister of the field, to bee maister of all the townes. It is well knowne, that after the battell of Arbella in Chaldea, wheras Darius the last king of Persia was defeated, that there was neither citie nor fort in all the whole Persian empire, that held out one day against Alexander the Great, although there were an infinit number, and the conqueror had but thirtie thousand men. After that Paulus Aemilius had vanquished Perseus king of Macedon in battaile, there was not any one towne that made resistance, but all the whole kingdome yeelded in a moment. After the battell of Pharsalia, who forsooke not Pompey? all the townes and strong places of the East, which before were shut against Caesar, did now open their gates unto him without any difficultie. And without any further search, it is well knowne, that after the victorie which king Lewes the twelft obtained against the Venetians, he was presently maister of the townes. As in like case after the battaile of Marignan, all Lombardie, and euen the castell of Milan, yeelded unto king Francis; and upon his taking prisoner at Pauia, he lost all on the other side of the Alpes.

But there is a more necessarie reason against the fortifying of places, it is to bee feared, that an enemie entring the stronger, and taking those strong places, hee will hold them, and by that meanes the whole countrey: whereas otherwise hauing once spoyled it, he shall be forced to leaue it. For this reason Iohn Maria de la Rouere duke of Vrbin, rased all the forts of his countrey, and retired himselfe to Venice, finding his forces too weake to encounter the enemie; assuring him that the duke of Valentinois comming with all the power of the church could not hold it, being hated to the death, and the duke of Vrbin beloued and respected of his subiects; as it proued true. for pope[*](The strongest fort is the loue of the subiects.) Alexander being dead, the duke of Vrbin was receiued with great ioy of his subiects, and all other princes that were feudatories to the church, were either taken or slaine in their places of strength. And for the same cause the Geneuois, after the battaile of Pauia being reuolted from the king of Fraunce, besieged their fort called the Lanterne, and then rased it. As also the Milanois did the castle I of, the which was built before the Sforces were lords of Milan, to the end that forreine princes should bring them no more in subiection by meanes of their fort. So the auntient Siracusians did Acradina, and the Romans the cities of Corinth, Carthage, and Numance, the which they had neuer rased, if the fort of Acrocorinth and other places, strong by nature and easie to be fortified, had not forced them unto it, least the inhabitants should make vse of them, as Philip the younger, king of Macedonie had done, who called the cities of Corinth, Chalcide, and Demetrias, the shackles and fetters of Greece. Which forts Titus Flaminius rased to the ground, to free them from the seruitude of the Macedonians, and to take away all feare of tyrants. The which is another strong reason to take all occasion from princes to tyrannize over their subiects, as those doe which assure themselves by Cittadels, which the people called Tyrants nests; and tyrants tearmed them a scourge for villaines, in contempt and scorne of the poore subiects: as Grislerus lieurenant to the emperour in Swisserland did, who built a fort in the vallie of Vri, and calling it Zwing Vri, that is to say, the yoake of Vri, which was the first occasion that moued the[*](The first cause of the Swissers reuolt.) Cantons of the Swissers to reuolt, as we read in their histories. And Salomon was the

first that made a Citadell in Ierusalem, beginning euen then to intreat his subiects ill, exacting new tributes of them, giuing occasion to his successour to continue them, and for the ten tribes to reuolt, and to chuse themselves a king: for commonly Citadels breed a ---ealousie and distrust betwixt the prince and his subiects, the which is the nurce of all hatred, feare, and rebellion. And euen as castles and Citadels giue bad princes occasion to afflict their subiects, so townes well walled and fortified, do oftentimes cause subiects to rebell against their princes and lords; as I have shewed elsewhere. And therfore the kings of England neuer suffer their subiects to fortifie their houses, the which is more strictly obserued in Moscouie, to auoid the rebellion of subiects, who are easily moued thereunto, trusting in their walles. And the inhabitants of Telesse in the realme of Thunis, relied so much in the strength of their citie wals, as commonly they slew their gouernours, not able to endure any commaund: so as the king of Thunis going thither with a mightie armic, he demaunded of them, Who lived? they answered him, The red wall: but hauing forced the towne, he rased it, and put all the inhabitants to the sword: as Hannibal did at Saguntum, Sylla at Athens, the emperor Seuerus at Bizantium, Dagobert at ---, Nabuchodonosor and Vespasian to the citie of Ierusalem, all which were reuolted for the trust they had in their ---orts, eating euen their children through the tediousnesse of sieges, and in the end have bene rased, and the inhabitants rooted out: the which would have easily compounded, if the confidence[*](Weake townes compound soone to saue themselves.) of their strong places had not abused them. For commonly wee see, that weake townes and ill fortified, doe soone compound and send away the enemie, for some peece of money, without any infamie or dishonour: as it hath bene seene by the citie of Paris, the which was neuer taken since that Caesar forced it, the which had beene long since rased if it had bene fortified, hauing bene so often threatned by the enemie: but still they have preserued themselves by treaties and compositions, the which they had not done being well fortified, either for feare of reproach and dishonour which follow them, which treat with an enemie when they may resist: or for the obstinacie of the inhabitants, or the heads of a faction, who had rather die, than yeeld unto an enemie, hauing[*](Places of strēgth make the inhabitants obstina.) no hope to escape, & seeing their houses on fire, they striue in ruining it, to quench it with the blood of their fellow citisens. But there be no cities so strong, that can long resist the canon, and much lesse famine: For if the besieged be few in number, they shal be soone wearie and tired: if there be many, they shall be the soo---er star---ed.

If then forts and citadels make a bad prince to tyrannize, an enemie to ceize uppon[*](The inconueniences of forts and citadels.) the countrey, subiects to be cowards towards an enemie, rebels to their prince, and seditious among themselves? we cannot say they be profitable, or necessarie; but contrariwise hurtfull and pernitious to a Commonweale.

As for the other question, Whether we should traine the subiects up in armes, and seeke warre rather than peace: It seemes we should not call that in doubt: for we must esteeme that Commonweale most happie, whereas the king is obedient to the lawes of God and nature, the magistrats unto the king, priuat men to the Magistrats, the children to the parents, the seruants to the maisters, & the subiects vnited together in loue, and all ioyntly with their prince to enioy the sweetnesse of peace and true tranquilitie of mind. But warre is contrarie to this which I have said, and souldiours are sworne enemies to this kind of life. It is impossible for a Commonweale to flourish in religion, iustice, charitie, integritie of life, and in all the liberall sciences and mechanike artes, if the citisens enioy not a firme and an assured peace. And who is more enemie to a peaceable man, than a furious souldiour? to a mild countrey man, than a bloodie warrior? to a philosopher, than a captaine? to the wise, than fooles? For the greatest delight that souldiours take, is to forrage and spoyle the country, rob the peasant, burne

villages, besiege, batter, force and sacke townes; massacre good and bad, young and old, all ages, and all sexes; force virgines, wash themselves in the blood of the murthered, prophane holy things, rase temples, blaspheme the name of God, and tread vnder---oot all dluine and humane lawes. These are the fruits of warre, pleasing and delightfull to all souldiors, but abominable to all good men, & detestable before God. What[*](Warre hatefull to God and ) need examples in so manifest a matter? who can thinke of them without horror? or heare them spoken of without sighing? Who knowes not the wounds of the husbandman? who sees not their miseries? who heares not their complaints? every mans field, ca---tell, and corne, wherewith we live and draw our breath, are in the power of soldiours, that is (as many do interp---et it) of robbers. If it be so, I see no reason why wee should instruct citisens in this cruell and execrable kind of life, or to arme them, but to [*](The subiect is not to be trained up in armes.) repulfe violence in time of extreame necessitie. For those which take small occasions to make warre, are like unto flies, which cannot hold themselves uppon a smooth polished glasse, but up on rough places. And those which seeke warre to inrich themselves with their neighbours spoyles, shall be in continuall torment, leading a miserable life: for desire hath no bounds, although in show they seeme to be contented with the desire of a kingdome: euen like unto a slaue, who desires onely to be freed of his bands; being vnbound, he affecteth his libertie; and being free, he demaunds to bee made a citisen; after that he desires to be a magistrat; and being come to highest place of magistracie, he affects to be a king; and being a king, hee will bee an absolute and sole monarch; and in the end he will be worshipped as a God. How much more happy then is a prince, or a small Commonweale (although there be nothing little where there is content) enioying an assured rest, and a peace without enemies, without warre, and without enuie. For the bounds of a well ordered Commonweale are not limited by the sword, as Agesilaus boasted, but by iustice, as Pompey said to the king of the Parthians, when as he would have the riuer of Euphrates to distinguish the bounds of the Roman and Parthian empires.

This have I briefly obiected against the fortifying of cities, & militarie discipline: but many things may be said on the contrarie part, That townes without wals lie open[*](The inconueniences not to haue fortresses.) to the spoyle of theeves and robbers, and the lives and liberties of the citisens, to the mercie of their enemies. Moreover a towne without walles seemes to be a bait to intice any one that would inuade it, who else would have no desire, and lesse power, if it[*](A towne vnfortified, is a bait for an enemie.) were well fortified: like unto men that trauell vnarmed, they encourage theeves to kill them, to have their spoiles. For it is manifest, that the sacke of cities is a bait for souldidiours, and he will willingly be an enemie to them that are weake, that durst not look of them being armed. Besides, the first, and in a manner the onely occasion to gather men together into one societie and communaltie, was for the tuition of every one in[*](A communalty cannot be in safetie without some defence.) particular, and of all in generall, and of their wiues, children, goods, and possessions, the which cannot be in safetie without wals. For, to say, that men will make a wall against the enemie, that may well be when as they must fight: but those which must make defence, are not commonly the fourth part of the inhabitants, for that there are alwayes more women than men, besides children, old men, sicke men and impotent, who can have no recourse but unto walles.

It is a ridiculous thing to say, That men without walls will be more valiant: if that were true, what need we any offensiue armes to affront the enemie, nay rather it should be necessarie to command every man to fight naked, as Isadas did, being one of the goodliest and most valiant gentlemen of Sparta, who seeing Epaminondas with an armie of Thebans fighting with the Lacedemonians, and labouring to enter into their citie, he stript himselfe naked, and with a pertuisan in one hand, and a sword in the other,

he chargeth the enemie desperatly, whereas he did valiant exploits: for the which [*](Isadas punished for his rashnesse, and rewarded for his valour.) the seigneurie gaue him a crowne, but he was condemned in a fine, hauing so rashly abandoned his life unto the enemie, being vnarmed. In like sort should the Senat of Sparta have been condemned in a great fine, for that they had abandoned the people and so great a citie to the mercie of their enemies; hauing no walls, the which without doubt had then fallen into the Thebans power if they had not been fortified with ditches and rampars. If a rampar did then auaile for the safetie of the citisens, who doubts but walls will be more profitable? and if walls make the citisens cowards, mutinous, and rebels, why did they not fill up the ditches of Lacedemon? But the euent doth shew which of the two is most profitable, for Cleomines king of Sparta hauing lost the battaile of Selaria, hauing no place of retreat was forced to flie into Aegypt, abandoning his estate and countrie to the enemie, who presently entred into the citie of Sparta without any resistance. And if walls make men cowards, Lisander hauing taken Athens, would not have razed the walls, the which Themistocles and Pericles had caused to be built for the defence of that citie, the which was afterwards the most flourishing of all the East. To say that the enemie shall not be able to hold a countrie if there be no walled townes, I yeeld unto it: but who shall keepe him from the spoile of cities, from burning of houses, from murthering of men, rauishing of women, and leading children into captiuitie, according to the antient warres, that is, of the stronger? all histories are full of these calamities. There is also as small reason to thinke that weake[*](Weake townes must eeld to the victors will) townes and without walls will compound with the enemie, and not stand out; where as contrariwise an enemie that shall see the entrie easie, will neuer allow of any reasonable composition, which otherwise he would do, finding a difficultie to besiege and to force a town well fortified. Moreover who sees not but a small fort doth oftentimes[*](A strong fort is oftentimes the ruine of the enemies armie.) stay a great and mightie armie, whereof we have too many examples: and many times those which do besiege are besieged with cold, hunger, and diseases, and for one they kill within, there are a hundred slaine without. Constantinople did indure the Turks siege eight yeares, vntill they were relieued by Tamberlan emperour of the Tartars, who defeated Baiazet king of the Turks with all his armie. Euen so the king of Fez indu---ed a siege seuen yeares in the towne of Fauzara against the king of Marocco, whose armie in the end was consumed with the plague in the yeare 1412. And the [*](Leo of Affrike.) towne of Mecna in Affrike held out also seuen yeares, whereas the enemies died for the most part, and were forced to depart with shame and losse. And in our age the citie of Metz (although it were nothing so well fortified as it is at this day) did long resist the armie of the emperour Charles the fift, and was a buckler vnto all France, which had been in great danger if the emperour had not found this towne well fortified, from whence he was forced to depart, being both himselfe and his armie besieged with hunger, cold, & many diseases. The citie of Tyre held out-great Alexander seuen moneths, during which time the king of Persia had good meanes to leauie forces, and to prouide for his estate. And if walls made men faintharted and cowards, why did the Romans fortifie their citie, being the most valiant people that euer were? And it was auaileable for them to have good walls, when as Marcius Coriolanus, the Tarquins, Hanni---all, and others did besiege them, and burnt euen unto their gates. And euen when as the Gaules had forced and wholie burnt the citie, their estate had been vtterly ruined if they had not retired into the Capitoll. The like had happened unto the Pope and Cardinals after that the armie of Charles of Bourbon had sackt Rome, if they had not fled into the castell S. Ange, where they were besieged as long as the antient Romans were in the Capitoll. And every man knowes that countries without forts are presently conquered upon the first battaile that is woon within the countrie, as we reade of England, which the Saxons conquered from the antient Brittains, who were expelled, and their [*](The realme of England thrice conquered.) enemies tooke possession. After the Saxons the Danes entred, who were lords of it for the most part: then William the Conqueror by the meanes of one only victorie became absolute lord, and tooke possession thereof. And during the quarels betwixt the houses of Lancaster and Yorke, the realme was lost and recouered thrise in sixe moneths: as if Henry the sixt, Edward the fourth, and the earle of Warwike had plaied at base: and although that Edward in the end inioyed the realme, yet soone after his death his brother Richard duke of Glocester (hauing made himselfe king by the murther of his nephues) was defeated and slaine by the earle of Richmond, who had bin banished into France, from whence he brought some small ayde which king Lewis the 11 had giuen[*](The Romans did alwayes fortifie their camps.) him. The which happens not in fortified countries where there is any retreat: for which cause the Romans did neuer camp but they cast up a trench about the armie of 25 foot broad, and most commonlie with palissadoes; neither did they euer giue battaile but they left a garrison within their camp, to make good the retreat if their enemies were the stronger, the which hath relieued them in great losses, as Paulus Aemilius did wisely discourse unto the armie before that he gaue battaile unto the king of Macedon, saying, Maiores nostri castra munita portum ad omnes casus exercitus ducebant esse, vnde ad pugnam exirent, quo iactati pugnae receptum haberent & qui castris exutus erat, etiamsi pugnando acie vicisset, pro victo habebatur: Our elders held a camp well fortified, a safe retreat for all euents, from the which they went forth to fight, and retired if they were beaten, and he that had lost his camp, although he had ouercome in fighting, yet was he held as vanquished. The experience of many ages, and of the antient Commonweales of the Persians, Egiptians, Greeks, Latins, Gaules, and other nations, which have alwaies fortified and vittailed their townes, ports and places that were fit to be fortified, to assure and defend their friends, and to incounter and resist their enemies, giues vs to vnderstand, that it is necessarie to vse it; and euen the Tartars within these hundred yeares build and fortifie their places: for how valiant soeuer a nation be, yet[*](A countrey vnfortified cannot long resist a strong .) can they not long resist nor vanquish him which is much more stronger. These reasons shall serue to prooue that it is necessarie to fortifie towns. We will in like maner hold, that the citisens must be instructed in martiall discipline, for that seeing by the lawes of God and nature we may defend our lives from violence, and our goods from spoyle, we must then conclude, That it is needful to accustome the subiects to armes, not only defensiue, but also offensiue, to protect the good, and offend the wicked. I call all those theeves and wicked which make warre vniustly, and take away an other mans goods wrongfully, and euen as wee ought to punish and take revenge on subiects that bee theeves and robbers, so must we of strangers what royall title soeuer they carrie, this is grounded upon the law of God and nature. Neither is it true that Tully writ, That no[*](The cause makes the warre iust.) warre was iust but for the recouerie of ones owne; or, that was denounced before unto the enemie: for the proclaiming of warre makes it not iust, but the cause must be necessarie: there can be none then more iust than to defend the lives of innocents. There are other priuate considerations besides these: for the best meanes to maintaine an estate,[*](War against an enemie, entertaines the subiects in loue.) and to preserue it from rebellions, seditions, and civill warres, and to entertaine them in loue, is to have an enemie against whom they may oppose themselves. This appeares by the example of all Commonweales, and namely of the Romans, who neuer could find a more safe and surer remedie against civill warres, than to affront the subiects with an enemie: for being on a time at warre among themselves, the enemie entred the[*](Dion. Halicar. lib. 7. Liuis lib. 3.) towne, and seazed upon the Capitoll, but suddenly they were reconciled, and expelled him: a while after the Veientes seeing them returne to civill warres, they began to wast and spoyle the Roman territories, but the Romans were soone agreed, discharging their choller upon them, so as they neuer ceased vntill they had razed their citie, and made the inhabitants subiect. And about the same time the princes and people of Tuscane hauing conspired against the Roman state, sought to nourish seditions and diuisions among them, saying, That their power was inuincible, and would alwayes grow, if it were not made weake by civill warres, the which is the only poyson to make[*](civill warres the ruine of states.) Empires and States mortall, which else would be immortall. In like case the people of Spaine being reuolted from the emperour Charles the fift, forcing in a manner the duke of Calabria to accept of the Crowne, being thus in armes one against an other, king Francis the first sent an armie which recouered Fontarabie and the kingdome of Nauarre, but sodenly this civill warre was pacified among the Spanyards, who with one common consent fell upon the french, and recouered that from them which they had conquered, else the state of Spaine had been in great danger, as many have supposed, if the french had temporized a while. And without any further search, we have a president of this realme, the which was in great hazard in the yeare 1562, if the english had not set footing into France, hauing seazed upon Newhauen, but presently the civill[*](New hauen taken by the English caused the civill wars of Fraunce to cease.) warres ceassed, and the subiects agreed to fall upon their common enemie, which the english perceiuing, they have since resolued to let the french fight and ruine one another, and afterwards to inuade the realme without any difficultie or resistance. But I will returne to forraine examples, (and I would to God we had no domesticall presidents) to shew that it is a hard thing and almost impossible, to maintaine subiects in peace and loue, if they be not in war against some enemie. It is apparant in all the histories of the Romans, who after they had vanquished their enemies, presently fell to mutinie, for which cause the Senat entertained warre, and deuised enemies when they had none, to keepe them from civill warres, the which they continued vntill they had extended their frontiers unto the ilands of Orcades, to the Atlantike sea, to the riuers of[*](Rest the cause of civill ware in a warlike citie.) Danubius and Euphrates, and to the deserts of Arabia: and hauing no more enemies to make head against them, they murthered one an other most cruelly, and so much the more, for that they were growne mightie, and had few enemies, as in the civill warre betwixt Caesar and Pompey for rule, whereof Cicero speaking said, Bellum pium ac necessarium visum est, ciuibus tamen exitiabile, nisi Pompeius vicerit, calamitosum etiam si vicerit: It seemes, said he, to be a godly and necessarie warre, yet fatall unto the citisens vnlesse that Pompey win, and lamentable if he do win: But it was more cruell betwixt Augustus and Marc Anthonie: for which cause the emperour Augustus hauing changed the popular estate into a Monarkie, was not so ill aduised as to discharge the fortie legions, but he sent them into prouinces, & upon the frontiers of barbarous nations, to entertaine them in martiall discipline, and to preuent all occasions of civill warres at Rome. But the emperour Constantine the great (following the counsell of some Bishops[*](The first occasion to ruine the Roman empire.) and ministers vnacquainted with matters of State) discharged the legions, which made them forget the antient militarie discipline, and opened a gate to barbarous nations, who inuaded the Roman empire of all sides, whereby it appeeres that lawes, iustice, religion, subiects, and the whole estate next under God, is in the protection of [*](Armes the defence of states.) armes, as under a strong shield. There is yet an other reason of great moment, to shew that it is necessarie to entertaine martiall discipline, and to make warre, for that there is no citie so holy, nor so well gouerned that hath not in it many theeves, murtherers, idle persons, vagabonds, mutins, adulterers, and diceplayers, which leade a wicked life, and corrupt the simplicitie of good subiects; neither can lawes, magistrates, nor any punishment keepe them in awe. And euen it is commonlie said that gibets are set up[*](A meane to purge the Commonweale of vagabonds and idle persons.) but for beggers, for that statutes and ordinances in many places are like unto spiders webs, as Anacharsis said unto Solon, for that none but weake flies are taken in them, and great beasts breake easily through them. There is no better meanes then to purge the Commonweale of this infectious filth, then to send them to the warre, the which is as it were a purging medicine to expell corrupted humors out of the vniuersall bodie of the state. This was the principall occasion which moued Charles the wise king of France to send succors so willinglie unto the bastard of Castille under the conduct of Bertrand of Guesclin Constable, the which purged France of an infinite number of theeves: Euen so did Lewis the II to the Earle of Richmond; and both the one and the other not only purged France of idle persons, but also returned with honor to haue setled two kings in their estates, from the which they were expelled. Moreouer, the militarie discipline of the Romans which should be common to all nations, made a coward[*](The martiall discipline of the Romans, was a schoole of vertue.) valiant, an intemperat man modest, a slothfull man actiue, a prodigall man frugall, and a licentious man continent: neither is it sufficient for a captaine or souldier to know how to fight, but there are many other excellent arts which be companions to this vertue, that is to say labor in busines, resolution in dangers, temperance in desires, industrie in action, speed in execution, and counsell in prouiding, these are necessarie for the arte of warre. The subiect then being instructed in militarie discipline, is not infected with lust, licentiousnes, impietie and sloth, but being wicked and impious, they inure themselves to all kinds of vertue if they learne the precepts of the Roman militarie[*](The praise of militarie discipline.) discipline and arte of commanding. Besides, there is nothing that containes the people within the dutie of honor and vertue more then the feare of a warlike enemie. The people of Rome (saith Polibius) were neuer more vertuous, nor the subiects more obedient unto the magistrates, nor the magistrates unto the lawes, then when as Pyrrhus [*](The feare of enemies keeps subiects in awe.) at one time, and Hanniball at an other were at the gates of Rome; but after that Perseus and Antiochus were vanquished, hauing no enemie left whom they might feare, then vices began to take roote, and the people fell into superfluities and delights, wich corrupted all good manners, and blemished the beautie of their antient vertue. O how wisely did Scipio oppose himselfe in open Senat, that the citie of Carthage should not[*](The prouidence of Scipio the younger.) be razed, foretelling they either should have civill warres, or that the vertue of the Romans would soone decay, hauing no enemy to contend withall, for euen as moderate libertie puffes men up, and makes them proane to all vices, so feare retaines them in their duties: and we must not doubt but the great politian and gouernour of all the world as he hath giuen to every thing his contrarie, so hath he suffred warres and hatred among nations to punish one by an other, and to keepe them all in feare, which is the only comptroller of vertue, as Samuell in an oration which he made unto the people said, That God had stirred them up enemies, to keepe them in awe, try them, and punish them. And that I may conclude briefly, if there be no respect had of so many[*](Wars allowed of God.) commodities, yet let vs have a care of the health and necessitie of the Commonweale, least it grow wast and desolate through the spoiles and insolencie of the enemie, for when as the enemies forces are neere, although there be no inuasion, yet the flocks are forsaken, the tillage is abandoned, and all trafficke ceasseth; and oftentimes the whole yeares fruits are lost at the tumor of any danger, or the terror of warre. Who will then doubt but the subiects should be trained up in armes, in the which there is not only much glorie and profit, but also the health of the citisens, the help of their neighbors, the fortunes of the subiects, and the securitie of them all. By these reasons it appeares, that they are much abused which thinke that the only end of warre is peace. And if it were so, what better meanes were there to haue peace in despight of the enemie,[*](The way to have a peace, is to prepare for force) then to let him know that you have meanes to make warre? Neuer wise Prince nor good Captaine made a peace vnarmed, and as Manlius Capitolinus said, Ostendite modo bellum, pacem habebitis, videant vos paratos ad vim, ius ipsiremittent: Shew them warre said he, and you shall have peace, let them see you readie for force, and they will do you right. These reasons are partly true and partly probable, and may of either side dazle the eyes of the cleerest sighted if they looke not neerely unto them. To the end we may resolue something, let vs distinguish of Commonweales. I hold then that in a[*](A resolution of the question.) popular estate it is necessarie to traine the subiects up in armes, to auoid the abouenamed inconueniences, unto the which a popular estate is by nature subiect; and if the people be warlike and mutinous by nature, as the nations of the North be, being trained up to armes and martiall discipline, it shall be expedient to affront them often with their enemies, and not to admit any peace but upon good termes, as a dangerous thing[*](In a Popular estate the subiects must be trayned up in armes.) to a warlike nation. And a peace being concluded, you must notwithstanding entertain your souldiers upon the frontiers, as the emperor Augustus did, although he had changed the popular estate into a Monarchie: or else send them to Princes that are in league, to be entertained in the art of warre; as the Swissers have wisely done, being a people bred in the mountaines apt to warre, and hardly maintained in peace, inioying a popular libertie; and by this meanes they have alwayes had souldiers nourished and entertained at another mans cost, besides their publike and priuat pensions (which have been great, as I have formerly shewed) and the assurance of their estate, by means of alliances contracted with so mightie a king. And as for forts, it is not needfull in a popular estate to have their townes too well fortified (except it be the chiefe citie,[*](In a Popular estate onely the capitall citie must be fortified) which is the seate of the popular estate) and much lesse any Castels or Citadels, least some one thrust on with an ambitious desire of rule surprise them, and change the popular estate into a Monarchie: as Denis the tyrant did, hauing surprised Acradina the[*](Citadels not to be built in a Popular estate.) fort of Siracusa by fraud. Or else the enemie may take them & fortifie them, as the Lacedemonians did, hauing razed the walls of Athens, they left a garrison in the Castell: and doing the like unto the popular estate of Thebes, they tooke their fort called Cadmee, leauing a garrison in it. For there is no meanes to subiect a people, or to change a Democratia into a Monarchie but by Cittadels, so did the tyrants in old time: and in our age Cosme de Medicis duke of Florence had made two Cittadels in Florence, with a garrison of strangers, hauing found by experience that it was impossible[*](Citadels the cause of tyrants.) to change the popular estate into a Monarchie, and to assure his life among the people: and therefore the Cantons of Vri, Vnderuald, Glaris, and Appenzell, which are all popular, have no walles, like unto the rest which are gouerned Aristocratically. We will giue the same censure of Aristocratia in regard of fortresses, as of a popular estate, the which is so much more to be feared, for that it is more easie for one of the[*](Citadels more dangerous wheras few do gouern) commanders to win the common people to his will, and to incense them against the chiefe men. But as for royall Monarchies, if their bounds and limits be large, it is not expedient for the Prince to build Cittadels, not places of strength, but upon the frontiers, to the end the people may be without feare of tyranizing; and yet hauing fortified the frontiers of his estate with places impregnable, the subiects will stil thinke it is against the enemie, and the Prince at neede may vse them against all enemies, both strangers and subiects in case they rebell: the which nature hath taught vs, which hath armed the head and the extremities of all beasts, leauing the middest, the bowels, and[*](To fortifie the frontiers, is according to the law of nature.) the other parts vnarmed. But the Monarke is ill aduised that doth inuiron a towne with mightie walls, if he doth not withall build a good Cittadell, for that nothing doth more animate the subiects to reuolt, the which they would not so easily attempt, seeing before their eyes Cittadels well fortified. It is also necessarie as well in a Monarchie as in an Aristocritie, that the gouernor of the towne depend not of the captaine of the Cittadell, nor the captaine of the gouernor, neither that the captaine of the Cittadell be a Prince, or a great man: the which is well obserued in Turkie, according to the rule of the antient Sultans of Egipt, as also our kings do, but the Venetians more strictlie then all others, for that they are forced to fortifie their townes, to defend the subiects against their enemies, and fearing the rebellion of their subiects, who have no share in the gouerment, they have strong Cittadels in their townes, whither they do[*](Citadels in townes of strength, keepe the subiects from rebelling.) every yeare send new Captaines besides the Potestates or Gouernors, least that he should hold the Cittadell as his inheritance. And those of Rhagouse (which have but one citie and a small territorie) are forced to change their Captaine every day, who is[*](Distrust of noble men in an Aristo craticall estate.) brought into the fort with his face couered. In like sort the Athenians changed the Captaine of their fortresse every day, the which was one of the nine Archontes, for the distrust they had that one of the subiects should make himselfe lord. For the preuenting whereof, it shall be needfull to remoue Cittadels from the capitall townes in a popular estate, or an Aristocraticall estate, as the Venetians have done wisely at Venice,[*](Citadels not to be built in the chiefe citie of a Popular estate, nor in a Seigneurie.) to take all occasion from the duke, and to free the gentlemen from suspition of any alteration in the state. It was wisely prouided in England, Turkie, Muscouie, and in a manner by all the kings of the East and of Affrike, that no subiect should fortifie his house in the countrie, for if the maister of a priuate castell be a great man, he will soone take an occasion to reuolt, if he be poore, to rob; and for this cause the imperiall townes of Germany have oftentimes razed gentlemens castels, that rebels and theeves might have no retreat, the which the Swissers have done throughout all their countrey, hauing expelled the antient lords. But this were a dangerous thing in an antient Monarchie to ruine priuate mens castels which are of strength, but well they may prohibit their subiects not to build any more without licence from the Soueraigne, who may not easily grant it, for that it is sufficient to have a house able to defend him from theeves, and thus much for fortifications. But the question is not small, if in Aristocratia, the better sort only, which command, are to be trained up in armes, or all the people, or else wholie to banish the arte of warre. If the common people do once become souldiers, it is to be feared they will attempt to change the state, to have a part in the gouerment, if they be not alwayes imployed against the enemies, as I have shewed before by many examples; and if none but the better sort be armed, they shall be soone defeated, and will cause a necessarie change of their estate: but if they will quite banish the arte of warre out of their Commonweale, they shall remaine a skorne and pray to all their neighbors, if they be not strictly allied unto the strongest, or else if they have not townes that be inaccessible and forts impregnable, as the Venetians, who fearing[*](The Venetians do not practise arm in their Commonweale.) the aboue named inconueniences, have banished the arte of warre out of their Commonweale, as Cardinall Contarenus saith: the which is rather to be attributed to sloth, then to any set or positiue law, for that within these two hundred yeares they were verie warlike, and obtained great victories of the Geneuois, but pleasing themselves with the continuall fruits of peace and ease, they have neglected the practise of armes, imploying[*](Why the Venetians neglected armes.) strangers in their warres: neither can they indure any gentleman of the seigneurie to be a commander, but if they know any Venetian gentleman that aspires to the warres, and that followes the courts of other Princes, by and by they call him home, desiring rather to have an Almain a Bargamasco, or a stranger for their generall, if they make warre by land, than one of their owne lords, and an armie of strangers rather than of subiects: but withall they send a Prouidador or Commissarie, by whose councell the Generall is gouerned. And although there be many inconueniences, to have a Commissarie commaund a Generall, a citisen strangers: one that vnderstands nothing in matters of warre, them that are bred up in armes: yet by this meanes they auoid many other daungers which are not lesse: the which we have seene fall out in their Commonweale, whereas they vsed none but their own subiects and forces. Their histories are full of conspiracies, seditions & ciuil wars, which they had in the middest of [*](Why the Venetians imploy strangers in their warres.) their city. The Carthagineans, being not yet wel instructed in the art of war, were wont to send for Lacedemonian captaines, which should lead a Carthaginean armie under a Generall of Carthage; yet would they neuer have both Generall and armie strangers, least their Commonweale should fall into the power of straungers. If warre be not to be vndertaken, but for the repelling of iniuries, and to enioy peace, and that it sufficeth to make a Commonweale happie to keepe their owne, to have their places neere unto their enemies well manned and fortified, and to enioy the fruits of a desired peace;[*](The seigneury of Venice most happy.) without doubt the Seigneurie of Venice may iustly tearme it selfe happie, which hath not onely the seat of their empire by nature and art inexpugnable, but also have their townes and fortresses upon the continent so well fortified, as they neither need to feare the inuasions of their enemies, nor the rebellions of their subiects: caring little for any new conquests, or to extend their bounds. We see the Venetians do flie from all occasions[*](The Venetians desire peace with their losse.) of warre, as from the plague, and they neuer enter into it but by constraint, and seeke for peace at what price soeuer, euen with the losse of their reuenewes; as we may see in the treatie which they made with pope Iulio the second, the emperor Maximilian, and the king of Naples, in the yere 1508, their ambassadours being humbled at their feet, yeelding to all which they demanded. As they did in like maner to Sultan Selim in the yeare 1570, abandoning the holy league to purchase his peace, after they had lost a goodly kingdome. And euen as beasts which have no offensiue armes, as hates that have no gall, as Stagges and Does seeke to saue themselves from the hounds and hawke, by flight; so they are not to be blamed, nor that Commonweale to bee lesse esteemed, which sues for peace, hauing no meanes to resist: the which would be dishonourable to a warlike nation, or for a conquering prince, who cannot demaund a peace of his enemie without blushing. There was nothing that did so long protract the conclusion[*](A generous prince demands neither peace nor warre.) of a peace betwixt king Henrie the second, and the emperour Charles the fift, as a certaine rumor spred abroad, That the emperour demaunded a peace: which was to get the highest point of honour, which a generous prince may desire, yea if he were entred into anothers countrey. As the same emperour did in the yeare 1544, hauing thrust all the forces of the empire, and his owne, into this realme, with those of the king of England on another side, who had alreadie divided the realme betwixt them (as Sleidan saith) if the pope had not forced the emperour to make a peace: which the king would neither demaund, nor accept, but with reasonable conditions. Although that[*](Lewes the eleuenth reproched by his subiects for demaunding of a peace.) Lewis the eleuenth demaunded it of Edward the fourth, king of England, as soone as he was entred into Picardie, and bought it deerely, caring little that the earle of Lude and other his favourites called him cowardly king. But his father Charles the seuenth did a stranger thing for to obtaine a peace of the duke of Bourgongne, his vassall and naturall subiect; he sent the constable of France, the chauncellor, a marshall of France, and many other great personages, to treat a peace with him, who in open assembly, and in the name of the king their maister, craued pardon of the duke, for the death of Iohn [*](Charles the seuenth demaunds a peace basely of the duke of Bourgongne.) duke of Bourgongne, confessing openly, That the king had done ill, being young, indiscreet, and ill councelled; intreating the duke, that he would forget his discontent: the duke said, That he did pardon the king for the honour of God, and compassion of the people of Fraunce, and to obey the councell of the pope and other christian princes that had intreated him. A slaue could not behave himselfe more humbly and abiectly unto his maister, than the king did unto his subiect, to restore the realme to his first beautie, and to exepll the English, as he did soone after. The Romans would rather have lost their estate, than once to have dreamt of it: For wee cannot find that at any time during seuen hundred yeares, that they had warres with all nations, that they euer demaunded peace but of the Gaules, who held them besieged in the Capitol, after they had burnt their citie: and of Coriolanus: But contrariwise being vanquished[*](The Romans neuer demanded a peace of any but twice.) by the power of king Perseus, they would neuer accept of any peace of the victor, vnlesse he would submit himselfe and his kingdome unto their mercie, although he offred to pay them tribute. And when as king Pyrrhus (after that hee had obtained two notable victories, and was maister almost of all Italie) sent his ambassadour to Rome, to treat a peace upon reasonable conditions: they were aunswered, That the Romans would not treat of any peace, except that Pyrrhus did first depart out of Italie; and that they did contend with him for their honours and dignities, not for their lives and fortunes. The king receiuing this aunswere, said, That the Romans could not live in quiet,[*](The Romans of an vndaunted resolution.) neither conquerors, nor conquered. This was the aunswere of a valiant people, who knew their owne forces to be able to make head against an enemie: the which would be very much vnbefitting a weake prince, who must (like unto a wise pilot) strike sails, & yeeld unto the tempest, that he may recover a safe port, & not to make necessitie subiect to ambition: as the Vauoide of Transiluania did, who said openly, That he had rather bee slaue unto the Turke, than allied unto Ferdinand, and so afterwards it fell out. Wee have an example of the great Knez of Moscouie, who seeing the Procope of Tartaria entred into his countrey with eighteene legions, knowing well that[*](Itis no dishonor to submit in time of necessitie.) he was vnable to make resistance, he went to meet him vnarmed, and humbling himselfe before him, he saued his people and his estate from an ineuitable ruine, yet holding his count---ey by yeelding homage to the Procope. But being at this day equall or greater in forces, & freed from the seruitude of the Tartar, all princes would scorne him, if he should demaund a peace, especially hauing receiued an iniurie. For that prince that beares an iniurie, will soone endure to have a law prescribed him; and if he once suffer his enemie to giue him a law, he shall soone be reduced into slauerie. But howsoever, a mightie prince (if he be wise and valiant) will neuer seeke for war nor peace, if necessitie (which is not subiect to the lawes of honour nor force) doth not constraine him, neither[*](When a prince should giue battaile.) will he euer giue battaile, if there be not more apparant profit in the victorie, than of losse if the enemies should vanquish: as the emperour Augustus said, who for this reason neuer gaue battaile but upon necessitie. But it is not vnfitting a poore p---ince, or a small seigneurie, or for him that makes no profession of armes, to demaund peace in his losse. As pope Iulio the third, who demaunded peace of king Henrie the second, calling him before God, to iudge of the wrong which hee had done him: The king graunted him a peace, and said, That he would appeare before God; but hee doubted the pope would not shew himselfe. Wherewith the pope, who was of a pleasant disposition (seeing the letters which were signed by the king in the campe lying at Metz, in the yeare 1552) was very glad, although in shew he seemed to bee grieued, saying, That it was not the king that had indited those letters, but the capitall enemie of the church. And as the greatnesse of courage and magnanimitie is the light of all other vertues, and which doth aduance princes to the highest point of honour; so is it the onely vertue which doth most daunt an enemie, although he be mightie and warlike,[*](A shew of courage doth many times daunt an enemie.) and oftentimes giues the victorie without blowes: as Furius Camillus hauing sent home the children of the Falisques, whome their Schoolemaister had brought into his campe, he conquered their citie without striking stroke. And Fabricius hauing sent unto king Pyrrhus the Physitian which offred to poison him, refusing halfe his kingdomes and his treasure, (although he were one of the poorest gentlemen in Rome) and causing their ransomes to be paid, whome Pyrrhus had freely set at libertie, beeing loath the Romans should be bound in any respect unto so great a king. Or as Scipio who hauing conquered a good part of Spaine with little paine, sent backe a ladie of singular beautie unto her husband, prince of the Celtiberians, imitating the example of Cyrus. These vertuous acts tooke from their enemies all courage, to make any more warre against so valiant and magnanimious a people, who could neither bee vanquished[*](The Romans could neuer be vanquished by honour, not by .) by honour, nor vanquished by treacherie: the which was more apparant after the battaile of Cannes, Hannibal hauing appointed eight thousand Roman prisoners to be ransomed for an hundred crowns a peece one with another, hoping that the Romans who had lost so many men, would willingly pay their ransoms: but the Senat decreed, That no one should be redeemed at any rate, giuing all to vnderstand, That either they must vanquish, or be slaues to the enemie: Wherewith Hannibal was so amased, and daunted, as he dispaired euer to vanquish the Romans. And contrariwise the Romans did assure their estate, which was much shaken and abandoned of all friends and allies. For the Senat did well imagin, that Hannibal hauing sucked so much blood of the Romans, he would also exhaust their treasure, in drawing from them eight hundred thousand crownes, and restoring unto them the veriest cowards of all the Roman armie; making every one to resolue either to vanquish or die, hauing lost all hope of libertie, whereby they became fearefull and inuincible. And euen as they neuer fainted in their losses; so were they neuer proud nor arrogant in their victories. For when as Antiochus the Great hauing lost a goodly armie, sent his ambassadours to both the Scipioes, offring to accept of what conditions the Romans pleased: Whereunto Scipio the Affrican made an answere worthy of a great and vertuous prince, That the Romans lost[*](A worthy answere of Scipio.) no part of their courage when they were vanquished, nor of their modestie, when they did vanquish, demaunding no harder conditions after their victorie than before. But the aduantag--- which the Romans had, was, that they made warre in their enemies countrey, --- magazins of souldiors in Italy, to supply their armies if they were defeated: or if they conquered those countries where they made warre, they might add them to their empire, & plant them with their owne colonies. A wise prince will neuer attend an enemie in his own country, if he may stop his entrie, vnlesse he hath another army ready, or a sure retrait into some places of strength, els he hazards his whole estate[*](A prince may not hazard his estate upon one victorie.) upon a victorie; as Antiochus, Perseus, Iuba, and Ptolome the last king of Aegypt did against the Romans: Darius against Alexander, and oftentimes the French against the English. And for this cause Lewis the grosse understanding that the emperour Henry came with a mightie power to make warre in Fraunce (the king hauing receiued Pope Gelasius into his protection, and suffered him to excommunicat the emperor) he gathered together an armie of two hundred thousand men, as Suggerius abbat of Saint Den---s i--- Fraunce hath left in writing, and went as farre as the Rhin upon the territories of the empire, which was the onely cause that made the emperour to lay aside armes, and to accept of what peace it pleased the king. In like sort Philip Augustus aduertised that the emperour Otho the second, the king of England, with the potentats of the Low countries, came into his realme with a mightie armie, he fortified his places, marched out of his frontiers, and defeated them in battaile. And if king Francis the first, when as he lost his armie before Pauia, and himselfe taken prisoner, had receiued such an ouerthrow in the hart of Fraunce, this realme had bene in great daunger; but chauncing in Italie, the conquerors contented themselves with the victorie; and the subiects in the meane time had leasure to rally their forces, and to fortifie their frontiers.

Many hold opinion, That a soueraigne prince should not hazard his person on a day of battaile, especially if the enemie be entred into the hart of his realme: It is true, if he be a coward and base minded: but hauing the reputation of a valiant and generous[*](The presence of the prince is of great consequence to van an enemie.) prince, he doubles the courage and force of his armie, and so much the more if he be beloued of his armie, and his presence works a wonderfull effect, when he is seene of

them all, and euerie one seene of him, for oftentimes shame retaines a flying armie, seeing the presence of their king, and fearing least he should fall into some daunger, Vrget enim (vt ait Maro) presentia Turni, The presence of Turnus (as Maro saith) doth vrge them to fight. As it happened to Caesar before Therouenne; and in Spaine, fighting for his life against Pompeis children, where the battaile had bene lost if he had not bene present. And many beleeue that the victories which Edward the fourth got in nine battails, was, for that he did alwaies fight on foot. How many princes and great men do willingly follow the kings person, which else would not march under any others commaund. For when as Eumenes was very sicke his armie refused to fight, vnlesse he[*](How a prince or Generall should carry himselfe in a battaile.) were brought into the campe in a litter; such confidence they had in his presence. Yet would I not that a soueraigne prince or a Generall, should do the office of a priuat soldiour, putting his life rashly in daunger; as it is said of Pelopidas, Marcellus, Gaston de Foix duke of Nemours, and many others, whose death hath drawne after it the hazard of the state.

I will not here treat of the art of warre, which many have handled, but onely that which concernes the state. I conclude then, that a prince hauing well manned and fortified his frontiers, if he doubts that the enemie will enter into his countrey, let him preuent him, and put the warre as farre from him as he may: and if he be entred, not to hazard his estate and person rashly upon the euent of a battaile, especially if hee have to deale with a warlike people, who commonly get the victory being brought to dispaire, knowing well, that there is no meanes for them to escape death in anothers countrey, if they be vanquished, hauing neither fort, retreat, nor any succour. Amongst many we have a lamentable example of our king Iohn, who chose rather to hazard his life, his nobilitie, and his whole estate, in a doubtfull battaile at Poitiers, than to graunt a peace unto the prince of Wales, and the English armie, who demaunded only to depart with their lives: there did ten thousand desparat men defeat an armie of fortie five thousand[*](It is daungerous to fight with a desprat army.) French, and led away the king captiue. Gaston of Foix committed the like errour, hauing defeated the enemie at Rauenne, seeking to pursue a squadron of Spaniards that fled, he lost his life, and left all that hee had conquered in Italie in prey to the enemie. What should I speake of auntient examples, the histories are full of them: but there is none more famous than that of Caesar, whose armie was in despaire through famine &[*](Necessitie of an inuincible force.) want, being enuironed both by sea and land with the enemies townes and legions, and had soone perished for hunger, if they had not vanquished, yet would Pompey needs giue that battell of Pharsalia, hauing twice as many men as Caesar. In so great a despaire of things, the Generall of the Volsques did incourage his armie with a briefe speech, after this maner, Armati armatis obstant virtute pares, sed necessitate superiores estis, Armed men stand against armed men, equall in vertue, but in necessitie you exceed them. And another captaine of the Samnites said, Iustum est bellum quibus necessarium, & pia arma quibus nulla nisi in armis relinquitur spes, That war is iust to whome it is necessarie, and those armes religious to them that have no hope but in armes. And therefore Fabius Maximus (the last of that familie) endured all the scornes and disgraces of his enemies,[*](No prince should fight a battaile, but constrained.) rather than he would commit the fortune of the Commonweale to a doubtfull battell: and in the end he reaped the honor, To have preserued his countrey. Whereas Hannibal hauing hazarded a battaile against Scipio, who went to besiege Car---hage, to draw the enemie out of Italie, lost both his armie and the estate. It is no good consequence to say, that the Romans fought three battails with Pyrrhus, and as many with Hannibal, in the heart of Italie, for that they had magazins of men of warre, as well out of their owne countries, as from their allies: the which they could not want, for that by the laws euerie one was forced to carrie armes at seuenteene yeares of age, and were not freed

from them vntill fiftie fiue: neither was it lawful for any man to demaund an office or [*](Plut. in Gracchis.) benefice, that had not carried armes ten yeares. And at one time there were two thousand citisens excluded from the Bourgeship, for that they had bene foure yeares together absent from the warres, except they which had bene dispensed withall upon some iust cause (as Titus Liuius saith) to the which discipline they were at the first constrained by the incursions of their bordering neighbours, being iealous of their greatnesse: But hauing afterwards brought all the people of Italie under their subiection, or treated alliances with them, and finding that a people giuen to armes, could not live idly in peace without civill warres, they found it expedient for the good of the Commonweale, to seeke out new enemies, making warre sometimes to revenge the wrongs[*](The Romans sought occasion of warre.) done unto their confederats: and sometimes defending them against their enemies, graunting triumphes, honourahle estates, and great rewards to valiant captaines. The which was wisely ordained by the Senat, as an healthfull remedie against civill warres; the which Bebius the Tribune of the people did obiect unto the Fathers, That warre was sowne upon warre, that the people might neuer be at quiet: and therefore there was no distinction betwixt militarie charges and offices of iustice: So as one and the selfe same citisen, might be a valiant Captaine, a wise Senator, a good Iudge, and a great Orator: as it is said of Cato the Censor, who was well skilled in tillage, as it appeareth by his bookes, yet was he not ashamed to leaue his armes to goe to the plough; or to leaue the plough to plead, sometimes to be a Iudge, to sacrifice, or to play the Oratour before the people or Senat. And Caesar was high Priest, and in Tullies opinion a most excellent Orator, and the best captaine of his age. There were many not onely in Italie, but also in Greece, that excelled in the art of warre and policie. We read in Iulius Pollux, That the Athenians were bound to go to warre at foureteene yeares, and continued vntill threescore. Therefore Aristides, Pericles, Phocion, Leosthenes, Demetrius the Phalerian, Alcibiades, Themistocles, and infinit other Grecians, were like unto the[*](Plut. in Phocione) auntient Romans, and did excell in the art of warre and policie. But the wisest polititians did seperat the art of warre from other vocations. In the Commonweale of Creet euerie man was not allowed to carrie armes, but certaine speciall persons: nor in[*](Plut. in Licurg.) old times in Fraunce, whereas the horsemen had this charge, and the Druides were exempt. In Aegypt none but the Calasires were men of warre: the which Licurgus [*](Herodot.) did allow. And therefore Plato divided the citisens into three orders, Keepers, Men at armes, and Labourers: imitating the Aegyptians, who made three seuerall kindes of estates. By little and little the Athenians made a distinction of Armes, Policie, and Iustice;[*](In Phocione.) and so did the Romans. And truely in this short course of our life, there are few that doe excell in politike arts, but in both not any. It seemes that Augustus did first take from Senators, Proconsuls, and Gouernours of Prouinces, the power to weare armes: so as in succession of time they called offices without armes dignities; as wee[*](Dion. lib. 53) read in Cassiodorus, Quamuis inquit, omnia dignitatum officia manu secludantur armata, [*](In forma Comitiue, Written to the Gouernour of a Prouince.) & ciuilibus vestibus induti videantur, qui districtionem publicam docentur operari: tua tamen dignitas à terroribus eruatur, quae gladio bellico rebus etiam pacatis accingitur: arma ista iuris sunt, non furoris, Although (saith hee) that all offices of dignitie bee excluded from armed hands, and that they seeme to bee attired with civill garments, that are taught to labour in the difficulties of the Commonweale: yet the dignitie seemes to be pluckt from terrours, the which is guirt with a warlike sword, euen in the quietest times: these be the armes of Iustice, not of Furie. And consequently all nations by degrees, haue separated souldiours from schollers and men of justice, beeing a difficult thing to excell in one art, but impossible in all; nor worthily to exercise many victories. Moreover it was a thing almost impossible, to traine all the subiects of a Commonweale up to armes, and to maintaine them in the obedience of the laws and magistrats. This was haply the cause which made king Francis the first, to cast the seuen legions of foot, which he had erected within this realme, in the yeare 1534, every legion containing six thousand foot. And although that his sonne Henry did renew them twentie yeares after, yet was he forced to alter his opinion, seeing the Commonweale troubled, and mutinies growne in many places, by meanes of those legions. And yet in the opinion of straungers, and of those that haue iudicially examined the goodly ordinances that were made to that end, there was neuer any thing better instituted for the art of[*](The entertainment of legions, very necessarie in a state.) warre, the which is as necessarie in this realme, as in any part of the world, being enuironed with warlike and mightie nations, which make a common practise to spoyle: like to a countrey of conquest. Yea if they had entertained but foure legions of foot, besides the troopes of horse, for the defence of the realme, and placed them as it were in garrison upon the frontiers, they had prouided wisely for the safetie of the Commonweale. Fraunce is not the twentieth part of the Roman empire, for the guard whereof Augustus Caesar said, That fortie legions did suffice, being but five thousand men in a legion. The foure legions of foot and troopes of horse, paied in time of peace, according to the ordinance of king Francis the first, would not have cost three hundred and fiftie thousand pounds starling, and yet is it halfe as much more as the legions had in Augustus his time: and the whole pay of the men at armes of Fraunce, in the yeare 1560, came but to 235300 pounds starling, as well the old bands, as the men at armes. And Augustus entertained fortie legions of horse aud foot, besides his and the citie[*](Augustus kept fortie legions continually in pay.) guards, and two nauies for the defence of both seas, keeping the empire safe from forren and civill warres, and all for twelue hundred thousand pounds starling a yeare, with an excellent description of all orders: the which other princes should propound unto themselves, to imitat such as Orosius, Dion, Tranquillus, & other writers have described it in their monuments: and yet was it not lawfull for the Roman souldiours (notwithstanding their small entertainment) to rob and spoyle: as we see at this day. This was the meanes to maintaine martiall discipline, to defend the rights of citisens, and allies, and to repell the enemie: Else if you be prest with warre, you shall be forced not only to abandon your neighbours, but also your countrey: or else in this extremitie you must vse vntrained souldiours, who become captaines before they were euer souldiours:[*](The inconueniences, not to have trained bands.) or else forced with necessitie you must beg and buy forren succours at a deere rate. I doe not thinke that forren succours are to bee reiected, as many suppose: for there is no great empire can be angmented▪ without the succours of confederats, neither can they long resist the violence of an enemie: but I allow of those succours which come from allies, that are vnited together in an offensiue and defensiue league, as the Cantons of the Swissers be: or at the least in a defensiue league, as they bee with the house of Fraunce. For by this meanes they are not onely the more strengthned, but[*](It is good to have mightie friends and allies in an equall league.) they also take from the enemie those succours which he might draw from them, and the occasion from all men to make warre against either of them, vnlesse hee meane to be a professed enemie unto them both. But I desire that the confederats should be tied by a mutuall bond, and altogether equall, to auoid the reproaches, quarrels, and inconueniences that grow of inequalitie. Those leagues and treaties be vnequall, when as one is bound to pay the diets or assemblies of their allies, although they did raise but one companie of souldiours, and notwithstanding bee tied to pay them a continuall pension, besides their entertainment in the time of warre, and succours of horse and foot at need without pension or pay. These treaties did our kings of Fraunce make with the Cantons of the Swissers, least other princes should draw them to their succours. It is also necessarie in an offensiue and defensiue league which is equall, That the conquests should be common (as it hath alwaies been among the Cantons, when as they have made warre in common) and that whatsoeuer is conquered by the one, should be priuate, wherein the antient Italians were circumuented by the Romans in their treaties, for the Romans hauing made an offensiue and defensiue league with their neighbors the Italians, they had alwayes for one Romaine legion two from their allies readie paied, and the Generall of the armie was alwaies a Romaine; and yet their[*](Polibius and Liuie. The Romans circumuented their allies in Italy in their treaties.) allies had no pension nor entertainement from the Romans, nor any part of their conquests which were made in common, nor in dignities and offices, except some townes of the Latins; which was the cause of the sociall or confederats warre in Italie against the Romans, who were reduced to that extremitie, as they were forced to giue the right of a citisen, with part of their offices, and their voyces at elections, almost to all their allies in Italie. The Athenians with the like fraude did circumuent their neighbors and confederats, from whom they did exact tributes contrarie to their treaties, neither did they euer vndertake any warre but one without the forces of their allies, whereupon most of them fell off unto the Lacedemonians when occasion was offred.

It may also be doubted whether it be fit to have many allies, or mercinarie souldiers of diuers languages, for the difficultie there is to speake vnto them, and to incourage them by orations, a thing very necessarie in warre. But experience hath taught vs, that diuers nations and diuers tongues are easie to gouerne and leade, as Anniball did shew, hauing an armie consisting of Carthaginians, Mauritanians, Numidians, Spaniards, Italians, Gaules, and Greeks, and yet in fifteene yeares space he neuer had mutinie in his camp, & obtained great victories; but if such an armie be once mutined, there is no meanes to pacifie it: this is the opinion of Polibius, a captaine of great experience, and Schoolemaster to Scipio Affricanus. That which we have spoken touching the succors of allies, is not to be vnderstood that an estate should wholie relie upon them, but a well gouerned Commonweale must be supported by her owne forces, and alwayes be stronger than the succours she hath from her allies: for he alwayes commands the state that is master of the force, and will make himselfe an absolute lord upon the least occasion, if he have any desire, the which neuer wants in ambitious minds. And if allies and confederates be to be feared in an others countrie when they are the stronger, what assurance can we have of strange forces, which have no offensiue [*](Forren force being the stronger, make themselves maister over them that call them to their succours.) nor defensiue league with vs? there is no doubt, but in danger they will be more carefull of their owne lives than of an other mans, and will attribute unto themselves the profit and honor of the victorie, exhausting their treasures, and growing souldiers at their cost whom they serue. How often have we seene the stranger being the stronger, make himselfe absolute lord over them that called him? We have in our age the example of Cairadin that famous pirat, called in by the inhabitants of Alger, to expell the Spaniards out of their fort; hauing vanquished them, he slew Selim their king with all his familie, and made himselfe king thereof, leauing the state to Ariadin Barbarousse his brother. And Saladin a Tartar being called by the Caliph and the inhabitants of Caire to expell the Christians out of Soria, after the victorie he s---ew the Caliph; and made himselfe absolute lord▪ and least that they of the countrie should attempt any thing against him, he alwayes imployed Tartarians and Circassians (that were slaues) in the warre, and for his guard, forbidding all others to beare any armes: and by this meanes he and his successors inioyed that kingdome, vntill that Sultan Selim Emperout of the Turks made himselfe lord thereof. By the same means the Herules, Gothes, and Lombards became lords of Italy, the French of Gaule, the English Saxons of Brittaine, the Scottishmen of Scotland, hauing expelled the Brittons and the Picts, who had called them to their succours; and the Turke of the empire of the East and the

realme of Hongary, being intreated by the Emperours of Constantinople and the states of Hongary. And the Emperour Charles the fift had reduced Germanie into the forme of a Prouince, and made it hereditarie by the same fraude that the rest, when as a part of Germanie under colour of religion called in the Spaniards and Italians, for hauing subdued the princes of Saxony, he labored to subiect the rest under the spanish empire, intending to make Philip his sonne king of Germanie, if Henry the second had not freed them with the forces of France, who for this cause was called by the Germaines in their printed bookes the protector of the Empire, and the deliverer of the Princes. The which the princes of Germanie hauing foreseene, did bind the Emperour Charles the fift in the twelft article of his oth, that he should neuer bring an armie of strangers into Germanie; but since the Emperours death the Electors did sweare neuer to choose a fortaine prince Emperour; yet if the States of the countrie cannot agree upon a soueraigne prince, it is better to have a prince from a farre countrie than a neighbour. And for this cause the Aetolians made Antiochus king of Asia their Generall for a yeare, the Tarentines king Pyrrhus, the Polonians Henry Duke of Aniou; Leo king of Armenia one of the children of Andrew king of Hongarie, to giue him his daughter and his estate: else it is to be feared that a neighbour prince chosen Generall but for a yeare, will make himselfe perpetuall, or if he be perpetuall, will grow hereditarie, taking from the subiects their right of election: or if the estate be giuen to one that is a king and to his heires, it is to be doubted he will make it a tributarie prouince to free his owne countrie from taxes and impositions, which happilie was the cause why they did not choose the Emperours eldest sonne king of Polonia, for it is not to be expected that he will euer beare that affection to strangers that he doth unto his owne, but will easily▪ abandon an others estate at need, to defend his owne. To[*](The conclusion of the proposition.) conclude, in my opinion a Commonweale well ordained, of what nature soeuer, should be fortified upon the approches and frontires, in the which forts there should be good garrisons trained up dayly to armes, hauing certaine lands appointed for souldiers the which they should enioy only for their lives, as in old time the fees and feudataries were, and at this day the Timars and Timariots in Turkie, the which are giuen unto souldiers like unto benefices, upon condition they should be readie with horse and armes whensoeuer occasion of warre required: which lands neuer go unto their heires, but are bestowed by the princes free gift upon the most valiant souldiers, with a clause not to alienate them, that souldiers might not rob and steale as now they do with all impunitie. And vntill that these lands in fee may be disposed according to their first institution, it shall be fit to erect some legions of foote and horse according to the estate and greatnes of every Commonweale, that they may be bred up in martiall discipline from their youth in garrisons upon the frontires in time of peace, as the antient Romans did, who knew not what it was to live at discretion, and much lesse to rob, spoile, and murther, as they do at this day, but their camp was a schoole of honor, sobrietie, chastitie, iustice, and all other vertues, in the which no man might revenge his owne iniuries, nor vse any violence. And to the end this discipline may be obserued, as they do at this day in the Turks armie, it is necessarie that good Captaines and souldiers be recompenced, especially when they grow aged, with some exemptions, priuiledges, impunities, and rewards, after the manner of the Romans. And although the third part of the reuenues be imployed about the entertainement of souldiers, it were not too much: for thereby you should be assured of men at need to defend the state, especially if it be enuied and enuironed about with warlike nations, as those people be that are scituate in the temperate and fertile regions of France, Italie, Hongarie, Greece, Asia the lesse, Soria, Egipt, Persia, and the ilands lying in the Mediterranean sea: for the nations lying upon the extremities of hot and cold, as the Ethiopians, Numidians, Negros, [*](Those which inhabit in fertill countries, being enuironed by greedy enemies, have need to bee warlike.) Tartars, Gothes, Muscouites, Scottishmen, and Swedens, have no neede of great forts, nor to entertaine any legions in time of peace, hauing no enemies but such as they make themselves; the people of the North being by nature too warlike, all horsemen, or for the most part, and giuen to armes, without any need to traine them up in it, vnlesse it be to discharge the countrie, or as I have said, for that they cannot be kept in peace. And to the end the state may not be brought in danger by any treacherous and faithlesse allies, or that strangers suck not the bloud of the subiects growing warlike at an others charge, being readie to inuade the estate, let all offensiue and defensiue leagues and alliances be equall, receiuing as great succours at neede as they shall be bound to giue; and yet the succours of the confederate must not be such as they may force or prescribe a law. Moreouer, it must not be allowed for all other subiects to carrie armes, least the laborer and handicrafts man should take a delight in theeuing and robbing, leauing the plough and shop, hauing no experience of armes, and when as they are to march against an enemie, they forsake their coulors and flie at the first charge, putting a whole armie in disorder, especiallie the handicrafts man, and they that sit alwaies, being[*](Handicraftsmen vnfit for warre.) bred up in the shadow, whom all antient and wise Captaines have held vnfit for warre, whatsoeuer Sir Thomas Moore saith in his Commonweale. Seeing that wee have discoursed of men of warre, of forts and of succors that are drawne from them that are in league, let vs now speake of the suretie of treaties and leagues betwixt Princes and Commonweales.