Ab urbe condita

Titus Livius (Livy)

Livy. History of Rome, Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.

If you will only put your own good fortune to the test, if you will only put me to the test, who have already been tested fortunately, I hope, for you, you will have less trouble in setting up some one to lord it over the patricians than you have had in setting up men to resist their lording it over you.

Dictatorships and consulships must be levelled to the ground in order that the Roman plebs may lift up its head. Take your places, then, in the Forum; prevent any judgment for debt from being pro- nounced.

I profess myself the Patron [*](For the significance of the term “Patron” here, see note 16 to Book III. The “other title” which Manlius hints at is that of “consul,” in which capacity he could render them much more efficient service.) of the plebs, a title with which my care and fidelity have invested me; if you prefer to designate your leader by any other title of honour or command, you will find in him a more powerful instrument for attaining the objects you

desire.” It is said that this was the first step in his attempt to secure kingly power, but there is no clear tradition as to his fellow- conspirators or the extent to which his plans were developed.

On the other side, however, the senate were discussing this secession of the plebs to a private house, which happened to be situated on the Capitol, and the great danger with which liberty was menaced.

A great many exclaimed that what was wanted was a Servilius Ahala, who would not simply irritate an enemy to the State by ordering him to be sent to prison, but would put an end to the intestine war by the sacrifice of a single citizen.

They finally took refuge in a resolution which was milder in its terms but possessed equal force, viz., that “the magistrates should see to it that the republic received no hurt from the mischievous designs of M. Manlius.” Thereupon the consular tribunes and the tribunes of the plebs —for

these latter recognised that the end of liberty would also be the end of their power, and had, therefore, placed them- selves under the authority of the senate —all consulted together as to what were the necessary steps to take.

As no one could suggest anything but the employment of force and its inevitable bloodshed, while this would obviously lead to a frightful struggle, M. Menenius and Q. Publilius, tribunes of the plebs, spoke as follows: “Why are we making that which ought to be a contest between the State and one pestilent citizen into a conflict between patricians and plebeians?