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                <passage>
                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:base="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><body xml:lang="eng" n="urn:cts:pdlrefwk:viaf88890045.003.perseus-eng1"><div type="textpart" subtype="alphabetic_letter" n="G"><div type="textpart" subtype="entry" xml:id="gaius-bio-2" n="gaius_2"><head><persName xml:lang="la" xml:id="phi-1251"><surname full="yes">Gaius</surname></persName></head><p>Of the personal history of this famous jurist scarcely any thing is known. Even the spelling
      of his name has been as fruitful a subject of controversy as the orthography of our own
      Shakespeare or Shakspere. Some have chosen to write Caius instead of Gaius, and, in favour of
      this spelling, quote Quintilian (1.7. 23). " Quid? quae scribuntur aliter quam enuntiantur?
      Nam et Gaius C litera notatur, quae inversa (C) mulierem significat." They understand this
      passage to mean that the word which is spelt with a C is probounced with a G; but Quintilian
      is here speaking of <hi rend="ital">notae,</hi> and the true meaning may be; that the word
      which, when written at length, is written Gaius, and is pronounced as it is written, is yet
      designated shortly by the <hi rend="ital">nota</hi> C, which is different from its initial
      letter. Caius was undoubtedly the original spelling, used at a time when the letter C, which
      occupies in the Roman alphabet the place of Gamma in the Greek, had, in some cases, the power
      of Gamma. Caius was always pronounced Gaius, and was written in Greek <foreign xml:lang="grc">Γάιος</foreign>, while in other words, as Cicero, which was written in
      Greek <foreign xml:lang="grc">Κικέρων</foreign>, the initial C had a power distinct from
      Gamma. It was in the beginning of the sixth century of the city that the letter G was
      introduced into the Roman alphabet, by Spurius Carvilius (Plut. <hi rend="ital">Prob.
       Rom.</hi> 54), and thenceforward the difference of pronunciation began to be indi cated by a
      difference of notation; but in some cases, as Caius and Cneus, the change was slowly intro
      duced. Probably at the time when Gaius lived, and certainly in the time of Justinian, his name
      was generally spelt, as it was pronounced, with a G, although the initial <hi rend="ital">nota</hi> C still continued in use. This appears from inscriptions, and from the best
      manuscripts. In the Florentine manuscript of the Digest, the praenomen Gaius is always spelt
      with a G, there being no difference whether the word is used by itself, or as a praenomen,
      followed by other names. (Dausquius, <hi rend="ital">Orthographia Latini Sermonis Vetus et
       Nova,</hi> vol. ii. p. 70, fol. Paris, 1677; Grotefend, in Ersch and Gruber's <hi rend="ital">Alg. Encyc.,</hi> under the letter C; Schneider, <hi rend="ital">Elementarlehre der
       Lateinischen Sprache,</hi> i. ], p. 233.)</p><p>In early times the name was trisyllabic, like the Greek <foreign xml:lang="grc">Γάϊος</foreign> (Catull. 10.30; <bibl n="Mart. 9.94">Mart. 9.94</bibl>, <bibl n="Mart. 11.37">11.37</bibl>; Stat. <hi rend="ital">Sylv.</hi> 4.9, 22), but, in times of
      less pure Latinity, it was pronounced as a dissyllable. (Auson. <hi rend="ital">Epig.</hi>
      75.) It had a meaning in ancient Latin, as in modern Tuscan, equivalent to the English <hi rend="ital">Gay,</hi> and was connected by etymologists with the Greek <foreign xml:lang="grc">γάω</foreign>, whence the names Caius and Caia were thought peculiarly
      appropriate to the marriage ceremony. " Caii dicti a gaudio parentum," says C. Titius Probus
      in his treatise <hi rend="ital">De Nominibus,</hi> &amp;c.</p><p>As Gaius is known by no other appellation, some have supposed that he had no other, but was
      either a freedman or a foreigner. Then as to his birthplace : some have fancied that he was a
      Greek, because he understood Greek; and some that, like Justinian, he was a native of
      Illyricum, because Justinian thrice calls him Gaius <hi rend="ital">noster.</hi> (Prooem.
      Inst. § 6, Inst. 4. tit. 18.5; Const. <hi rend="ital">Omnem.</hi> § 1.) Some have
      thought that Gaius was his gentile or family name, and, relying on the supposed authority of a
      manuscript of the <title>Breviarium Alaricianum,</title> or Westgothic <hi rend="ital">Lex
       Romana,</hi> have given him the praenomen Titus. The origin of this supposition is probably
      due to some passages in the <title>Corpus Juris</title> (e. g. Cod. 6. tit. 3. s. 9), where
      Gaius is employed as a fictitious name, and is found in connection with other fictitious
      names, as Titus, Titius, Lucius. Others, believing that Gaius was a praenomen, have attributed
      to him the cognomen Noster, because not only does Justinian in the passages we have cited so
      call him, but the phrase Gaius Noster is used by Pomponius in <bibl n="Dig. 45">Dig.
      45</bibl>. tit. 3. s. 39. It is scarcely necessary to say, that Noster in this form of
      expression usually refers to that literary intimacy with which we regard a favourite author.
      Yet, partly because Gaius is called by Justinian Noster, and partly on account of some
      passages in the mutilated and corrupted Westgothic compendium of the Institutes of Gaius,
      Vacca and other learned civilians inferred that Gaius was a Christian ! Some, not content with
      Noster, and misled by a false reading in Gellius (<bibl n="Gel. 2.4">2.4</bibl>), have given
      him the cognomen <pb n="197"/> Bassus, thus confounding him with Gabius Bassus the
      grammarian.</p><p>To proceed to less futile or more plausible conjectures, some have tried to identify Gaius
      with Laelius, or Laelius Felix, for both Gaius and Laelius Felix wrote notes on Q. Mucius
      Scaevola. (Gaius, 1.188; <bibl n="Gel. 15.27">Gel. 15.27</bibl>.) In favour of the compound
      Gaius Laelius Felix are quoted two passages from the Digest, in one of which (<bibl n="Dig. 5">Dig. 5</bibl>. tit. 3. s. 43) Gaius says, " Et <hi rend="ital">nostra quidem aetate</hi>
      Serapias, Alexandrina mulier, ad Divum Hadrianum perducta est cum quinque liberis, quos uno
      foetu enixa est ;" and in the other (<bibl n="Dig. 5">Dig. 5</bibl>. tit. 4. s. 3), Paulus
      reports, " Sed et Laelius scribit <hi rend="ital">se vidisse</hi> in Palatio mulierem liberam,
      quae ab Alexandria perducta est ut Hadriano ostenderetur, cum quinque liberis, ex quibus
      quatuor eodem tempore enixa (inquit) dicebatur, quintum post diem quadragesimum." A comparison
      of these passages is against the identity of Gaius and Laelius, for, not to mention the
      variation between their accounts, Laelius speaks more circumstantially, as an eye-witness,
      while Gaius writes as if mentioning a fact which he knew only from rumour. By the phrase <hi rend="ital">nostra aetate,</hi> he probably intends to denote that the extraordinary birth
      took place after he himself was born, but the words may have a wider acceptation, and refer to
      living memory generally.</p><p>It has been guessed that Gaius was closely connected by relationship with Pomponius, for, on
      the one hand, Pomponius calls Gains " Gaius noster" (<hi rend="ital">l.c.</hi>), and, on the
      other hand, Gaius calls Pomponius simply Sextus (Gaius, 2.218), but it is not certain that, in
      this last-cited passage, Pomponius is meant, and, if he be, Gaius is not singular in alluding
      to him by his praenomen simply, for Ulpian does the same. (<bibl n="Dig. 29">Dig. 29</bibl>.
      tit. 5. s.1.27.)</p><p>Two passages, which closely agree with fragments attributed in the Digest to the
       <title>Enchiridion</title> of Pomponius (<bibl n="Dig. 2">Dig. 2</bibl>. tit. 2. s. 2.22 and
      § 24), are cited by Joannes Lydus (<hi rend="ital">De Magistrat.</hi> 1.26 and 34), as
      from the commentary of Gaius on the Twelve Tables. From the contents of these passages, it is
      not unlikely that something of similar import would be inserted in an introduction to a
      commentary on the Twelve Tables, and that the agreement between Gaius and Pomponius may have
      been produced, not by the latter borrowing from the former, but by both borrowing from the
      same source, namely, M. Junius Gracchanus, who wrote upon the ancient magistracies of Rome.
       [<hi rend="smallcaps">GRACCHANUS.</hi>] But it is also not impossible, that in compiling from
      the title <title>De Origine Juris</title> (<bibl n="Dig. 1">Dig. 1</bibl>. tit. 2), Lydus may
      have seen the heading of the first fragment, which is taken from Gaius, and have overlooked
      the heading of the second, which is taken from Pomponius. Yet it must be admitted that he
      afterwards (1.48) cites as from Pomponius another passage taken from the same second fragment.
       (<bibl n="Dig. 1">Dig. 1</bibl>. tit. 2. s. 2.34.) The first fragment from Gaius, and the
      second from Pomponius, run together in sense, reading as if the former were the preface to the
      latter; and in this way, with the simple heading " Gaius li<hi rend="super">o</hi>. i<hi rend="super">o</hi>." they are introduced by Magister Vacarius <note anchored="true" place="margin">*
       Magister Vacarius taught the civil law in this country about the middle of the twelfth
       century, and, after being silenced by king Stephen, seems to have retired to the abbey <hi rend="ital">De Fontibus,</hi> by which we understand <hi rend="ital">Fountains</hi> Abbey,
       near Ripon, not, as Wenck imagines (p. 46. n. 6), an abbey at <hi rend="ital">Wells,</hi> in
       Somersetshire.</note> into his elementary work on Roman law. (Wenck, <hi rend="ital">Magister
       Vacarius,</hi> p. 91.)</p><p>One of the conjectures, which has found numerous supporters, is, that the full designation
      of Gains is C. Cassius Longinus, and that he is referred to by his praenomen simply, in order
      to distinguish him from an elder C. Cassius, the eminent follower of Capito and Masurius
      Sabinus, and the head of the Cassiani, a sect to which Gains adheres with strict devotion. C.
      Cassius is thrice cited in the Digest by his praenomen Gaius, --twice by Javolenus, <hi rend="ital">libro</hi> ii. <hi rend="ital">ex Cassio,</hi> in <bibl n="Dig. 35">Dig.
       35</bibl>. tit. 1. s. 54, and <hi rend="ital">libro</hi> xi. <hi rend="ital">ex Cassio,</hi>
      in <bibl n="Dig. 46">Dig. 46</bibl>. tit. 3.78,--and once by Julianus, in a passage where
      Sabinus and Gaius are coupled. (<bibl n="Dig. 24">Dig. 24</bibl>. tit. 3. s. 59.) Where
      Pomponius uses the expression " Gaius noster" (<bibl n="Dig. 45">Dig. 45</bibl>. tit. 3. s.
      39), it is not certain that C. Cassius was not meant, for Pomponius was one of the Cassiani.
      There is, however, strong reason for supposing that Pomponius refers to our Gaius, inasmuch as
      the fragment in which the expression occurs is taken from the 22nd book of Pomponius <hi rend="ital">ad Q. Mucium,</hi> and we know that Gaius speaks of a similar work of his own, "
       <hi rend="ital">In his libris, quos ex Q. Mucio fecimus</hi>" (2.188). Gaius himself always
      quotes C. Cassius simply as Cassius, not as C. Cassius. Servius (<hi rend="ital">ad Virg.
       Georg.</hi> 2.5.306, 307) says, " Apud majores omne mercimonium in permutatione constabat,
      quod et Gaius Homerico confirmat exemplo." Now, we find from Inst. 3. tit. 23.2, and from
       <bibl n="Dig. 18">Dig. 18</bibl>. tit. 1.1, that C. Cassius and Proculus quoted Homer (<bibl n="Hom. Il. 7.472">Hom. Il. 7.472</bibl>_<bibl n="Hom. Il. 7.475">475</bibl>) to prove that
      barter was a case of <hi rend="ital">emtio et venditio.</hi> But the very same lines are cited
      by Gaius (3.141 ), and they seem to have been a trite quotation among the earlier jurists of
      his school, so that it is doubtful whether our jurist or C. Cassius is referred to by Servius,
      the commentator on Virgil.</p><p>It would be useless to mention all the <hi rend="ital">niaiseries</hi> of those who have
      written on the age of Gaius. Some divide Gaius Juventius (<bibl n="Dig. 1">Dig. 1</bibl>. tit.
      2. s. 2.42) into two persons, and so make Gaius a disciple of L. Mucius; others perform the
      same division on Gaius Aulus Ofilius or Gaius Ateius Pacuvius <bibl n="Dig. 1">Dig. 1</bibl>.
      tit. 2. s. 2.44), and so make Gaius one of the disciples of Servius Sulpicius. But the most
      common error has consisted in the assignation of too late rather than too early a date ; and
      Hugo's authority (<hi rend="ital">Civilist. Mag.</hi> vol. ii. p. 358-378) for some time gave
      currency to the opinion which had previously been maintained by Racvardus and Conradi, that
      Gaius was a contemporary of Caracalla, who is designated in the Digest by the name of
      Antoninus. There are certainly some circumstances difficult to account for, which might
      naturally have led to this belief. The <ref target="phi-1251.001"><title>Institutiones</title></ref> of Gaius were an ordinary text book of instructions
      before the time when Justinian reformed the legal course appointed for students. Four <hi rend="ital">libri singulares</hi> of the same author (1. <hi rend="ital">De Re Uxoria, 2. De
       Tutelis/is,</hi> 3 and 4. <hi rend="ital">De Testamentis et Legatis</hi>) were similarly
      honoured as text books. Such parts of the <ref target="phi-1251.001"><title>Institutiones</title></ref> and the <title>Libri Singulares</title> as were thought
      to be of practical use were taught in the lectures of the professors, while other parts were
      passed over as antiquated. Why was it that Gaius should be <pb n="198"/> preferred for
      instruction to Papinian, Paulus, and Ulpian, unless he were a more modern and therefore, for
      some purposes, a more useful writer than those celebrated jurists? Why also, it has been
      asked, was Gaius, in preference to names as eminent as his, introduced into the Westgothic <hi rend="ital">Lex Romana?</hi> Why were the Institutes of Gains made to serve as a basis for
      those of Justinian, if it were not that nothing more applicable to the state of the law then
      in force were extant? The only answer that can be given to such inquiries is that good
      elementary works, when they take ground unoccupied before, are not easily dispossessed. Are
      not <hi rend="ital">Blackstone's Commentaries,</hi> and even <hi rend="ital">Coke on
       Littleton,</hi> still in the hands of English law students, notwithstanding the legislative
      changes which have superseded great parts of their contents? Later compilers content
      themselves with the path of those who have gone before; and we find in the fragments of an
      elementary work of Ulpian (the <title>Tituli ex Corpore Ulpiani</title> ), who is now known to
      have been posterior to Gaius, clear proof of the influence which the earlier jurist exercised
      over the writings of his successor.</p><p>A fact which has occasioned much surprise is, that Gaius is not once quoted in the Digest by
      any other jurist, unless we except the mention of his name in a passage of Pomponius (<bibl n="Dig. 45">Dig. 45</bibl>. tit. 3.39), which, as we have seen, may possibly refer to C.
      Cassius. The only probable explanation of this fact is that Gaius was rather a teacher of law
      than a practical jurist, whose opinions derived authority from imperial sanction. He was not
      one of the <quote xml:lang="la">prudentes quibus permissum est jura condere</quote> (Gaius,
      1.7). The jurists who were armed with that <hi rend="ital">jus respondendi,</hi> which was
      first bestowed by Augustus, partook of the emperor's prerogative, and their <hi rend="ital">responsa</hi> had a force independent of their intrinsic reasonableness, and superior to the
      best considered opinion of an unprivileged lawyer. Except in the case of a very few writers of
      the highest eminence in their profession, it would at this day be considered a breach of
      etiquette to cite the opinion of a modern legal author in an English court. For a privileged
      Roman jurist to refer to a mere teacher of law, however learned, or to an unauthorised, or
      rather, unprivileged practitioner, however experienced, would probably have been deemed as
      unprofessional as for an English barrister to cite in court a clever treatise written by a
      contemporary below the bar, instead of seeking his authorities in the decisions of judges, and
      in the dicta of the recognised sages of the law.</p><p>That this is the true explanation of the silence of other jurists with respect to Gaius may
      be inferred from a constitution of Theodosius II. and Valentinian III., despatched from
      Ravenna to the senate of Rome in <date when-custom="436">A. D. 436</date>. (Cod. Theod. 1. tit. 4.
      s. 3.) By that rescript the same authority is given to the writings of Gaius as to the
      writings of Papinian, Paulus, Ulpian, and Modestinus. Hence it may be inferred that Gaius was
      previously in a different and inferior position with respect to authority. <hi rend="ital">All</hi> the writings of these five jurists (with the exception, subsequently specified, of
      the <hi rend="ital">Notae</hi> of Paulus and Ulpian on Papinian) are invested with authority,
      as if to obviate the question as to the date when they were written, for a treatise written by
      a jurist before he received the <hi rend="ital">jus respondendi</hi> probably derived no legal
      force from the subsequent gift of that privilege to the author. This constitution proves the
      great importance that was attached to the citation of a legal writer by name in the work of
      another jurist, for it proceeds to make the citation of other writers by the five great
      jurists we have mentioned a test of the authority of the writers cited. If, for example, Gaius
      any where cites Julianus, the citation is to be taken as proof that Julianus is a writer of
      authority ; and legal force is given, not only to the passage or opinion of Julianus so cited,
      but to all the legal remains which can be proved to belong to Julianus, and which, upon a
      collation of manuscripts, present a certain text. The works of Papinian, Paulus, Gaius,
      Ulpian, and Modestinus (for such is the unchronological order in which these names are
      mentioned), together with the works of all the other jurists who are cited by any one of them,
      are made the criteria of legal science. If, in the works of ten jurists, passages can be found
      in favour of one opinion, and nine jurists only can be cited against the ten, the majority is
      to prevail. In case of an equality of opposite opinions, the opinion of Papinian is to
      prevail, if Papinian have expressed any opinion upon the subject. If not, the matter is left
      to the decision of the judge. There is no pre-eminence conferred on any other of the
      first-named five jurists over a jurist, as, for example, Julianus, who may have been cited by
      one of the five. Such appears to be the true interpretation of this celebrated citation-law,
      upon which the researches of Puchta (<hi rend="ital">Rhein. Mus. für Jurisp.</hi> vol. v.
      p. 141, and vol. vi. p. 87) have thrown important light.</p><p>Among the writings of Gaius are no <hi rend="ital">Quaestiones</hi> or <hi rend="ital">Responsa,</hi> which were the titles given by other jurists to treatises relating to cases
      that arose in their own practice. The <title>Liber de Casibus</title> of Gaius did not relate
      to cases within his own practice, and the cases it treated of were sometimes wholly
      fictitious. There is a passage in the Digest where Gaius speaks as if lie did not himself
      belong to the authoritative body of those whose opinion he criticises, " Miror under constare
      videatur, etc., nam ut apparet, etc." (<bibl n="Dig. 11">Dig. 11</bibl>. tit. 7. s. 9).</p><p>Gaius was probably born before Serapias was introduced to Hadrian (<hi rend="ital">aetate
       nostra</hi> ), and he wrote, or at least completed, his <ref target="phi-1251.001"><title>Institutiones</title></ref> in the reign of M. Aurelius. The proof of this is that
      Antoninus Pius is mentioned by him with the addition <hi rend="ital">Divus</hi> (2.195), and
      that he speaks of the law of <hi rend="ital">cretio,</hi> as it stood in the region of Marcus,
      before it was altered by a constitution of that emperor. (Compare Gaius, 2.177 with Ulpian,
       <hi rend="ital">Frag.</hi> 22.34.) In like manner, the statements made by Gaius in 3.23, 24,
      as to hardships in the law of succession which required the correction of the praetor's edict,
      could scarcely have been written after the senatus consultunm Tertullianum, made in the reign
      of M. Aurelius and Verus, <date when-custom="158">A. D. 158</date>, and still less after the senatus
      consultum Orphitianum, made in the reign of Marcus and Commodus, A. D. 178. (Compare Inst. 3.
      tit. 4. pr., and Capitolinus, in Marco. 11).</p><p>Some critics have been so nice as to infer that the beginning of the Institutes of Gaius was
      written under Antoninus Pius, and the remainder under M. Aurelius. In 1.53. the former emperor
      is termed <hi rend="ital">Sacratissimus Imperator Antoninus.</hi> So, in 1.102, we have " <hi rend="ital">Nunc ex epistola optimi Imperatoris Antonini,"</hi> and, in 2.126, " <hi rend="ital">Sed nuper imperator Antoninus significarit rescripto."</hi> The <pb n="199"/> "
      Imperator Antoninus" mentioned in 2.126 is not Caracalla, although the same rescript is
      erroneously cited by Justinian (Cod. 6. tit. 28. s. 4) as one of " <hi rend="ital">Magnus
       Antoninus,</hi> " which is the peculiar designation of Caracalla. In Nov. 78. 100.5,
      Justinian falls into an opposite error, in ascribing to Antoninus Pius an act of legislation
      which belongs to Caracalla. (<bibl n="D. C. 77.9">D. C. 77.9</bibl>.) It is not until after
      the middle of the second book of the Institutes of Gaius that Antoninus Pius is called
       Divus--<hi rend="ital">Hodie ex Divi Pii constitutione,</hi> 2.195. It appears to us that the
      inference founded on these <hi rend="ital">minutiae,</hi> though probable, is not free from
      doubt. In 1.7, and 1.30, Hadrian is called Divus Hadrianus. In 1.47, we have Hadrianus without
      the Divus. Again in 1.55, we have Divus Hadrianus, and the same epithet is applied to Hadrian
      in every other subsequent passage where his name occurs, except in 2.57. The mention of
      Antoninus without the epithet Divus in six passages may possibly have no deeper meaning than
      the similar mention of Hadrianus in 1.47 and 2.57. It would be rash to assert that we possess
      the Institutes of Gaius precisely as they proceeded from his hand in the first edition. The
      very passage in 1.53, where Antoninus appears to be spoken of as a living emperor with the
      epithet <hi rend="ital">sacratissimus</hi> is cited in the Digest (<bibl n="Dig. 1">Dig.
       1</bibl>. tit. 6. s. 1), and there we read " <hi rend="ital">ex constitutione</hi>
      <hi rend="smallcaps">DIVI</hi>
      <hi rend="ital">Antonini.</hi>" A comparison of this fragment, as it appears in the Digest,
      with the same passage as it stands in the text of Gaius, affords an instructive example of
      those slight interpolations (<hi rend="ital">emblemata</hi> ) and alterations, in which the
      compilers employed by Justinian indulged, and by means of which serious obstacles are opposed
      to the discovery of historical truth by means of minute verbal criticism. The hypothesis that
      the Institutes of Gaius, up to 2.151 (where we have for the last time Imperator Antoninus,
      without Divus), were written in the lifetime of the emperor Pius, is at variance with the
      probable conjecture of Göschen, who thinks that Gaius, in the lacuna preceding 1.197,
      treated of a constitution of Marcus.</p><p>There are other indications from which the age of Gaius may be closely inferred. The latest
      jurist whom he cites is Salvius Julianus, the composer of the <title>Edictum Perpetuum</title>
      under Hadrian ; and though there are no fewer than 535 extracts from his works in the Digest,
      he refers only to thirteen constitutions of emperors, and none of the constitutions lie refers
      to can be proved to be later than Antoninus Pius. It would appear from the inscriptions of the
      fragments s. 8 and s. 9, in <bibl n="Dig. 38">Dig. 38</bibl>. tit. 17, that he wrote a <hi rend="ital">liber singularis ad senatus consultum Tertullianum,</hi> and another <hi rend="ital">ad S. C. Orphitianum.</hi> This would bring his life to the last years of M.
      Aurelius; but as there is no mention of these treatises in the Florentine Index, and as
      treatises on the same subject were written by Paulus, it is not at all unlikely that, in the
      inscriptions we have mentioned, the name Gaius is put by mistake for Paulus. The Divus
      Antoninus mentioned by Gaius in the fragments <bibl n="Dig. 35">Dig. 35</bibl>. tit. 1. s. 90,
       <bibl n="Dig. 32">Dig. 32</bibl>. s. 96, <bibl n="Dig. 36">Dig. 36</bibl>. tit. 1. s. 63.5,
      and <bibl n="Dig. 31">Dig. 31</bibl>. s. 56, is, undoubtedly, not Caracalla, but Antoninus
      Pius. There is not a single passage in which it can be proved that Gaius refers to Caracalla.
      From a comparison of <bibl n="Dig. 24">Dig. 24</bibl>. tit. 1. s. 42 with <bibl n="Dig. 24">Dig. 24</bibl>. tit. 1. s. 32. pr., an attempt indeed has been made to identify the Prirceps
      Antoninus mentioned by Gaius in the former passage, with the Antoninus Augustus, Divi Severi
      filius, mentioned by Ulpian in the latter ; but though Caracalla, who is referred to by
      Ulpian, mitigated the law against donations between husband band and wife, it does not follow
      that Antoninus Pius may not previously have introduced the partial relaxation of which Gaius
      treats. In the time of Ulpian, there were already several constitutions upon the subject.
      (Ulpian. <hi rend="ital">Fragm.</hi> 7.1.)</p><p>We have said that Gaius was a devoted adherent of the school of Sabinus and Cassius. This is
      now clear beyond dispute from a great number of passages in his Institutes (1.196, 2.15, 37,
      79, 123, 195, 200, 217, 219-223, 231, 244, 3.87, 98, 103, 141, 167, 168, 177, 178, 4.78, 79,
      114). It had formerly been supposed by some that he belonged to the opposite school of
      Proculus -- a mistake occasioned chiefly by an erroneous interpretation of <bibl n="Dig. 40">Dig. 40</bibl>. tit. 4. s. 57. Mascovius and others were induced to rank him among the <hi rend="ital">Jurisconsulti</hi> [<ref target="capito-c-ateius-bio-2">CAPITO</ref>], on account
      of the phrase " <hi rend="ital">sententia media recle existimantium</hi> " (<bibl n="Dig. 41">Dig. 41</bibl>. tit. 1. s. 7.7), coupled within a few passages in the Digest (<bibl n="Dig. 17">Dig. 17</bibl>. tit. 1. s. 4, <bibl n="Dig. 22">Dig. 22</bibl>. tit. 1. s. 19),
      where, notwithstanding his general leaning to Cassius, he seems to follow the opinion of
      Proculus, or to quote Proculus with approbation.</p><p>Gaius was the author of numerous works. The following list is given in the Florentine Index
      :--</p><div><head>Works</head><div><head>1. <title xml:lang="la">Ad Edictum Provinciale,</title></head><p><title xml:lang="la">Ad Edictum Provinciale,</title><foreign xml:lang="grc">βιβλία λβ</foreign> [libri 32]. Number of extracts from this work
        in the Digest, <bibl n="Dig. 340">340</bibl>. It appears to have been completed in the
        lifetime of Antoninus Pius. (<bibl n="Dig. 24">Dig. 24</bibl>. tit. 1. s. 42, <bibl n="Dig. 2">Dig. 2</bibl>. tit. 1. s. 11.)</p></div><div><head>2. <title xml:lang="la">Ad Leges</title></head><p><title xml:lang="la">Ad Leges</title> [Juliam et Papiam Poppaeam], <foreign xml:lang="grc">βιβλία δεκαπέντε</foreign>. (The names added between brackets are the
        names as they appear in inscriptions of fragments in the Digest.) Number of extracts, 28.
        Gaius refers to this work in his Institutes (3.54). It seems to have been published after
        the death of Antoninus Pius. (<bibl n="Dig. 31">Dig. 31</bibl>. s. 56.)</p></div><div><head>3. <title xml:lang="la">Ad Edictum Urbicum</title></head><p><title xml:lang="la">Ad Edictum Urbicum</title> [praetoris urbani], <foreign xml:lang="grc">τὰ μόνα εὐρεθέντα βιβλία δέκα</foreign>. Extracts, 47. The <hi rend="ital">Edicti Interpretatio,</hi> which may have designated the work on the Provincial
        Edict, together with the work on the City Edict, is mentioned by Gaius in his Institutes
        (1.188), and was probably written in the reign of Antoninus Pius (<bibl n="Dig. 30">Dig.
         30</bibl>. s. 73.1). The work on the City Edict was divided into tituli, and the subjects
        of the books and tituli are occasionally cited in the inscriptions of fragments. Some of the
        tituli seem to have formed books by themselves (compare the inscriptions of <bibl n="Dig. 7">Dig. 7</bibl>. tit. 7. s. 4, <bibl n="Dig. 10">Dig. 10</bibl>. tit. 4. s. 13, <bibl n="Dig. 38">Dig. 38</bibl>. tit. 2. s. 30); others seem to have comprehended several books.
        There were at least two books <hi rend="ital">De Testamentis,</hi> and three <hi rend="ital">De Legatis</hi> (<bibl n="Dig. 28">Dig. 28</bibl>. tit. 5. s. 32 and s. 33, <bibl n="Dig. 30">Dig. 30</bibl>. s. 65, <bibl n="Dig. 30">Dig. 30</bibl>. s. 69, <bibl n="Dig. 30">Dig. 30</bibl>. s. 73).</p></div><div><head>4. <title xml:lang="la">Aureon</title></head><p><title xml:lang="la">Aureon</title> [Aureorum seu Rerum Quotidianarum], <foreign xml:lang="grc">βιβλία ἑπτά</foreign>. Extracts, 26. This work, treating of legal
        doctrines of general application and utility in every-day life, seems to have formed a
        compendium of practical law. The name <hi rend="ital">Aurea</hi> was probably a subsequent
        title, not proceeding from the author, bust given to the work on account of its value.
        Though, according to the Index Florentinus, it consisted of seven books, only three are
        cited in the Digest, whence some have conjectured that the last four books are identical
        with the Institutes <pb n="200"/> of Gaius. The preferable opinion, however, is, that the
         <title>Res Quotidianae</title> and the <ref target="phi-1251.001"><title>Institutiones,</title></ref> though they had much in common, were distinct works.
        (Savigny's <hi rend="ital">Zeitschrift,</hi> vol. i. p. 54-77; Hugo, <hi rend="ital">Civilist. May,.</hi> vol. vi. p. 228-264.) Justinian, in his Institutes, made considerable
        use of this <hi rend="ital">Golden Work</hi> (<title xml:id="phi-1251.004">Prooem.
         Inst.</title> § 6).</p></div><div><head>5. <foreign xml:lang="grc">Δοδεκαδέλτου</foreign></head><p><foreign xml:lang="grc">Δοδεκαδέλτου</foreign> (sic, sed qu. <foreign xml:lang="grc">Δυοδεκαδέλτου</foreign> vel <foreign xml:lang="grc">Δωδεκαδέλτου</foreign>) <foreign xml:lang="grc">βιβλία ἕξͅ</foreign>. Extracts, 20. This is the work, the beginning of
        which has been supposed, on account of the citations in Lydus, to resemble part of the
         <title>Enchiridion</title> of Pomponius, and to have borrowed some of its historical
        details from Gracchanus.</p></div><div><head>6. <title xml:id="phi-1251.001" xml:lang="la">Instituton</title> (<title xml:lang="la">Institutionum</title>)</head><p><ref target="phi-1251.001"><title xml:lang="la">Instituton</title></ref> (Institutionum),
         <foreign xml:lang="grc">βιβλία τέσσαρα</foreign>. Extracts, 14. An account of this
        famous work is given below.</p></div><div><head>7. <title xml:lang="la">De Verborum Obligationibus,</title></head><p><title xml:lang="la">De Verborum Obligationibus,</title><foreign xml:lang="grc">βιβλία γ</foreign>. Extracts, 12.</p></div><div><head>8. <title xml:lang="la">Die Manumissionibus,</title></head><p><title xml:lang="la">Die Manumissionibus,</title><foreign xml:lang="grc">βιβλία τρία</foreign> Extracts, 5.</p></div><div><head>9. <title xml:lang="la">Fideicommisson</title></head><p><title xml:lang="la">Fideicommisson</title> [Fideicommissorum], <foreign xml:lang="grc">βιβλία δύο</foreign>. Extracts, 12. This work was published after the death of Antoninus
        Pius. (<bibl n="Dig. 35">Dig. 35</bibl>. tit. 1. s. 90, <bibl n="Dig. 32">Dig. 32</bibl>. s.
        96, <bibl n="Dig. 36">Dig. 36</bibl>. tit. 1. s. 63.5.) A <hi rend="ital">Liber singularis
         de tacitis Fideicommissis,</hi> not mentioned in the Index, is cited, <bibl n="Dig. 34">Dig. 34</bibl>. tit. 9. s. 23.</p></div><div><head>10. <title xml:lang="la">De Casibus,</title></head><p><title xml:lang="la">De Casibus,</title><foreign xml:lang="grc">βιβλίον ἕν</foreign>. Extracts, 7. We have already explained
        the purport of this work.</p></div><div><head>11. <title xml:lang="la">Regulation</title></head><p><title xml:lang="la">Regulation</title> [Regularum], <foreign xml:lang="grc">βιβλίον
         ἕν</foreign>. There is but one extract from this work in the Digest (<bibl n="Dig. 1">Dig. 1</bibl>. tit. 7. s. 21), unless there is some error in the Index or in the
        inscriptions. Gaius appears to have written <hi rend="ital">another</hi> treatise in <hi rend="ital">three</hi> books on <hi rend="ital">Regulae,</hi> or rules of law. (<bibl n="Dig. 50">Dig. 50</bibl>. tit. 17. s. 100 ; <bibl n="Dig. 47">Dig. 47</bibl>. tit. 10. s.
        43.)</p></div><div><head>12. <title xml:lang="la">Dotalicion</title></head><p><title xml:lang="la">Dotalicion</title> [Dotaliciorum]. Though this work is mentioned in
        the Index, there is not a single extract from it in the Digest. It is probably the same with
        the <title>Liber singularis de Re Uxoria,</title> which was one of the four <hi rend="ital">libri singulares</hi> of Gaius, that were used for instruction in the law schools. (Const.
         <hi rend="ital">Omnem,</hi> § 1.) Of the other three libri singulares, unless they
        were extracted from the larger work on the edict, nothing is known.</p></div><div><head>13. <foreign xml:lang="grc">Ὑποθηκαρίας</foreign></head><p><foreign xml:lang="grc">Ὑποθηκαρίας</foreign> [Ad formulam hypothecariam], <foreign xml:lang="grc">βιβλίον ἕν</foreign>. Extracts, 6.</p></div><div><head>Other works</head><p>Besides other titles of works, which have been already incidentally mentioned as not
        inserted in the Florentine Index, we read Gaius, <hi rend="ital">ad Edictum Aedilium
         Curulium Libri duo,</hi> in the inscriptions of eleven fragments, and Gaius, <hi rend="ital">ad Legem Gliciam,</hi> in the inscription of <bibl n="Dig. 5">Dig. 5</bibl>.
        tit. 2. s. 4. Of the Lex Glicia no mention occurs elsewhere, and consequently the
        genuineness of the inscription has been doubted. (Bynkerschoeck. <hi rend="ital">Obs.</hi>
        2.12.)</p></div><div><head>Institute</head><p>Great as are the intrinsic merits of Gaius as a jurist, he yet owes some of his celebrity
        to the recent discovery of his genuine Institutes, in a state so nearly perfect, that the
        resuscitated treatise forms by far the most complete specimen in existence, of an original
        unmutilated work, which has survived the wreck of classical Roman jurisprudence.</p><p>It was a common practice in the middle ages to wash out the relics of antiquity, in order
        to economise the parchment on which they were written. When washing alone would not expunge
        the writing--as often happened in the case of manuscripts written on the once hairy side of
        the parchment--the characters were further scratched out with a knife. A father of the
        Church sometimes covered the pages which had before contained the works of some profane
        dramatist. Not unfrequently the parchment was a second time submitted to the same treatment.
        The father who had supplanted the dramatist was himself washed and rubbed out in order,
        peradventure, to give place to some scholastic doctor.</p><p>In the library of the Chapter at Verona is a codex formerly numbered xv., but now xiii.,
        containing a manuscript of the <title>Letters</title> of St. Jerome (Hieronymus), written
        over an older manuscript. Nearly one fourth part of the codex was <hi rend="ital">bis
         rescriptus,</hi> and where this was the case, it seems that St. Jerome had also been the
        second occupant. The manuscript first written on the parchment consisted of 251 pages, and
        each page of 24 lines. One leaf or two pages, 235 and 236, concerning Prescriptions and
        Interdicts, had been detached from the rest of the manuscript, and escaped being overlaid by
        St. Jerome. These two detached pages, together with four other pages detached from some
        other codex, and containing the fragment of an uncertain author <hi rend="ital">De Jure
         Fisci,</hi> had been found in the library of Verona before the year 1732, by the celebrated
        Scipio Maffei. He describes them in his <title xml:lang="la">Verona Illustrata, Parte
         Terza,</title> 100.7. p. 464 (8vo. Verona, 1732). In his <title xml:lang="la">Istoria
         Teologica</title> (fol. Trento, 1742,) the greater part of both fragments was first
        published, and in plate x. a facsimile was given of part of the writing of the fragment <hi rend="ital">De Interdictis.</hi> From the <title>Istoria Teologica,</title> part of this
        facsimile was copied and republished, not very accurately, in the <title>Nouxeau
         Traité de Diplomatique,</title> vol. iii. p. 208. tab. 46 (Paris, 1757). Maffei had
        observed a correspondence between the fragment <hi rend="ital">De Interdictis</hi> and the
        15th title of the 4th book of Justinian's Institutes; but, instead of recognizing Gaius,
        whose text was the basis of Justinian's work, he supposed that the leaf he had found was
        part of an interpretation or compendium of Justinian's Institutes, made by some later
        jurist. To Maffei, however, belongs the credit of having first given to the world two pages
        of the manuscript of the genuine Gaius.</p><p>It had not escaped the notice of Maffei that the manuscript of the letters of St. Jerome
        was a <hi rend="ital">codex rescriptus.</hi> This appears by his unpublished remarks in the
        Catalogue of the Library; but he did not know what the subject of the obliterated writing
        was, and was not aware of the connection between that manuscript and the detached leaf which
        had drawn his attention.</p><p>The fragment concerning Interdicts, published by Maffei, had not been unobserved by
        Haubold. He determined to recal it to the memory of German jurists, and prepared an essay
        for that purpose, which was published at Leipzig in 1816, under the title of <title xml:lang="la">Notitia Fragmenti Veronensis de Interdictis,</title> and is to be found in
        his collected <hi rend="ital">Opuscula,</hi> vol. ii. p. 327-346.</p><p>By chance, while the essay of Haubold was in preparation, but not yet published, in the
        year 1816, Niebuhr was despatched to Rome by the king of Prussia, as minister to the
        Apostolic See. On his way, he spent the greater part of two days in examining the cathedral
        library of Verona, and made wonderfully good use of his limited time. Beside copying the
        manuscript of the fragment <hi rend="ital">De Jure Fisci,</hi> he copied, fully and
        accurately, the fragment concerning Interdicts and Prescriptions. and did not hesitate to
        ascribe the latter fragment to its real author, Gaius. He proceeded to examine <pb n="201"/>
        <hi rend="ital">Codex</hi> xiii., and by means of the infusion of nutgalls, was able to
        decipher the 97th leaf of the obliterated writing, which he at once recognised as an
        important work of a most ancient jurist, whom he at first supposed to be Ulpian. The fruits
        of his researches he communicated by letter to Savigny, by whom they were printed in the
        third volume of the <title>Zeitschrift.</title> Savigny added a learned and acute commentary
        of his own, and put forward the felicitous conjecture, amply verified in the sequel, that
        the ancient text of codex xiii. contained the genuine Institutes of Gaius, and that the
        fragment concerning Prescriptions and Interdicts had formerly been a part of that codex.</p><p>The fame of this discovery was soon diffused among the jurists of the continent. In May,
        1817, the Royal Academy of Berlin despatched to Verona Göschen and Bekker, charged with
        the task of transcribing the manuscript, and the place of Bekker was shortly afterwards
        supplied by Bethmann Hollweg. With scrupulous accuracy did Göschen, assisted by
        Hollweg, fulfil his difficult commission. The original manuscript, in the opinion of the
        palaeographer Kopp (Savigny's <hi rend="ital">Zeitschrift,</hi> vol. iv. p. 475), was
        anterior to Justinian's legal reforms. The scribe, like the majority of legal writers in our
        own country at the present day, employed a great variety of contractions, and whole words
        were often expressed by initial letters. The old order of the leaves was much deranged.
        There were very few pages where the parchment had not been entirely written over, and, in
        more than 60 pages, it was <hi rend="ital">bis rescriptus.</hi> The new writing was in
        general directly over the old. In order to prepare the parchment, it had been washed,
        apparently bleached in the sun, and in some places scraped by a knife. Notwithstanding these
        difficulties, by far the greater portion of the Institutes of Gaius has been preserved to
        us. Probably not one tenth of the whole work is wanting. It is true that certain parts of
        the extant leaves resisted all attempts at decyphering, and that three leaves, namely, the
        leaf following p. 80, the leaf following p. 126, and the leaf following p. 194, are missing.
        The argument of the first missing leaf may be collected from the West Gothic <ref target="phi-1251.004"><title>Epitome,</title></ref> and the whole contents of the second
        missing leaf have been luckily preserved in an ancient extract, made by the author of the
         <title>Collatio Legum Rom. et Mos.,</title> but the loss of the third missing leaf is very
        tantalizing, for it doubtless contained some particulars relative to the old <hi rend="ital">legis actiones,</hi> which we are left without any means of supplying. A few of the gaps
        which are occasioned by the impossibility of decyphering are also very lamentable, for they
        occur in the most obscure parts of the work, -- in parts where the curiosity of the
        antiquary is raised highest, and all the ingenuity of conjecture possessed by the ablest
        critics has been unable satisfactorily to fill them up.</p><p>The decyphered volume was anxiously looked for. In 1819, the first printed sheet of it
        appeared, but not until <bibl>1821 was the first complete edition of the work brought out by
         Göschen</bibl>. Its publication excited an unusual sensation among the jurists of the
        continent. It was considered to form an era in the study of Roman Law. It was found to
        elucidate doubts, and clear up difficulties, before regarded as hopeless. By the true
        explanation it afforded, many an ingeniously constructed theory was demolished. Modern
        jurists were thus suddenly placed upon a vantage ground, from which they looked down upon
        their less fortunate predecessors. The authenticity of the discovered Institutes was beyond
        dispute. This was clear from internal evidence, which would prove a forger to have possessed
        miraculous knowledge and sagacity. The work was found to agree with the Institutes of
        Justinian, which were derived from it. It was the manifest source of the Gothic Epitome. It
        contained all the passages cited from the Institutes of Gaius in the Digest, in the
         <title>Collatio,</title> by Böethius (Ad Cic. <hi rend="ital">Topica,</hi> 3.5. sub
        fin.), and by Priscian (<hi rend="ital">Ars Gram.</hi> vi. sub fin.).</p><p>The Institutes of Gaius are thought to have been the first work of the kind, not a
        compilation from previous sources. As they became a popular manual at Rome, so are they
        perhaps to the modern student the best initiation into the Roman law, especially if they are
        read along with the Institutes of Justinian and the <title>Paraphrasis</title> of
        Theophilus. They are composed in a clear and terse style, which is well suited to a
        technical treatise, and does not often fail to satisfy the requisitions of pure Latinity.
        The author always has a meaning, and seldom expresses his meaning badly. The difficulties
        which occur in his Institutes usually depend either on our ignorance of collateral facts and
        legal rules, or upon a train of reasoning which demands attention, or upon distinctions
        which the intellect cannot comprehend without effort. Gaius is not a learned historian ; he
        seeks not the merit of a critical philologer, and does not push his logic so inconveniently
        as to assail the latent flaws of established law; but his history, his etymologies, and his
        logic bear a certain stamp of technical propriety They are good <hi rend="ital">enough</hi>
        for their purpose of assisting the memory, and facilitating the understanding of legal
        doctrine. He does not exhibit the details of refined philosophical analysis, and pursue with
        lucid order the prescriptions of scientific method; but yet the basis of his arrangement
        will appear, upon examination, to be solid and profound; and the sequence in which his
        subjects are treated has been found so practically satisfactory, that it has been received,
        with little alteration and improvement, by the majority of those who have followed in his
        track. " Omne jus quo utimur, vel ad personas pertinet, vel ad res, vel ad actiones." This
        celebrated division rests on the notion of a <hi rend="ital">subject,</hi> an <hi rend="ital">object,</hi> and a <hi rend="ital">copula,</hi> connecting the subject with the
        object. Thinkers had not failed to dwell on the elementary distinction between a man and all
        that was not himself. They had seen that the relations between a man and the rest of the
        universe were changed and modified by his own acts and by external events. In the schools of
        philosophy, these considerations had led to divisions of human knowledge, analogous to the
        threefold division of law laid down by Gaius. Our author, however, seems to have contented
        himself with general notions, and not to have formed in his own mind any precise definition
        of the boundaries between the law relating to persons, the law relating to things and the
        law relating to actions. The order of his Institutes may be accounted for by some such
        analysis as the following:--Law treats of rights. Differences of rights result from
        permanent differences in those who possess rights--the subject of right--<hi rend="ital">persons ;</hi> and also from differences in that over which rights are exercised--the
        objects of right--<hi rend="ital">things.</hi> Besides the varieties of rights attributable
         <pb n="202"/> butable to permanent differences in persons, and natural or conventional
        differences in things, there are new and altered rights, which arise from external events
        and from voluntary acts. Of external events, death, which necessitates the devolution of
        property by <hi rend="ital">succession,</hi> is in law of the utmost importance. From the
        voluntary legal dealings of men, and other changes of the circumstances in which they are
        placed, result transitory and particular rights of various kinds, with their corresponding
         <hi rend="ital">obligations.</hi> Further, in order to redress any violation of those
        earlier rights, which alone would have to be considered, if men acted legally, the law
        establishes secondary rights--remedies for violation of right, and rights of action. The
        first book of the Institutes of Gaius treats of the distinctions of persons. In this it
        follows the genius of the Roman law, which owes much of its distinctive character to the
        great legal differences that originally subsisted between different classes of men. There
        are systems of jurisprudence in which it might perhaps be better to begin with an <hi rend="ital">average</hi> law, not resting on peculiarities of class or <hi rend="ital">status.</hi> Rights commonly rest, in modern systems, on an average level, from which the
        student may rise or sink to those inequalities of surface which depend on anomalous
        distinctions; but the law of Rome may rather be compared to a country which has its surface
        disposed in separate platforms or terraces of considerable extent. Gaius first considers men
        as free (<hi rend="ital">liberi</hi> ) or slaves (<hi rend="ital">servi</hi>); freemen he
        subdivides into <hi rend="ital">ingenui</hi> and <hi rend="ital">libertini ;</hi> and <hi rend="ital">libertini</hi> he distinguishes as they are <hi rend="ital">cives Romani,</hi>
        aut <hi rend="ital">Latini,</hi> aut <hi rend="ital">Dediticiorum numero.</hi> Here
        naturally he speaks of manumissions. Next, following a division which crosses the former, he
        divides <hi rend="ital">personae</hi> into those who are <hi rend="ital">sui juris,</hi> and
        those who are <hi rend="ital">alieno juri subjectae.</hi> Under the latter head he speaks of
        the child <hi rend="ital">in potestate parentis,</hi> of the wife <hi rend="ital">in manu
         mariti,</hi> of the slave <hi rend="ital">in mancipio domini.</hi> Persons who are <hi rend="ital">sui juris</hi> are divided into those who are under <hi rend="ital">tutela,</hi> those who are under <hi rend="ital">cura,</hi> and those who are under
        neither <hi rend="ital">tutela</hi> nor <hi rend="ital">cura.</hi> With the second book
        begins the law, <hi rend="ital">quod ad res perlinet.</hi> Some things are <hi rend="ital">divini juris,</hi> others <hi rend="ital">humani juris;</hi> some, again, are <hi rend="ital">corporales,</hi> some <hi rend="ital">incorporales.</hi> After explaining these
        distinctions, Gaius proceeds to the distinction of things into <hi rend="ital">res
         mancipi</hi> and <hi rend="ital">res nec mancipi.</hi> From the latter distinction (which
        depends upon technical rules relating to the mode of transferring property), he goes on to
        investigate the various modes of acquiring and transferring <hi rend="ital">singulae
         res,</hi> as opposed to the acquisition and devolution of property <hi rend="ital">in a
         lump.</hi> He is then naturally led to consider <hi rend="ital">quibus modis per
         universitatem res nobis acquiruntur,</hi> and herein, to treat of <hi rend="ital">hereditas.</hi> He treats of testate succession before intestacy, and arranges under the
        former head, as a kind of appendix, the law of legacies (<hi rend="ital">legata</hi>) and
         <hi rend="ital">fideicommissa;</hi> for though these are not proper examples of <hi rend="ital">acquisitio per universitatem,</hi> they cannot be conveniently separated from
        the law of <hi rend="ital">hereditas.</hi> The third book begins with the law of intestate
        succession, and proceeds (3.88) to the doctrine of <hi rend="ital">obligationes.</hi> There
        has been great controversy among modern jurists whether <hi rend="ital">the law relating to
         actions</hi> does not begin where <hi rend="ital">obligationes</hi> are first introduced to
        our notice. The great modern maintainer of the proposition that the law of actions commences
        with <hi rend="ital">obligationes</hi> was the late Hugo, who discussed the subject at large
        in his <title xml:lang="la">Civilist. Mag.</title> (vol. iv. p. 1, and vol. v. p. 385), and
        returned to his favourite proposition in one of his latest essays. (<hi rend="ital">Götting. Gelethre Anzeigen,</hi> 1840, p. 1033-1039.) He has undoubtedly in his
        favour the express declaration of Theophilus (3.14. pr., and 4.6, init.), but the opposite
        view (adopted by Vinnius, Thibaut, and others), which ranks <hi rend="ital">obligationes</hi> with <hi rend="ital">res,</hi> appears to be more in accordance with the
        form of the Institutes of Gaius. After treating of corporeal things--things which entitle
        their owner to the name of <hi rend="ital">dominus</hi>--Gaius passes easily to <hi rend="ital">obligationes,</hi> which are <hi rend="ital">res incorporates,</hi> and give
        name to a kind of ownership distinct from <hi rend="ital">dominium.</hi> The word <hi rend="ital">obligatio</hi> properly expresses the <hi rend="ital">connection</hi> between
        the person who has a right and the person who owes the corresponding duty; hence, in
        ordinary language, its meaning has been transferred to denote the <hi rend="ital">duty,</hi>
        whereas in legal phraseology it is often employed to signify the <hi rend="ital">right.</hi>
        It is not unlikely that, from the close relationship between the law of <hi rend="ital">obligationes</hi> and the law of actions, and from the ambiguity of the word <hi rend="ital">actio,</hi> which may apply to acts unconnected with judicial procedure, Gaius,
        and other jurists who succeeded him, may have avoided any precise definition of their grand
        division of law, and have placed <hi rend="ital">obligationes</hi> in an intermediate
        situation, where they might be held to occupy an independent territory, or whence they might
        be transferred to the territory either of <hi rend="ital">res</hi> or of <hi rend="ital">actiones,</hi> as convenience might dictate. It we class them with res, we must admit that
        they require special and separate attention, seeing that they are differently created,
        transferred, and ended from other res. The <foreign xml:lang="la">summa divisio</foreign> of
         <foreign xml:lang="la">obligationes</foreign> is into two species--<hi rend="ital">obligatio ex contractu,</hi> and <hi rend="ital">obligatio ex delicto</hi> (3.88). In this
        Gaius differed from the Institutes of Justinian, which, out of the anomalous <hi rend="ital">obligationes</hi> that remain, make two other general species, namely, <hi rend="ital">obligationes quasi ex contractu</hi> and <hi rend="ital">obligationes quasi ex
         delicto.</hi> Of <hi rend="ital">obligationes ex contractu</hi> there are four kinds : <hi rend="ital">re contrahuntur, aut verbis, aut literis, aut consensu</hi> (3.89). Of <hi rend="ital">obligationes ex delicto,</hi> Gaius also instances four kinds : <hi rend="ital">veluti si quis furtum fecerit, bona rapuerit, damnum dederit, injuriam commiserit</hi>
        (3.182). With the fourth and last book Gaius begins the law of actions, as connected with
        judicial procedure. After the general division of <hi rend="ital">actiones</hi> into <hi rend="ital">actiones in rem</hi> and <hi rend="ital">actiones in personam,</hi> he treats
        of the ancient <hi rend="ital">legis actiones</hi> and of <hi rend="ital">formulae,
         exceptiones,</hi> and <hi rend="ital">praescriptiones,</hi> and he gives an account of the
        several kinds of <hi rend="ital">interdicta.</hi> With these topics are mingled various
        rules of law relating to different branches of judicial procedure.</p><p>The above is an imperfect sketch of the topics handled in the Institutes of Gaius. As to
        his mode of handling them, it is to be observed, that he treats rather of the <hi rend="ital">dynamics</hi> than of the <hi rend="ital">staties</hi> of law,--rather of those
        events <hi rend="ital">or forces</hi> by which classes of rights begin, are modified or
        terminate, than of those rights and duties which accompany a given <hi rend="ital">stationary</hi> legal relation. Thus, in treating of the <hi rend="ital">jus quod ad
         personas pertinet,</hi> when he comes to the <hi rend="ital">patria potestas,</hi> it is
        not his object to explain the mutual rights and duties of parents and children, but to point
        out the cases and events in which those rights and duties arise or cease.</p><div><head>Editions</head><p>A new edition of this work was loudly called for when <bibl>the first edition of
          1821</bibl> was exhausted, and in 1824 Blume made a fresh collation of codex <pb n="203"/>
         xiii., and the result of his renewed examination was given to the world by
          <bibl>Göschen, in the celebrated edition of 1824</bibl>. <bibl>An improved reprint of
          this edition, by Lachmann, was published in 1842</bibl>, the editor having completed a
         critical revision, which had been interrupted by the death of Göschen. This third <hi rend="ital">editio Goescheniana</hi> is at present the <hi rend="ital">editio
         optima.</hi></p><p>The civilians of the continent have, from the first publication of Gaius, laboured
         assiduously in interpreting the text, in composing dissertations on the doctrines contained
         in it, and in conjectural supply of the <hi rend="ital">lacunae,</hi> but no edition of the
         whole work with a good commentary has yet appeared. <bibl>The commentary of Van Assen (Ed.
          2d. Lug. Bat. 1838) extends only to the first book</bibl>. <bibl>Heffter's edition of the
          fourth book, with commentary (4to. Berlin, 1827), is valuable</bibl>. Heffter's edition of
         the entire work, without commentary, was originally intended to form the first part of the
         Bonn (<hi rend="ital">Corp. Jur. Antejust.,</hi> but all the copies of this edition have
         been long since exhausted, and its place has been supplied by an edition superintended by
         Lachmann. In <bibl>Klenze and Böcking's <ref target="phi-1251.004"><title>Gaii et
            Justiniani Institutiones</title></ref> (4to. Berlin, 1829)</bibl>, the texts of the two
         elementary works are placed side by side, but Gaius is made to yield to the order adopted
         by Justinian. <bibl>Böcking's latest edition of the Institutes of Gaius (12mo. Bonn,
          1841) is convenient and useful</bibl>.</p></div><div><head>Bibliography</head><p>Böcking in the preface of his 1841 edition gives a list of dissertations and other
         publications which illustrate his author. The most valuable of these is the learned and
         imaginative Huschke's essay, <hi rend="ital">Zur Kritik und Interpretation von Gaius
          Institutionen,</hi> in his <title xml:lang="la">Studien des Rö/m. Rechts</title>
         (8vo. Breslau. 1830). Further information on the literature connected with Gaius may be
         found in Haubold's <hi rend="ital">Instit. Jur. Rom. Priv. Lineam.</hi> p. 151. n. (oo), p.
         505 (8vo. Lips. 1826), and in Mackeldey's <hi rend="ital">Lehrbuch des Röm.
          Rechts,</hi> p. 52, n. (<hi rend="ital">b</hi>) (12th ed. Gessen. 1842). There is a German
         translation of the first book, with copious notes of little merit, by Von Brockdorff (8vo.
         Schles. 1824). There are French translations of the whole work by Boulet (Paris, 1826),
         Domenget (1843), and Pellat (1844). From the forthcoming volume of notes and commentary, by
         the last-mentioned eminent professor, much is expected.</p></div></div><div><head><title xml:lang="la">Lex Romana Wisigothorum</title></head><p>In the <title xml:lang="la">Lex Romana Wisigothorum,</title> published under Alaric II. in
         <date when-custom="506">A. D. 506</date>, for the use of the Roman subjects of the Westgothic
        kingdom, the Institutes of Gaius appear, remodelled in barbarous fashion. They have been
        worse treated than the Theodosian Code and other legal works introduced into the same
        collection; for while a barbarous interpretation (<hi rend="ital">scintilla</hi>) was
        subjoined to the text of the other works, Gaius was found to be so full of antiquated law,
        that his text, in its original state, would have been unsuitable to the character of the
        times. Accordingly, it was so altered and mutilated as not to want an <hi rend="ital">interpretatio.</hi> The Gothic Epitome of Gaius, disfigured and imperfect as it is, is now
        of little use, since the discovery of the genuine Institutes, except for the purpose of
        understanding ancient quotations made from it, and of assisting in the restoration of the
        valuable original. It consists, according to the ordinary division (for the manuscripts vary
        in this point), of two books, and contains no abstract of the fourth book of the genuine
        Gaius, concerning actions. It has been ably commented upon by <bibl>Schulting, who gives a
         selection from the notes of preceding commentators (<hi rend="ital">Jurisp. Antejust.</hi>
         p. 1-186)</bibl>, and by <bibl>Meerman (<hi rend="ital">Thesaurus,</hi> vol. vii. p.
         669-686)</bibl>. It is edited by <bibl>Haubold in the Berlin <hi rend="ital">Jus. Civ.
          Ante-Just.</hi></bibl> and by <bibl>Böcking in the Bonn <hi rend="ital">Corp. Jur.
          Ante-J.</hi></bibl></p></div><div><head><title xml:lang="la">Lex Romana Utinensis,</title></head><p>The <title>Breviarium,</title> or <title>Lex Rom. Wisig.,</title> has been itself the
        theme of a corrupt abridgment of the second order, in base Italian Latin, interesting,
        perhaps, to a philological student. Those who are anxious to see to what extent an ancient
        monument may be defaced and deformed, may consult the <title xml:lang="la">Lex Romana
         Utinensis,</title> at the end of the fourth volume of Canciani's <hi rend="ital">Leges
         Barbarorum.</hi> The following may be taken as a favourable specimen :--" Incipit liber
        Gagii i. Interpr. Ingenuorum statum unum est. Nam libertorum vero trea genera sunt. Injenui
        vero stint, qui de injenuos parents nascuntur. Liberti sunt, sicut jam diximus,trea genera :
        hoc est, cive Romanum, et Latine, et Divicicii." </p></div></div><byline>[<ref target="author.J.T.G">J.T.G</ref>]</byline></div></div></body></text></TEI>
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