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                <passage>
                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:base="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><body xml:lang="eng" n="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><div type="textpart" subtype="alphabetic_letter" n="L"><div type="textpart" subtype="entry" xml:id="t-lucretius-carus-bio-1" n="t_lucretius_carus_1"><head><label xml:id="phi-0550"><persName xml:lang="la"><forename full="yes">T.</forename><surname full="yes">Lucre'tius</surname><addName full="yes">Carus</addName></persName></label></head><p>The information to be derived from ancient writers regarding the personal history of
      Lucretius is very scanty in amount and somewhat suspicious in character That he was a Roman,
      or at least an Italian by birth, may be inferred from his own words, for he twice speaks of
      the Latin language as his native tongue (1.831, 3.261, comp. 1.42). The Eusebian Chronicle
      fixes <date when-custom="-95">B. C. 95</date> as the date of his birth, adding that he was driven
      mad by a love potion, that during his lucid intervals he composed several works which were
      revised by Cicero, and that he perished by his own hand in the forty-fourth year of his age,
      that is, <date when-custom="-52">B. C. 52</date> or 51. Donatus,on the contrary, affirms that his
      death happened in <date when-custom="-55">B. C. 55</date>, on the very day on which Virgil assumed
      the toga virilis, an event which, in the Eusebian Chronicle, is placed two years later. From
      what source the tale about the philtre may have been derived we know not. Pomponius Sabinus,
      in a note on the third Georgic (50.202), states that the drug employed was hippomanes, while
      later writers, twisting a passage in the works of St. Jerome (<hi rend="ital">ad Rufin.</hi>
      100.22) to their own views, have declared that the potion was administered by his own wife
      Lucilia, in order that she might inspire him with more deep and fervent affection. It has been
      ingenliously conjectured that the whole story was an invention of some enemy of the
      Epicureans, who conceived that such an end would be peculiarly appropriate for one who so
      boldly professed and so zealously advocated the principles of that philosophy. Not a hint is
      to be found anywhere which corroborates the assertion with regard to the editorial labours of
      Cicero.</p><p>When we consider that what has been set down above comprises everything that can be gleaned
      from authentic sources, we may feel somewhat surprised, on turning to the biographies of
      Lucretius prefixed to various editions and translations of his work, to find that they contain
      a detailed account <pb n="829"/> of his family and connections, from the days of the chaste
      wife of Collatinus, a narrative of his journey to Athens for the prosecution of his
      philosophical studies, an account of the society in which he there lived, of the friendships
      which he there formed, of the preceptors from whose lips he derived his enthusiasm for those
      tenets which he subsequently expounded with such fervid faith, of his return to his native
      country, and of his life and habits while enjoying the charms of literary ease and peaceful
      seclusion. But the whole of these particulars are a mere tissue of speculations,--a web of
      conjectures originally woven by the imagination of Lambinus and afterwards variously
      embroidered by the idle and perverse ingenuity of a long line of commentators.</p><p>The period about which his piece was published can be reduced within narrow limits. The
      allusion to the unhappy dissensions by which his native country was distracted, have been
      supposed to bear special reference to the conspiracy of Catiline, but the expression " patriae
      tempore iniquo" is so general that it is applicable to any portion of the epoch when he
      flourished. From the manner, however, in which Cicero, in a letter to his brother Quintus,
      written <date when-custom="-55">B. C. 55</date>, gives his opinion on the merits of the poem, we may
      fairly conclude that it had been recently published; and, taking into account the slowness
      with which copies were multiplied, the conjecture of Forbiger becomes highly probable, that it
      may have been given to the world in the early part of the year <date when-custom="-57">B. C.
       57</date>, when the machinations of Clodius were producing a degree of disorder and anarchy
      almost without example even in those stormy times.</p><div><head>Works</head><div><head><title xml:lang="la" xml:id="phi-0550.001">De Rerum Natura</title></head><p>The work which has immortalised the name of Lucretius, and which, happily, has been
        preserved entire, is a philosophical didactic poem, composed in heroic hexameters, divided
        into six books, extending to upwards of seven thousand four hundred lines, addressed to C.
        Memmius Gemellus, who was praetor in <date when-custom="-58">B. C. 58</date> [<hi rend="smallcaps">MEMMIUS</hi>], and is entitled <ref target="phi-0550.001"><title>De Rerum
         Natura.</title></ref> It has been sometimes represented as a complete exposition of the
        religious, moral, and physical doctrines of Epicurus, but this is far from being a correct
        description. The plan is not by any means so vast or so discursive, and although embracing
        numerous topics requiring great minuteness of detail, and admitting of great variety of
        illustration, is extremely distinct, and possesses almost epical unity. Epicurus maintained
        that the unhappiness and degradation of mankind arose in a great degree from the slavish
        dread which they entertained of the power of the Gods, from terror of their wrath, which was
        supposed to be displayed by the misfortunes inflicted in this life, and by the everlasting
        tortures which were the lot of the guilty in a future state, or where these feelings were
        not strongly developed, from a vague dread of gloom and misery after death. To remove these
        apprehensions, which he declared were founded upon error, and thus to establish tranquillity
        in the heart, was the great object of his teaching; and the fundamental doctrine upon which
        his system reposed was, that the Gods, whose existence he did not deny, lived for evermore
        in the enjoyment of absolute peace, strangers to all the passions, desires, and fears, which
        agitate the human heart, totally indifferent to the world and its inhabitants, unmoved alike
        by their virtues and their crimes. As a step towards proving this position he called to his
        aid the atomic theory of Leucippus, by which he sought to demonstrate that the material
        universe is not the result of creative energy on the part of the Supreme Being, but that all
        the objects in which it abounds, mineral, vegetable, and animal, were formed by the union of
        elemental particles which had existed from all eternity, governed by certain simple laws;
        and that all those striking phaenomena which, from their strangeness or mighty effects, had
        long been regarded by the vulgar as direct manifestations of divine power, were merely the
        natural results of ordinary processes. To state clearly and develope fully the leading
        principle of this philosophy, in such a form as might render the study attractive to his
        countrymen, few of whom were disposed to take any interest in abstract speculations, was the
        task undertaken by the author of the <ref target="phi-0550.001"><title>De Rerum
          Natura,</title></ref> his work being simply an attempt to show that there is nothing in
        the history or actual condition of the world which does not admit of explanation without
        having recourse to the active interposition of divine beings. The poem opens with a
        magnificent apostrophe to Venus, whom lie addresses as an allegorical representation of the
        reproductive power, after which the business of the piece commences by an enunciation of the
        great proposition on the nature and being of the gods (57-62), which leads to a grand
        invective against the gigantic monster superstition, and a thrilling picture of the horrors
        which attends his tyrannous sway. Then follows a lengthened elucidation of the axiom that
        nothing can be produced from nothing, and that nothing can be reduced to nothing (<hi rend="ital">Nil fieri ex nihilo, in nihilum nil posse reverti</hi>) ; which is succeeded by
        a definition of the Ultimate Atoms, infinite in number, which, together with Void Space (<hi rend="ital">Inane</hi>), infinite in extent, constitute the universe. The shape of these
        corpuscules, their properties, their movements, the laws under which they enter into
        combination and assume forms and qualities appreciable by the senses, with other preliminary
        matters on their nature and affections, together with a refutation of objections and
        opposing hypotheses, occupy the first two books. In the third book, the general truths thus
        established are applied to demonstrate that the vital and intellectual principles, the <term xml:lang="la">Anima</term> and <term xml:lang="la">Animus,</term> are as much a part of the
        man as his limbs and members, but like those limbs and members have no distinct and
        independent existence, and that hence soul and body live and perish together; the argument
        being wound up by a magnificent exposure of the folly manifested in a dread of death, which
        will for ever extinguish all feeling. The fourth book--perhaps the most ingenious of the
        whole--is devoted to the theory of the senses, sight, hearing, taste, smell, of sleep and of
        dreams, ending with a disquisition upon love. The fifth book, generally regarded as the most
        finished and impressive, treats of the origin of the world and of all things that are
        therein, of the movements of the heavenly bodies, of the vicissitudes of the seasons, of day
        and night, of the rise and progress of man, of society, and of political institutions, and
        of the invention of the various arts and sciences which embellish and ennoble life. The
        sixth book comprehends an explanation of some of the most striking natural appearances,
        especially thunder, lightning, hail, rain, snow, ice, cold, heat, wind, earthquakes,
        volcanoes, springs and localities noxious to animal life, which <pb n="830"/> leads to a
        discourse upon diseases. This in its turn introduces an appalling description of the great
        pestilence which devastated Athens during the Peloponnesian war, and thus the book closes.
        The termination being somewhat abrupt, induces the belief that Lucretius may have intended
        to continue his task, which might have been greatly extended, but there is no reason to
        suppose that anything has been lost.</p><div><head>Assessment</head><p>With regard to the general merits of the production, considered merely as a work of art,
         without reference to the falseness and absurdity of the views which it advocates, but
         little difference of opinion has prevailed among modern critics. All have admired the
         marvellous ability and skill with which the most abstruse speculations and the most
         refractory technicalities have been luminously bodied forth in sonorous verse, and
         expressed in diction which, although full of animation and dignity, is never extravagant
         nor pompous. All have acknowledged the matchless power and beauty of those sublime
         outbursts of noble poetry which diffuse light, vivacity, and grace, upon themes, which in a
         less gifted writer must have proved obscure, dull, and repulsive. But even this is not
         sufficient praise. Had it not been for Lucretius we could never have formed an adequate
         idea of the power of the Latin language. We might have dwelt with pleasure upon the
         softness, flexibility, richness, and musical tone of that vehicle of thought, which could
         represent with full effect the melancholy tenderness of Tibullus, the exquisite ingenuity
         of Ovid, the inimitable felicity and taste of Horace, the gentleness, high spirit, and
         splendour of Virgil, and the vehement declamation of Juvenal; but had the verses of
         Lucretius perished we should never have known that it could give utterance to the grandest
         conceptions with all that sustained majesty and harmonious swell in which the Grecian Muse
         rolls forth her loftiest outpourings. Yet, strange to say, the Romans themselves seem never
         to have done full justice to the surpassing genius of their countryman. The criticism of
         Cicero is correct but cold, the tribute paid by Ovid to his memory is vague and affected,
         the observations of Quintilian prove how little he had entered into his spirit or
         appreciated his high enthusiasm, while the few remaining writers by whom he is named either
         insult him with faint approbation, or indulge in direct censure. Statius alone, perhaps,
         proves himself not insensible of the power which he describes as the " docti furor arduus
         Lucreti." (Corn. Nep. <hi rend="ital">Att.</hi> 12.4; <bibl n="Vitr. 9.3">Vitr. 9.3</bibl>;
          <bibl n="Prop. 2.25">Prop. 2.25</bibl>, <bibl n="Prop. 2.29">29</bibl>; <bibl n="Vell. 2.36">Vell. 2.36</bibl>; Senec. <hi rend="ital">de Tranquill. Anim.</hi> 2, <hi rend="ital">Ep.</hi> xcv. cx; <bibl n="Plin. Ep. 4.18">Plin. Ep. 4.18</bibl>; Tac. <hi rend="ital">Dial. de Orat.</hi> 23.)</p></div></div></div><div><head>Editions</head><p><bibl>The editio Princeps of Lucretius was printed at Brescia, in fol., by Thomas Ferandus,
        about 1473</bibl>, and is of such excessive rarity that three copies only are known to
       exist. It has been fully described by Dibdin in the <title>Bibl. Spencer.</title> vol. ii. p.
       149-153. The second edition, much less rare, and taken from an inferior MS., appeared at
        <bibl>Verona, fol. 1486, from the press of Paul Friedenberger</bibl>. <bibl>The text was
        corrected from MSS. by Jo. Baptista Pius, fol. Bonon. 1511</bibl>, by <bibl>Petrus Candidus,
        Florent. Phil. Giunta. 8vo. 1512</bibl>, and by <bibl>Lambinus, whose two editions 4to.
        1563, 1570</bibl>, especially the second, are most valuable, and are accompanied by an
       excellent commentary. Considerable praise is due to <bibl>Gifanius, 8vo. Antw. 1566, to
        Pareus, 2 vol. 8vo. Francf. 1631</bibl>, to <bibl>Creech, 8vo. Oxon. 1695</bibl>, and
       especially to the comprehensive labours of <bibl>Havercamp, whose bulky volumes (2 vols. 4to.
        Lug. Bat. 1725, forming a portion of the series of Dutch Variorum Classics, in 4to.)</bibl>
       contain everything that is valuable in preceding editions. The text of <bibl>Lambinus,
        however, underwent few changes until it assumed its present form in the hands of the
        celebrated Gilbert Wakefield, whose recension, founded upon the best English MSS., was
        published in three volumes, 4to. Lond. 1796, and reprinted at Glasgow, 4 vols. 8vo.
        1813</bibl>. We must not omit to mention with respect the edition of <bibl>Albert Forbiger,
        12mo. Lips. 1828</bibl>, who has shown great taste and judgment in selecting the best
       readings, and has added short but useful notes. For practical purposes the edition of
        <bibl>Lambinus, 1570</bibl>, that of <bibl>Havercamp, 1725</bibl>, that of <bibl>Creech, as
        reprinted, Oxon. 1818</bibl>, exhibiting Wakefield's text, and that of Forbiger, will be
       found the most serviceable, but any one who can procure the second and fourth of these may
       dispense with the rest.</p></div><div><head>Translations</head><p>We have complete metrical translations into English by <bibl>Creech, 8vo. Oxford, 1682,
        very frequently reprinted; by John Mason Goode (blank verse), accompanied by a most
        elaborate series of annotations, 2 vols. 4to. Lond. 1805</bibl>; and by <bibl>Thomas Busby,
        2 vols. 4to. Lond. 1813</bibl>. We have translations also of the first book alone by
        <bibl>John Evelyn, 8vo. Lond. 1656</bibl>; by <bibl>an anonymous writer, 8vo. Lond.
        1799</bibl>; and by <bibl>W. H. Drummond, 8vo. Lond. 1809</bibl>: but, excepting some
       detached passages rendered by <bibl>Dryden</bibl>, with all his wonted fire and inaccuracy,
       we possess nothing in our language which can be regarded as even a tolerable representation
       of the original. The best translation into French is that by <bibl>J. B. S. de Pongerville,
        Paris, 1823, 1828</bibl>; the best into Italian, that by <bibl>Alessandro Marchetti, Lond.
        1717, frequently reprinted</bibl>; the best into German, that by <bibl>Knebel, Leipzig,
        1821, and improved, Leipzig, 1831</bibl>. </p></div><byline>[<ref target="author.W.R">W.R</ref>]</byline></div></div></body></text></TEI>
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