Bellum Iugurthinum

But Sylla, though he had similar thoughts, protected the Moor from violence; exhorting his soldiers to keep up their spirits; and saying, "that a handful of brave men had often fought successfully against a multitude; that the less anxious they were to save their lives in battle, the greater would be their security; and that no man, who had arms in his hands, ought to trust for safety to his unarmed heels, or to turn to the enemy, in however great danger, the defenseless and blind parts of his body."[*](CVII. And blind parts of his body] Cœcum corpus. Imitated from Xenophon, Cyrop. iii. 3, 45: Μωρὸν γὰρ τὸ κρατεῖν βουλομένους, τὰ τυφλὰ, τοὐ σώματος, καὶ ἄοπλα, καὶ ἄχειρα, ταῦτα ἐναντία τάττειν τοῖσ πολευίοισ φεύγοντας. "It is folly for those that desire to conquer, to turn the blind, unarmed, and handless parts of the body, to the enemy in flight.") Having then called almighty Jupiter to witness the guilt and perfidy of Bocchus, he ordered Volux, as being an instrument of his father's hostility,[*](As being an instrument of his father's hostility] Quoniam hostilia faceret. "Since he wished to deceive the Romans by pretended friendship."Müller) to quit the camp.

Volux, with tears in his eyes, entreated him to entertain no such suspicions; declaring " that nothing in the affair had been caused by treachery on his part, but all by the subtilty

of Jugurtha, to whom his line of march had become known through his scouts. But as Jugurtha had no great force with him, and as his hopes and resources were dependent on his father Bocchus, he assuredly would not attempt any open violence, when the son of Bocchus would himself be a witness of it. He thought it best for Sylla, therefore, to march boldly through the middle of his camp, and that as for himself, he would either send forward his Moors, or leave them where they were, and accompany Sylla alone." This course, under such circumstances, was adopted; they set forward without delay, and, as they came upon Jugurtha unexpectedly, while he was in doubt and hesitation how to act, they passed without molestation. In a few days afterward, they arrived at the place to which their march was directed.

There was, at this time, in constant and familiar intercourse with Bocchus, a Numidian named Aspar, who had been sent to him by Jugurtha, when he heard of Sylla's intended interview, in the character of embassador, but secretly to be a spy on the Mauretanian king's proceedings. There was also with him a certain Dabar, son of Massugrada, one of the family of Masinissa,[*](CVIII. Of the family of Masinissa] Ex gente Masinissœ. Massugrada was the son of Masinissa by a concubine.) but of inferior birth on the maternal side, as his father was the son of a concubine. Dabar, for his many intellectual endowments, was liked and esteemed by Bocchus, who, having found him faithful[*](Faithful] Fidum. After this word, in the editions of Cortius, Kritzius, Gerlach, Allen, and Dietsch, follows Romanis or esse Romanis. These critics defend Romanis on the plea that a dative is necessary after fidum, and that it was of importance as Castilioneus observes that Dabar should be well disposed toward the Romans, and not have been corrupted, like many other courtiers of Bocchus, by the bribes of Jugurtha. Glareanus, Badius Ascensius, the Bipont editors, and Burnouf, with most of the translators, omit Romanis, and I have thought proper to imitate their example.) on many former occasions, sent him forthwith to Sylla, to say "that he was ready to do whatever the Romans desired; that Sylla himself should appoint the place, day, and hour,[*](Place, day, and hour] Diem, locum, tempus. Not only the day, but the time of the day.) for a conference; that he kept all points, which he had settled with him before, inviolate ;[*](That he kept all points, which he had settled with him before, inviolate] Consulta sese omnia cum illo integra habere. Kritzius justly observes that most editors, in interpreting this passage, have erroneously given to consulta the sense of consulenda; and that the sense is, "that all that he had arranged with Sylla before, remained unaltered, and that he was not drawn from his resolutions by the influence of Jugurtha.") and that he was not to fear the presence of

Jugurtha's embassador as any restraint[*](And that he was not to fear the presence of Jugurtha's embassador as any restraint, etc.] Neu Jugurthœ legatum pertimesceret, quo res communis licentius gereretur. There is some difficulty in this passage. Burnouf makes the nearest approach to a satisfactory explanation of it. " Sylla," says he, " was not to fear the envoy of Jugurtha, quo, on which account (equivalent to eoque, and on that account, i.e. on account of his freedom from apprehension) their common interests would be more freely arranged." Yet it appears from what follows that fear of Jugurtha's envoy could not be dismissed, and that there could be no freedom of discussion in his presence, as Sylla was to say but little before him, and to speak more at large at a private meeting. These considerations have induced Kritzius to suppose that the word remoto, or something similar, has been lost after quo. The Bipont editors inserted cautum esse before quo, which is without authority, and does not at all assist the sense.) on the discussion of their common interests, since, without admitting him, he could have no security against Jugurtha's treachery." I find, however, that it was rather from African duplicity[*](African duplicity] Punicâ fide. "Punica fides was a well-known proverbial expression for treachery and deceit. The origin of it is perhaps attributable not so much to fact, as to the implacable hatred of the Romans toward the Carthaginians."Bernouf.) than from the motives which he professed, that Bocchus thus allured both the Romans and Jugurtha with the hopes of peace; that he frequently debated with himself whether he should deliver Jugurtha to the Romans, or Sylla to Jugurtha; and that his inclination swayed him against us, but his fears in our favor.